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van Meerhaeghe, Marcel A. G. « The Regional Policy of the European Communities and the Subsidiarity Principle* ». Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 15, no 2 (1 octobre 1997) : 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907782897.
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Abstract Il principio di «sussidiarietà» è stato utilizzato nell’ambito europeo per indicare che le decisioni non devono essere prese al livello più alto (Comunità), quando è possibile prenderle a livelli minori (Stati membri).Dopo essersi soffermato sul principio di sussidiarietà, evidenziandone il carattere dinamico, questo scritto approfondisce la politica regionale della Comunità Europea, dapprima delineando le principali norme del Trattato di Roma che riguardano la politica regionale e poi considerando la corrispondente politica.Vengono particolarmente approfonditi i problemi delle regioni prioritarie e i principali strumenti della politica in loro sostegno, i cosiddetti «fondi strutturali», giungendo alia conclusione che sino ad oggi tali strumenti non hanno dato luogo a risultati conformi alle aspettative.
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Merger, Michčle. « La politica ferroviaria europea : dalla prudenza alla liberalizzazione (1957-2007)* ». MEMORIA E RICERCA, no 30 (juillet 2009) : 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030010.
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- This article analyses the European Commission's efforts to encourage the development of efficient rail sector. The potential of railways for expanding their share of both passenger and freight transport was seriously limited by rail systems fragmented into national market shaped by national transport policies. The Commission stressed the importance of the necessary transformation of railway market that requires the following priorities: liberalization, free access market and competition, interoperability including both high speed and conventional rail networks. The European Commission's action (i.e. directive 91/440 and the railway packages) is intended to a renaissance of rail traffic, but the European States and the "historical" railway operators seem reluctant to apply these ambitious and "revolutionary" initiatives.Parole chiave: Commissione Europea, Politica di liberalizzazione, Sistema ferrociario, Politiche di trasporto statali, Operatori ferroviari, Politica regionale della CEE European Commission, Liberalization Policy, Rail System, National Transport Policies, Railway Operators, EEC Regional Policy
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Grazi, Laura. « Origini e sfide della politica regionale comunitaria : dagli studi preliminari all'Atto unico europeo (1957-1986) ». MEMORIA E RICERCA, no 30 (juillet 2009) : 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-030005.
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- The article describes the different stages which marked the elaboration of the EEC regional policy starting from the preliminary studies in the Sixties to the formal inclusion of this domain in the Single European Act (1986). The creation of the European Regional Development Fund (1975) and its reforms are crucial events in the definition of the EEC regional policy which highlight the slow and difficult passage from a system redistributing money among Member States to the launch of new form of supranational territorial solidarity. The ERDF, that was initially linked to the need to rearrange the financial benefits of membership/accession to the EEC for some members States (in particular, Italy and Great Britain), was later rearranged in order to allow more autonomous policy choices at the Community level (Community programmes). The Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, adopted in the Eighties, are the symbol of this new approach because they linked EEC regional measures to common problems arising from economic integration and increased the coordinating functions of the Commission.Parole chiave: Politica regionale della CEE, Commissione europea, Economie regionali, FESR, Programmi comunitari, PIM EEC Regional Policy; European Commission, Regional Economies, European Regional Development Fund, Community Programmes, Integrated Mediterranean Programmes
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Gambino, Silvio. « Parabole evolutive e problematiche attuali del regionalismo, fra riforme attuate, inattuate (federalismo fiscale, Carta delle autonomie) e aleggiate (regionalismo differenziato) .. a vent'anni dalla riforma del Titolo V della Costituzione ». CITTADINANZA EUROPEA (LA), no 2 (janvier 2022) : 63–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ceu2021-002003.
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Dopo qualche cenno (anche di tipo metodologico) sulle problematiche evolutive del regionalismo nel primo dopoguerra repubblicano, nel contributo sono analizzate - anche in una prospettiva comparata con le omologhe forme di decentramento territoriale dei poteri osservabili negli Stati europei a forma regionale e in quelli a forma federale - alcune delle problematiche del riparto dei poteri alla luce dei venti anni successivi alle riforme costituzionali del Titolo V, per interrogarsi conclusivamente sui nuovi rapporti venutisi a determinare fra autonomia politica regionale, impatto della crisi economica, integrazione europea e problematiche di effettività dei diritti, soprattutto (sociali ma non solo).
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Sotte, Franco. « Il peso della politica agricola sul bilancio dell'Unione Europea ». ARGOMENTI, no 33 (décembre 2011) : 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/arg2011-033002.
