Bibliographies thématiques / Politica usa

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Politica usa »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Politica usa"

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Rojas Velásquez, Libardo, et Jakeline Sierra Chavarro. « Política de descentralización y sector educativo en el departamento del Huila ». Revista de Economía Institucional 23, no 45 (1 juillet 2021) : 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/01245996.v23n45.14.

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Este articulo analiza el impacto de la politica de descentralizacion en el sector educativo del departamento del Huila. Usa datos de panel sobre descentralización fiscal, administrativa y politica, asi como de cobertura educativa y calidad educativa de todos sus municipios en el periodo 2005-2015. Los resultados muestran que la cobertura educativa tiene una relación positiva con la descentralización administrativa, y que la descentralización fiscal, administrativa y politica contribuye a mejorar la calidad de la educacion municipal.
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Durand, Jorge. « Le asimmetrie del potere. Politiche migratorie fra Messico e Stati Uniti ». MONDI MIGRANTI, no 2 (octobre 2009) : 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mm2009-002004.

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Nel corso degli ultimi 100 anni l'azione politica del Messico ha attraversato cinque fasi: i primi decenni del ventesimo secolo con l'attuazione di interventi finalizzati a dissuadere i potenziali migranti dal lasciare il Messico; una politica di negoziazione durante e dopo la seconda guerra mondiale; un approccio orientato al "laissez faire" negli anni '70 ed '80, una politica della "limitazione dei danni" negli anni '90; infine le proposte ed i discorsi centrati sulla "responsabilitŕ condivisa". Questo contributo esamina ogni fase e come queste abbiano dato forma alle contemporanee modalitŕ di relazione tra gli Usa ed il Messico in relazione ai processi migratori e alla direzione delle politiche migratorie del Messico.
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Casolari, Marzia. « EQUILIBRI MUTEVOLI NELLA POLITICA ESTERA DELL'INDIA : FATTORI INTERNAZIONALI E INTERNI IN GIOCO ». Il Politico 254, no 1 (7 juin 2021) : 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2021.559.

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Dalla seconda vittoria elettorale di Narendra Modi, nel maggio 2019, le relazioni bilaterali USA-India sono state segnate da una cordialità senza precedenti toni. "Howdy, Modi!" è stato lo slogan usato alla cerimonia di ricevimento tenuta dal presidente Trump al Houston Strong Stadium il 22 settembre 2019, per accogliere il primo ministro indiano Narendra Modi, in visita negli Stati Uniti. In questa occasione, per la prima volta nelle relazioni bilaterali USA-India un presidente degli Stati Uniti ha elogiato sontuosamente un primo ministro indiano. Trump ha descritto Modi come un "amico leale" e ha celebrato i suoi risultati, in particolare "l'incredibile numero" di quasi 300 milioni di persone sollevate dalla povertà e 140 milioni di indiani elevati al rango di classe media. Trump ha sottolineato il processo elettorale democratico dell'India e i suoi tratti comuni comuni con la democrazia americana.
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Fantacci, Giovanni, et Michael G. Koch. « Lotta alla droga : la svizzera un modello ? Prospettive dell’epidemiologia comparata ». Medicina e Morale 49, no 5 (31 octobre 2000) : 909–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.2000.770.

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Il modello svizzero di politica in materia di droga è oggetto di discussione nel mondo intero. Scalpore ha suscitato soprattutto il progetto di prescrizione medica di eroina ai tossicodipendenti cronici di lunga data. Ma qual è in effetti la politica applicata in Svizzera in materia di droga? Quanti sono realmente i tossicodipendenti? La prescrizione di eroina ha davvero ridimensionato il mercato della droga? E i tossicodipendenti cronici ammessi al programma sono davvero giovati di questa politica? In base ai dati ufficiali e a un confronto con e politiche applicate in Europa, In Svezia e negli Usa gli autori constatano che il modello svizzero è stato un insuccesso. La politica permissiva della Svizzera ha avuto per risultato un incremento del consumo di droga, specie tra i giovani. Essa ha creato i consumatori dei prossimi decenni. Nessun indicatore (per es. il numero di denunce pe infrazione della Legge sugli stupefacenti o le quantità sequestrate di droga) fa intravedere un ridimensionamento del fenomeno della tossicodipendenza. Il numero dei morti per droga sale allorché si tollerano le “scene aperte” e cala invece l’azione repressiva della polizia.
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Pianta, Mario. « Fai la macroeconomia giusta : le molte ragioni del libro di Paul Krugman fuori da questa crisi, adesso ! » QA Rivista dell'Associazione Rossi-Doria, no 4 (janvier 2013) : 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qu2012-004005.

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Fai la macroeconomia giusta: le molte ragioni del libro di Paul Krugman Fuori da questa crisi, adesso! L'analisi della crisi e le proposte di politica economica avanzate nel nuovo libro di Paul Krugman sono esaminate sul piano delle idee e del ruolo dei governi. Il volume riprende l'approccio di Keynes, arricchito dei contributi di economisti come Fisher, Kalecki e Minsky, e offre un quadro convincente degli aspetti macroeconomici. Si affrontano le questioni della domanda, della politica monetaria e le misure di austeritŕ che hanno aggravato la depressione in Usa ed Europa. L'analisi di Krugman, tuttavia, trascura i problemi dell'apertura internazionale, del sistema produttivo e della distribuzione del reddito. Sono discusse infine le lezioni che si possono trarre per l'Europa e l'Italia.
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Caciagli, Mario. « IL CLIENTELISMO NEL TERZO MONDO ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 19, no 2 (août 1989) : 321–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200012958.

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IntroduzioneRiscoperto dall'antropologia negli anni cinquanta, il clientelismo è stato ormai recepito come consolidata categoria analistica dalle altre scienze sociali, in particolare dalla scienza politica, dove si è venuto definitivamente affermando negli ultimi vent'anni. Serve a studiare rapporti informali di potere, basati sullo scambio di favori fra due persone (ma anche fra due gruppi) in posizione diseguale, ciascuna interessata ad un alleato più forte o più debole. È stato definito come un «rapporto diadico» (Scott 1972; Landé 1973), in virtù del quale una persona di status più elevato(patrono) usa la sua influenza e le sue risorse per procurare protezione e benefici ad una persona di status inferiore (cliente), che ricambia offrendo sostegno o servizi.
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Herliana, Emmelia Tricia. « PENERAPAN KONSEP TRIAS POLITICA PADA MORFOLOGI DAN TIPOLOGI KOTA WASHINGTON, D. C. DAN CANBERRA ». Jurnal Arsitektur KOMPOSISI 11, no 3 (1 mai 2017) : 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.24002/jars.v10i4.1101.

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Abstract: City planning is intended to create better living environment for its residents. A city is ‘a living laboratory’ that can be learned by people from different nations and cultures or even by the next generation, particularly by the next city planners. The morphology and typology of Washington, D.C. and Canberra, as federal capital cities of the central government, are determined by the early phase of planning, in which the planners interpreted the concept of the power system that each government has and implemented it to the structure of city. This study has an aim to oversee and compare the implementation of governmental power system in USA and Australia to the urban structure of their civic center. Both of them are democratic nations, which apply the concept of “Trias Politica”, and this concept is implemented within the morphological and typological structure of the capital cities. The method to discuss this topic is, firstly, by describe the history of city planning and design of the two cities. Secondly, the difference of the implementation of “Trias Politica” concept to the basic concept of planning and to the elements of morphology and typology of each city is analyzed. Thirdly, the conclusion of previous discussion is configured. The result of this study is a comparison of the implementation of the concept in differentiating power of legislative, executive, and judicative to the city planning which applied Baroque and Beaux-Arts ideas on Washington, D.C. and Canberra.Keywords: Morphology, typology, capital city, civic center, “Trias Politica”Abstrak: Perencanaan kota bertujuan untuk menciptakan lingkungan bermukim yang lebih baik bagi penduduk kota. Kota yang direncanakan dengan baik diharapkan akan dapat berfungsi dengan baik pula. Morfologi dan tipologi Kota Washington, D.C. dan Canberra, yang berfungsi sebagai ibukota pusat pemerintahan, sangat ditentukan oleh bagaimana para perencana dan perancang kota sejak awal menterjemahkan sistem kekuasaan yang dianut oleh pemerintah negara tersebut ke dalam struktur kota. Studi ini bertujuan untuk melihat dan membandingkan bagaimana konsep yang dianut oleh kedua negara, yaitu United State of America dan Australia, di dalam menjalankan kehidupan bernegara yang menerapkan paham demokrasi, yaitu konsep “Trias Politica”, diterapkan pada struktur morfologi dan tipologi ibukota kedua negara. Metoda pembahasan yang digunakan adalah dengan menguraikan sejarah perencanaan dan perancangan kota Washington, D. C. dan Canberra, menganalisis perbedaan penerapan konsep “Trias Politica” pada konsep dasar perancangan dan unsur-unsur morfologi dan tipologi masing-masing kota, serta menarik kesimpulan dari pembahasan tersebut. Hasil dari studi ini berupa perbandingan penerapan konsep pembagian kekuasaan pada paham demokrasi melalui perancangan kota yang menerapkan gagasan Baroque dan Beaux-Arts pada kota Washington, D.C. dan Canberra. Studi ini dapat dijadikan sebagai bahan pembelajaran dan dapat diambil maknanya apabila para perencana dan perancang kota dihadapkan pada permasalahan di dalam merencana dan merancang kota atau mengevaluasi perencanaan dan perancangan yang sudah ada.Kata kunci: Morfologi, tipologi, ibukota, pusat pemerintahan, “Trias Politica”
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AGUIRRE, BASILIA, et FABIANA DA CUNHA SADDI. « A fantasia política ou a política da fantasia ? » Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 18, no 2 (juin 1998) : 362–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571998-1275.