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L'obiettivo di questo lavoro č di suggerire l'adozione di un approccio fondato sull'evidenza nell'analisi della spesa della politica agricola comune (PAC). Il dibattito sulla spesa per la PAC si basa generalmente sulle immagini ex-ante del bilancio, cosě come queste sono presentate nel quadro finanziario pluriennale e, prima di ogni esercizio finanziario, sugli stanziamenti di bilancio. Ma questa immagine č molto diversa da quella ex-post come appare dai pagamenti effettivi risultanti a consuntivo nelle relazioni finanziarie. Queste differenze si concentrano soprattutto sulle politiche strutturali (come la politica di sviluppo regionale e quella di sviluppo rurale), mentre non esistono differenze, o sono minime, nella spesa relativa alle politiche di mero trasferimento (come quella del 1° pilastro della PAC). Basata com'č su un'immagine parziale e distorta della spesa, la discussione sulla riforma della PAC risulta distorta essa stessa.
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Pergolizzi, Antonio, et Emanuela Somalvico. « Le bonifiche delle discariche in procedura di infrazione UE. Criticità, infiltrazioni criminali e proposte di policy ». PRISMA Economia - Società - Lavoro, no 2 (février 2022) : 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pri2020-002005.
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L'articolo passa in rassegna la lunga e complessa evoluzione, politica e normativa, delle procedure di bonifiche dei siti contaminati, individuando criticità, contraddizioni, opacità, lentezze e manifestazioni di illegalità. A livello generale, almeno due sono emerse come le principali criticità di sistema, che hanno fatto da freno alle attività concrete di bonifica: 1) criteri non idonei di scelta per l'identificazione del sito da bonificare; 2) errata ripartizione delle responsabilità tra gli enti territoriali, che spesso non hanno adeguati mezzi e risorse, soprattutto in termini di personale qualificato per rispondere a procedure così complesse. Anche da questa prospettiva, l'inquinamento diffuso provato anche dalla presenza dei siti da bonificare rappresentano il punto finale di un processo di sviluppo industriale e consumistico privo di regole e di limiti. Deregulation che è valsa per almeno un quarantennio, un ampio arco temporale in cui il territorio nazionale ha visto l'esplosione dei siti inquinati (di interesse nazionale, regionale o comunale), dove per almeno 200 casi l'Unione Europea ha addirittura aperto due distinte procedure d'infrazione. Procedure che sono costate all'Italia oltre 40 milioni, più una penalità semestrale iniziale di 42.800.000 euro. Per far fronte a questo salasso il 24 marzo 2017 il Governo dell'epoca ha costituto il Commissario Straordinario di Governo per svolgere la missione di bonifica e messa in sicurezza degli 81 siti di discarica abusivi sotto procedura di infrazione a seguito della Sentenza di condanna sanzionatoria della Corte di giustizia dell'Unione Europea del 2 dicembre 2014.
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SONG, XINNING. « European ‘models’ and their implications to China : internal and external perspectives ». Review of International Studies 36, no 3 (juillet 2010) : 755–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000835.
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AbstractEuropean Studies in China developed very rapidly in the last twenty years. The reasons for that are not only because of the smooth evolution of EU-China relations and wider and deeper economic interdependence between two economic giants, but also the relevance of the European models to China's domestic political and social development, as well as China's external relations. The article reviews the evolution of the European Studies in China and finds out that more and more research on European affairs relates to China's internal and external development. Two major aspects of the learning process are exploited further. Firstly, European models for China's domestic political and social development, including European party politics and Democratic Socialism, European social policy and social security systems, and European regional policies. Secondly, European models for China's foreign policy and external relations, including European neighbourhood policy, European concept of effective multilateralism, Europe as an example of peaceful rise, and functionalism as the way to East Asian regional integration. The EU or Europe has higher profile in China than any other Asia Pacific country. From the domestic political and social development and China's preference in international affairs we can see the silhouette of the European models. Chinese would like to learn more from Europe than the United States. It also shows clearly that the role of the EU as a social power.
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Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. « Political and Institutional Characteristics of the Entry of the CEE Region into Regional Media Systems During the Bipolar and Post-Bipolar Periods ». Politeja 15, no 6(57) (13 août 2019) : 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.12.
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In the newly shaped post‑WWI Europe the CEE region was an integral part of the pan‑European media system. The iron curtain that split Europe into two parts in the bipolar period, inevitably led to the emergence of two separate media systems, i.e. the Western European one and the one driven by the USSR (and existing predominantly in Eastern‑European states). These systems were institutionalized by the establishment of separate broadcasting alliances and corresponding TV programme exchange networks. At the same time, in the context of the Cold War, the CEE region was a key target of Western broadcasting with the aim to counter Soviet propaganda and political influence. This factor reinforced by the willingness of the CEE countries to preserve their European identity caused the socialist media system (as well as other Soviet integration projects) to remain artificial and to be rejected in the region. It was clearly confirmed at the beginning of the post‑bipolar period, when, after the collapse of the socialist camp and the USSR, the Soviet‑driven International Radio and Television Organization ceased to exist, and the CEE countries integrated into the European Broadcasting Union, unleashing their desire to “return to Europe”. At the same time, in the context of a policy aimed at preserving control over the post‑Soviet space, Russia makes efforts which could be regarded as an attempt to restore (preserve) the common media space in the post‑Soviet territories. In the paper the CEE region is regarded in the broadest way, including all states which were in socialist bloc, and appropriate former European Soviet republics.