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RESUMO Este artigo é uma resposta ao comentário de Velloso ao nosso artigo publicado anteriormente sobre o II PND. Discordamos de Velloso em seu contra-argumento às nossas conclusões, pois o comentário não melhorou a discussão nem trouxe novos dados que desmentem nossas descobertas.
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Varriale, Francesco. « La politica estera italiana e la Cina durante la guerra civile fra Kuomintang e comunisti (1945-1949) ». MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no 1 (mai 2009) : 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001001.

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- According to the author, after the Second World War, Italy was too weak to build an autonomous foreign policy in China or to influence the conflict between Communists and Nationalists. However, Italian diplomacy, especially the Italian ambassador in China Sergio Fenoaltea, tried to have his own vision of the Chinese Civil War and to take advantage of the weakness of Italy to establish a good relationship with the Kuomintang government: China was a great power, especially at the United Nations, and it could be very important for the future of Italy. Furthermore, Fenoaltea criticized Marshall's mediation between the Communists and the Nationalists along with the American endorsement of Jiang Jieshi. From the perspective of the Italian ambassador, the USA was not able to understand the situation in China or to support a really democratic force. Finally, Italian diplomats in China tried to be equidistant between the two parties acting during the Civil War to protect the little Italian community in China and to not impair the possibility of a pacific and positive relationship with the future winner of the Civil War. Key words: Italy-China relationship, Italian foreign policy, ambassador Fenoaltea, Chinese Civil War, international politics, Communists and Kuomintang.
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PIAIA, Gregorio. « Dalla Politica di Aristotele all''averroismo politico'. Una vicenda paradossale // From Aristotle's Politics to 'Political Averroism'. A Curious Story ». Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge, no 3 (31 mars 2018) : 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v0i3.10768.

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A partire dal primo Novecento si è diffuso il concetto di ‘averroismo politico’, con riferimento soprattutto a Dante Alighieri e a Marsilio da Padova. Di questo concetto, che presenta forti motivazioni di ordine teorico e ideologico, viene qui ricostruita la genesi più remota, che si può ricondurre essenzialmente a due elementi: il ruolo centrale occupato dalla riflessione politica in seguito alla Rivoluzione francese e l’assunzione di Averroè a figura-simbolo, anticipatrice del razionalismo moderno. // From the early twentieth century onwards, the concept of ‘political Averroism’ has become widespread, especially with reference to Dante Alighieri and to Marsilius of Padua. It is our intention here to establish and delineate the remotest origin of this concept, which can be fundamentally traced back to two elements: the central role accorded to political reflection as a consequence of the French Revolution, and the adoption of Averroes as a symbol and figure anticipating modern rationalism.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Politica usa"

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Babayan, Nelli. « Wandering in Twilight ? Democracy Promotion by the EU and the USA and Democratization in Armenia ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368301.

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Although democracy promotion initiatives have spread around the world and supported transition, many countries have fallen back into autocracy or stalled on their way to democracy. However, the events in the Middle East and Northern Africa have revitalised the issue of democratization. On the other hand, this cry for democracy seems to be homegrown, casting doubts about the efficacy of external democracy promotion. Nevertheless, stalled and setback democracies cannot be blamed solely on the flawed strategies of democracy promoters or autocratic stubbornness of democracy targets. Similarly, labelling democracy promotion as “the grand failure†of the West is an argumentative overstretch, which lacks any practical application. This dissertation argues that democracy can be achieved from outside, but the obstacles associated with it are more serious than anticipated by promoters. More specifically, the chances of liberal democracy being exported from outside will increase provided the utility of domestic adaptation to democracy is at least moderate, promoters are actively involved in resolution of pressing national issues, and there is no regional actor that blocks democracy and receives support for its policies from the target country. By structurally and conceptually expanding Schimmelfennig’s international socialization framework, this study develops an analytical framework to decipher mechanisms, strategies, and subsequent outcomes of democracy promotion and democratization. While applied to Armenia, the proposed framework is a useful reference for both academics and practitioners as it provides tools for researching the outcome of democracy and democratization and provides policy recommendations. This dissertation introduces the concept of democracy blocker—a powerful authoritarian regional actor capable and willing to influence domestic policy choices of a democracy promotion target in order to block democratization. This study also makes an empirical contribution by comparing democracy promotion policies in a country that has long been neglected by the academic literature. Using process-tracing, within-case, and before-after analyses, this study compares democracy promotion policies of the EU and the USA within three different target-sectors in Armenia. The analysis of three different target-sectors of democracy promotion—elections, parties, and the media—shows democratic transformation on the macro level of a country and micro level of specific sectors. This study argues that increased political and economic interdependence and interconnectedness of different realms within a democratizing country has led to merging of international democracy promotion and domestic democratization. In addition, the mere adoption of a law or a code of conduct does not guarantee the establishment of democracy and democratic behaviour by domestic stakeholders. Consequently, a likely upgrade of a formal democratic transformation into a behavioural one, would require democracy promoters to guarantee consistency in their efforts and follow-up on their activities, without assuming that a formally adopted rule or a completed project will necessarily assure rule-based behaviour. Thus, democracy promotion needs to be simultaneously cross-sectoral, offering material incentives for democratic transformation. Democracy promotion has the potential to not only produce numerous academic and policy analyses but also to result in a genuine democratic transformation, if promoters rationally choose their strategies and base them on existing domestic conditions.
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TASSINARI, Mattia. « POLITICA INDUSTRIALE NEGLI STATI UNITI. Teoria, pratiche e una proposta per mitigare i “Government Failures” ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389380.

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In recent years, especially during the global economic crisis, the industrial policy has emerged in political, academic, and public debate as one of the main topics in the promotion of socio-economic development. Alongside this “rebirth”, however, the difficulty of the government to implementing effective and efficient interventions has been highlighted. The main goal of this work is to understand, through the study of the American case, the characteristics and the major causes of the failures of the industrial policy, in order to formulate new proposals to improving the effectiveness and efficiency of the interventions. The first part of the thesis describes the dominant theoretical approaches to public intervention. Reinterpreting this debate, this work illustrates how industrial policy should be considered, how State and Market can coexist, and in which way government intervention can be a tool to amplify the collective benefits arising from the productive dynamics. The second part of the work focuses on the historical reality, analyzing the US industrial policy since the early 80s to the first term of the Obama administration. In order to understand the role that can be played by government in modern economies, the study of the American case is extremely relevant. In fact, while the “traditional” rhetoric of the government, rooted in the US since the years of the Washington Consensus, has always rejected the industrial policy, it has been a constant presence in the history of American development. Therefore, in this scenario it is necessary to overcome the ideological debate on public intervention, and improve the ability of governments to respond to the challenges raised by the contemporary context. Starting from these considerations, the third part of the work focuses in particular on problems related to the promotion of strategic sectors. In this area a proposal to mitigate the vulnerability of the government in the defining of the policy goals is presented. The main idea developed is to establish a set of criteria to support public decision-makers in the identification of strategic sectors, thus promoting a more rigorous and transparent procedure of decision-making. In this regard, it is built a statistical tool - the Strategic Sector Index (SSI) – which synthesizes the value of different sectoral variables and provides a ranking of the strategic sectors for a given economy on the basis of policy priorities.
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Ford, E. J. « Life on the Campaign Trail : The Political Anthropology of Local Politics ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002610.

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Lam, Maggie. « Language and politics use and abuse of language in political rhetoric / ». Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38429494.

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Lam, Maggie, et 林美琪. « Language and politics : use and abuse of language in political rhetoric ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.

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Silva, Mojana Vargas Correia da [UNESP]. « A defesa do pan-americanismo nas páginas de Américas : (1949-1968) ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98115.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-02-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:59:03Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_mvc_me_mar.pdf: 575407 bytes, checksum: 433ce1c819abd9ac2410e7d7d99e8f34 (MD5)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Neste trabalho analisamos a revista Américas, publicação de caráter cultural da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA). Lançada em 1949 e circulando até os dias atuais, passou por diversas reformulações em sua composição por força das variações ocorridas no sistema interamericano e na própria OEA. Em seus primeiros anos, Américas é marcadamente um veículo de caráter cultural, sendo pautada pela divulgação dos hábitos e costumes dos povos americanos. Entretanto, no decorrer dos anos 1950 começa a funcionar como uma pequena janela pela qual é possível vislumbrar o desenvolvimento dos debates sobre as questões econômicas, sociais e políticas do continente, e, após a Revolução Cubana, suas páginas abrem espaço definitivo para a política e o confronto da Guerra Fria.
This work is about the Americas Magazine, printed by the Organization of American States (OAS). Released in 1949, it has been through many rewords on its composition because of changes occurred at the interamerican system as well at OAS. In its first years, Americas Magazine was remarkably culturally oriented, working on publicize the customs of the peoples of America. However, by the 1950’s, it looks like an open window which we could see both social and political problems of the continent, and, after the Cuban Revolution, their pages opened space to the politic and the Cold War confrontation.
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Russo, Vanda Sauhi. « Partido politico como referencia politica das mulheres : uma tentativa de analise de dados ». [s.n.], 1999. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252601.

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Orientador: Lucia Avelar
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-25T23:51:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Russo_VandaSauhi_M.pdf: 9445735 bytes, checksum: d1412a51496f7940dfa30815fb3b3a9a (MD5) Previous issue date: 1999
Resumo: A participação potítica das mulheres e a sua relação com os partidos políticos foram objeto do presente estudo. foi reaUzada uma pesquisa _ica objetivando a recuperação histórica dos fatores sociais e políticos que impediram por séculos a participação política feminina, assim como suas lutas a partir do final do século passado pelo direito à cidadania, tendo como primeira conquista o sufrágio feminino. A luta pela conquista dos espaços públicos tem sido contínua, sendo que no Brasil, intensificou-se a partir dos anos 70, quando grandes contingentes de mulheres ingressam no mercado de trabalho e na década de 80, quando começam, ainda que em minoria, a assumir postos de direção e a candidatar-se a cargos eletivos para os poderes legislativo e executivo, elegendo-se como chefes de Executivos e parlamentares a nível federal, estadual e municipal. Contudo, a atuação parlamentar feminina é marcada pelos modelos de participação política, como também pelos partidos políticos em que estão inseridas, o que pudemos constatar através de coleta de material empírico entre parlamentares municipais, estaduais e federais e de análise documental nos arquivos da Câmara Federal
Abstract: Women's political participation and its relation to the política I parties were the object of this present study. A theoretical research was accomplished in order to recuperate the social and political historical factors that along the centuries prevented the females from political participation as well as to document their fights since the beginning of the last century for their citizenship rights, having as a first victory the feminine suffrage. The fight for conquering public interests has been continuous, and here in Brazil it has intensified in the seventies when large women contingent entered in the labor market, and in the eighties, when they started, even if in minority, assuming controlling positions and running for both legislative and executive branches and taking office as parliament and executive heads at Federal, State and Municipal levels. However, the feminine parliamentarian performance is marked by the models of political participation, as well as by the política I parties in which they are involved, as we could verify through the empirical material collected from the members of the Municipal, State and Federal parliaments and through the analysis of the documents filed at the Federal Chamber of Deputies
Mestrado
Mestre em Educação
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Miani, Carlo Alberto. « Il ruolo dell'Unione Europea nella crisi in Ucraina ». Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/7489/.

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Gli eventi che si sono verificati in Ucraina a partire dal novembre 2013 hanno coinvolto non solo la popolazione e la società del paese in questione, ma, direttamente o indirettamente, anche molte altre parti del mondo. Nonostante soprattutto in Europa la popolazione abbia seguito la crisi con particolare apprensione, anche in virtù della vicinanza geografica (oltre che per la molteplicità, la pericolosità e l’imprevedibilità dei suoi sviluppi), gli eventi che si sono susseguiti e le dinamiche che li hanno determinati sono talmente diversificati che per molti è ancora difficile comprendere pienamente ciò che sta succedendo in Ucraina. Lo scopo di questo elaborato è analizzare il ruolo dell’UE nell’attuale crisi in Ucraina (facendo particolare riferimento al periodo compreso fra novembre 2013 e settembre 2014) sotto diversi punti di vista e contestualizzando l’argomentazione con esempi tratti dalla cronaca degli ultimi mesi. Pur desiderando fornire una visione d’insieme delle problematiche legate al contesto ucraino, a causa dell’enorme complessità dell’argomento, nonché la sua attualità immediata e la carenza di materiale accademico a riguardo, si è deciso di concentrare questo elaborato sul ruolo dell’UE, al fine di studiare la situazione attraverso una prospettiva europea.
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Vašková, Eva. « Politický marketing a prezidentské voľby v USA ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-9152.

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The main topic of my diploma thesis is political marketing and presidential election in USA in 2008. Firstly, I described American society through its demographic, racial, social and religious aspects. Then I wrote about public opinion and political socializing of individuals, how they are created and learned through individuals' lives. Political ideology in USA is represented by two mainstream political trends: liberals and conservatives. Thesis then describes strategy in politics, planning of political campaigns and marketing communication in politics. Second part of my thesis describes presidential election in USA in 2008. Introduction is focused on two main candidates: Barack Obama and John McCain. Then it continues with main points and highlights of each presidential campaign. Special part is focused on presidential debates which are very popular in American society. Besides main candidates, thesis describes also vice president candidates and wives of presidential candidates. The final part of the thesis is focused on financial aspect of elections and funding in politics.
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FILOSA, Giovanna. « La partecipazione politica dei giovani : una griglia di lettura ». Doctoral thesis, La Sapienza, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/917234.

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Livres sur le sujet "Politica usa"

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Aruffo, Alessandro. Gli artigli dell'aquila : La politica estera USA 1898-2004. Roma : Datanews, 2004.

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Mediatori in armi : L'allargamento della NATO e la politica USA in Europa. Milano : Guerini, 1999.

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Politica e religione negli USA : Reihold Niebuhr e il suo tempo, 1892-1971. Milano, Italy : F. Angeli, 1986.

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Narduzzi, Edoardo. American Internet : Perchè la new economy è nata negli USA e come trasformerà politica e società. Soveria Mannelli, Catanzaro [Italy] : Rubbettino, 2002.

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The chief executive. 5e éd. San Diego : Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986.

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The chief executive. 6e éd. Fort Worth : Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1996.

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1948-, Davies Philip, dir. Politics USA. 3e éd. New York : Pearson, 2012.

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Thomas, Kurian George. Political market place, USA. Phoenix, Ariz : Oryx Press, 1999.

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Politics in the USA. 5e éd. London : Routledge, 1999.

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Politics in the USA. 3e éd. London : Hutchinson, 1987.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Politica usa"

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Toke, David. « The USA ». Dans Low Carbon Politics, 81–113. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in energy policy : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315523378-6.

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Lammert, Christian, Markus B. Siewert et Boris Vormann. « Fremde Vertraute : Traditionelle Leitbilder und neue Herausforderungen der US Politik ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 1–12. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_1.

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Siewert, Markus B. « Der Präsident : Zwischen Führungsanspruch und Machtbegrenzung ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 135–53. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_10.

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Dreyer, Michael, et Nils Fröhlich. « Der Supreme Court : Hüter der Verfassung oder Interpret der Gegenwart ? » Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 155–79. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_11.

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Schnapp, Kai-Uwe, et Roland Willner. « Die Regierungsbürokratie im politischen Gestaltungsprozess ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 181–201. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_12.

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Hennl, Annika. « Das föderale System der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 203–23. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_13.

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Vormann, Boris, et Christian Lammert. « Kommunalpolitik in den USA ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 225–40. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_14.

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Weinmann, Philipp. « Wahlen und Direkte Demokratie : Demokratische Teilhabe im Spannungsfeld politischer Machtinteressen ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 243–63. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_16.

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Bohne, Maik, et Torben Lütjen. « Mehr als nur Wahlkampfmaschinen : Über die neue Lebendigkeit US-amerikanischer Parteien ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 265–84. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_17.

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Thunert, Martin. « Hyper-Pluralismus ? Die Welt der Interessengruppen, Gewerkschaften, Lobbyisten und Think Tanks ». Dans Handbuch Politik USA, 285–304. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02642-4_18.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Politica usa"

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Millham, Rosemary A. « CLIMATE CHANGE SCIENCE, POLITICS AND POLICY : ONE MODEL FOR INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACHES PROVIDING SCIENCE AND POLITICAL CONNECTIONS TO INFORM STUDENTS ». Dans GSA Annual Meeting in Denver, Colorado, USA - 2016. Geological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2016am-284906.

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Marci-Boehncke, Gudrun, Matthias O. Rath, Thomas Goll et Michael Steinbrecher. « HOW TO BECOME POLITICAL ? BASIC CONCEPTS FOR EXPLORING EARLY CHILDHOOD UNDERSTANDING OF POLITICS ». Dans International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2022v1end038.

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"In the interdisciplinary project PoJoMeC, we investigate children's understanding of politics at preschool and primary school age. The interdisciplinary research approach is based on the perspectives of political didactics, literature and media didactics, and journalism. Initially, we will use qualitative approaches to find out how children's political awareness is shown. Our research methods focus on the one hand on the children's explicit knowledge, but on the other hand already on concepts of rule-governed action. The different degrees of abstraction of these concepts are based on a modification of the ecological model of human development according to Uri Bronfenbrenner (1979). The paper reconstructs the argumentative process of developing an acceptable interdisciplinary concept of politics for our joint research. Considering political didactics, literature and media studies, and philosophy, a research framework is presented that does not start with terms and concepts but considers more fundamental forms of social perception."
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Sirota, N. M. « USA versus China : military-political rivalry ». Dans ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-02-2019-39.

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Bennett-Huxtable, Timothy A., et Anthony D. Feig. « GEOCOMEDY IN POLITICS, CURRENT EVENTS & ; “CONTROVERSIAL” TOPICS ». Dans GSA Annual Meeting in Seattle, Washington, USA - 2017. Geological Society of America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2017am-302565.

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Cedroni, Anna Rita. « Building the global democracy from urban planning policy to populism in architecture ». Dans Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona : Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8153.

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It is possible to claim that there is an analogy, in terms of management and programming, between the modality of execution in political contents and the formalities of the application of architectural models, or more precisely in the methods of carrying out such proposals. The choice and the management of planning strategies go along with the choice of political strategies. The changes occurring in the politics and democracy can be also found in urban planning politics and involve mainly the public space and the design for the related public buildings. The emptying of social content in most constitutional democracies, together with the spreading of populist “politics” are phenomena that emerge in the architecture of public buildings and in the way in which the architecture relates to the urban form of their surroundings. Deprived of their contents, (which are related to their functions), public spaces and public building become non-ruled yet “objectified” spaces targeted for a collective use. The first analysis, which comes out of my background, led me to look at urban planning in Europe, starting from Italy and keeping the focus on the politics of public spaces and on the ways in which their conception, design and relationship to the city, shape the collective social values, attitudes and demands. These cases provide some opportunities for a reflection about governance and planning, focussing on the relationship between Democracy and Architecture.
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Marichelar, Gabriela. « Politicas habitacionales y politicas urbanas, una relacion conflictiva ». Dans Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona : Facultad de Arquitectura. Universidad de la República, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6208.

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Las políticas habitacionales construyen parte de la ciudad, materializando un hecho urbano. En base a la experiencia transitada en la implementación del Plan Federal de Construcción de Viviendas en la Provincia de Buenos Aires podemos leer efectos dispares en las ciudades y en la vida de las personas. La localización de las viviendas y el suelo utilizado fueron insumos utilizados para verificar si, en tanto política social, la política habitacional actúa redistribuyendo renta urbana, mejorando la localización de la población en la estructura urbana. En este trabajo nos proponemos problematizar a la política habitacional, como parte de la política urbana, analizando tensiones y relaciones. Apoyados en la mediación que nos propone el PFCV, indagamos en la implementación de la política en la Provincia de Buenos Aires. Algunos municipios han llevado adelante algunas estrategias novedosas saldando experiencias y aportando un camino en pos de implementación de políticas habitacionales enmarcadas en políticas urbanas integrales. Housing policies are part of the city, an urban fact materialize. Based on the busy experience in implementing the Federal Housing Construction Plan in Provincia of Buenos Aires we read different effects in cities and in the lives of people. The location of houses and land used were used to verify whether, as social policy, housing policy inputs urban acts redistributing income, better localization of the population in the urban structure. In this paper we propose to problematize the housing policy, as part of urban policy, analyzing tensions and relationships. Supported in mediation is proposed in the PFCV, we investigate the implementation of the policy in the Province of Buenos Aires. Some locals governments have carried out some new strategies settling experiences and providing a path towards implementation of housing policies framed in comprehensive urban policy.
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İkiz, Ozlem Ozdesim, Mehmet Zahid Sobaci, Nilay Yavuz et Naci Karkin. « Political use of twitter ». Dans ICEGOV2014 : 8th International Conference on Theory and Practice of Electronic Governance. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2691195.2691219.

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Otoya, Natascha. « OIL, POLITICS AND SCIENCE : THE DEVELOPMENT OF PETROLEUM GEOLOGY IN BRAZIL ». Dans GSA Annual Meeting in Seattle, Washington, USA - 2017. Geological Society of America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2017am-305286.

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Polcicova, Maria. « POLITICAL EDUCATION AS A NECESSARY PART OF AN EDUCATIONAL PROCESS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY ». Dans NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/27.

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"There is currently a noticeable increase in extremism, populism, hatred and intolerance in all EU countries, which are evoked by several political conflicts, social events (critical situation in Afghanistan, response to the COVID pandemic, conflict in Ukraine, migration from third countries etc.). Political education as an integral part of the educational process in schools, not only at the national level, we therefore naturally consider it one of the tools for promoting democratic tools in society. We also consider foreign language teaching to be one of the tools of political education. Within it, on the example of learning about important political events, which at the same time shaped the moral democratic values of the bearers of a given language, we can mediate a critical analysis of the way of life in a given developmental stage of society. The aim of our paper is to present the idea of the educational process as a driving force for the spread of democratic values on the example of foreign language teaching at our faculty. From the point of view of theoretical backgrounds, we define the very concept of political education on the example of several experts in the field of sociology, politics and education. In order to find out the current state of the concept of political education in the educational process at national and transnational level, we analyze the individual documents of the European Union. Throughout the post, we mainly use qualitative data, such as thematic analysis, to interpret patterns and meanings in the data and descriptive data."
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Oliveira, Lucas Santos de, et Pedro Olmo Stancioli Vaz de Melo. « Large-Scale And Long-Term Characterization Of Political Communications On Social Media ». Dans Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2022.225803.

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Social media play an important role in shaping political discourse, creating a public sphere that enables discussions, debates, and deliberations. Aware of this importance, politicians use social media for self-promotion and as a means of influencing people and votes. As an example of this assertion, in 2018, Brazilians democratically elected for president the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro. One of the most surprising feats of this outcome is that his party, PSL, had almost no television time. His victory was only possible because of his supporters’ engagement and activism on social media platforms, such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. In this context, politicians need to decide how to communicate with their voters to build their reputations. While some politicians only share professional communications about their political agenda and activities, others prefer a more non-political and informal approach, sharing communications about the most varied subjects, such as religion, sports, and their families. Others, however, misuse platforms by spreading political messages that violate policies and circumvent electoral laws. Aware of these problems, I propose the LOCPOC a methodology to characterize the communication of Brazilian politicians over years in terms of the amount of political and non-political messages they post. The methodology is robust to concept drifts over time, requiring few new labeled messages each year. From the classified messages, I was able to characterize the communication of politicians over time and identified new findings: (i) Brazilian congresspeople changed their communication behavior over time; (ii) concept drifts occurred during important events in Brazilian politics; (iii) the explosive rise of the right seen just before the 2018 elections; (iv) a broader and more evenly distributed right-wing participation than the left-wing, and, finally, (v) the increase of public engagement over time.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Politica usa"

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Mas-Manchón, Lluís, et Frederic Guerrero-Solé. The use of hashtags as a political branding strategy / El uso de los hashtags como una estrategia de marca política. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, juin 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-17-2019-02-05-24.

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Curry, Kevin. Politics in the Social Media Era : The Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6390.

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SEREDINA, E. V., E. V. KISLITSYNA et E. F. BEKH. JOE BIDEN’S NICKNAMES IN POLITICAL CARTOON. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, avril 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-14-1-3-83-90.

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The article examines unofficial nicknames for Joe Biden, sitting president of the USA, in the light of political humour. All of the used nicknames express popular public opinion, highlighting the individual characteristics of the president and emphasizing his particular behavior. The common feature of the illustrated nickname is a mockery on the president constructed by adding vivid adjectives to his name.
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Davis, M. S. Negating North Korea's Nukes : The Political Use of Military Power. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mai 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada441409.

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Nielsen, Suzanne C. Political Control Over the Use of Force : A Clausewitzian Perspective. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mai 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada393588.

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Tyson, Paul. Sovereignty and Biosecurity : Can we prevent ius from disappearing into dominium ? Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp3en.

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Drawing on Milbank and Agamben, a politico-juridical anthropology matrix can be drawn describing the relations between ius and bios (justice and political life) on the one hand and dominium and zoe (private power and ‘bare life’) on the other hand. Mapping movements in the basic configurations of this matrix over the long sweep of Western cultural history enable us to see where we are currently situated in relation to the nexus between politico-juridical authority (sovereignty) and the emergency use of executive State powers in the context of biosecurity. The argument presented is that pre-19th century understandings of ius and bios presupposed transcendent categories of Justice and the Common Good that were not naturalistically defined. The very recent idea of a purely naturalistic naturalism has made distinctions between bios and zoe un-locatable and civic ius is now disappearing into a strangely ‘private’ total power (dominium) over the bodies of citizens, as exercised by the State. The very meaning of politico-juridical authority and the sovereignty of the State is undergoing radical change when viewed from a long perspective. This paper suggests that the ancient distinction between power and authority is becoming meaningless, and that this loss erodes the ideas of justice and political life in the Western tradition. Early modern capitalism still retained at least the theory of a Providential moral order, but since the late 19th century, morality has become fully naturalized and secularized, such that what moral categories Classical economics had have been radically instrumentalized since. In the postcapitalist neoliberal world order, no high horizon of just power –no spiritual conception of sovereignty– remains. The paper argues that the reduction of authority to power, which flows from the absence of any traditional conception of sovereignty, is happening with particular ease in Australia, and that in Australia it is only the Indigenous attempt to have their prior sovereignty –as a spiritual reality– recognized that is pushing back against the collapse of political authority into mere executive power.
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Zachary, Kathleen. Politics of land use : the lengthy saga of Senate bill 100. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.3152.

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Kramer, Steven P., et Irene Kyriakopoulos. US - European Union Relations : Economic Change and Political Transition. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juillet 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada386024.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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