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Petrovic, Pero, et Miroslav Antevski. « Regional economic integration in Europe : Effects and open issues ». Medjunarodni problemi 58, no 1-2 (2006) : 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0602084p.
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In analyzing regional economic integration in Europe the authors pay special attention to the development in the European Union, for other forms of regional or sub regional integration at the continent are in fact mostly transitional and provisional, and directly connected with EU. The authors argue that in spite of considerable success and high level of integration of the EU, several important open issues remain in that process. They are results of mixed character of European integration: political and economic. Too many kinds of interests are of opposed character, and it is very hard to harmonize them in real politics. The main problems in the EU have their cause in the nature of European integration: international competitiveness of European economy, social character of European states, national productivity, challenges of enlargement.
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White, Jonathan. « Responding to Norm Indeterminacy outside the Nation-State Frame ». Comparative Sociology 9, no 5 (2010) : 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913210x12548913482393.
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AbstractI examine responses to norm indeterminacy in the transnational context, focusing on regional integration in post-War Europe. I argue that the development of the European Union has been facilitated by the use of a legitimizing device whereby policy decisions at a European level are cast as beyond the scope of reasonable political disagreement and therefore distinct from the conditions which make democracy a desirable political form at the national level. This rejection of the political significance of norm indeterminacy has led to a widely diagnosed trend of “depoliticization” in European politics. The paper examines how best to understand this trend, and explores how an adapted account of “enlightened localism” might offer better ways of coping with indeterminate norms.
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Natanek, Mirosław. « Stan polskiej demokracji lokalnej w świetle standardów Rady Europy i mechanizmu kontroli przestrzegania Europejskiej Konwencji Samorządu Terytorialnego – aspekty polityczne ». Politeja 17, no 3(66) (25 juin 2020) : 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.66.15.
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The Condition of Local Democracy in Poland in Light of the Council of Europe’s Standards and the European Charter of Local Self-Government Compliance Monitoring Mechanism. A Political Dimension
In the article, I will discuss a model and a mechanism of the Council of Europe member states’ compliance with the European Charter of Local Self- Government, which was developed by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe (CLRA). A case study analysis will be based upon investigation of three monitoring procedures launched on Poland so far. The main aim of my analysis is to examine a changing condition of local democracy in Poland as evidenced in periodical assessments carried out by CLRA’s Monitoring Committee. The conclusions resulting from both audit reports and recommendations of relevant Council of Europe bodies addressed to subsequent governments of the Republic of Poland will be assessed.
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Sithole, Kundai. « The Council of Europe, Rights and Political Authority ». European Review 21, no 1 (31 janvier 2013) : 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798712000270.
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This paper examines the importance of human rights protection – in particular the European Convention on Human Rights – to the Council of Europe's survival as a political authority. Its underlying premise is that the proliferation of regional organisations in Europe in post-war Europe, and the creation of the Communities in 1958, contributed to a loss of a sense of purpose as to the Council of Europe's role in post-war Europe. Initial attempts to widen the scope of its political authority in relation to the Member States and other regional organisations were unsuccessful. It was, therefore, necessary for the Council of Europe to consolidate its existing mandate in ensuring the region's democratic security through human rights protection. Thus, led by its Parliamentary Assembly, Council of Europe institutions have, since 1949, provided the Member States with the necessary regional fora for examining and promulgating regional human rights legislation, such as the European Convention on Human Rights and its two additional protocols abolishing the death penalty.
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Jokubaitis, Alvydas. « The Other Europe : Identity Problems of Central Europe ». Politeja 15, no 6(57) (13 août 2019) : 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.05.
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Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.
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Henry, Nick, et Adrian Smith. « Europe and/or the UK : Post-Brexit urban and regional development futures – A special issue ». European Urban and Regional Studies 28, no 1 (janvier 2021) : 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776420982742.
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It was over 25 years ago that European Urban and Regional Studies was launched at a time of epochal change in the composition of the political, economic and social map of Europe. Brexit has been described as an epochal moment – and at such a moment, European Urban and Regional Studies felt it should offer the space for short commentaries on Brexit and its impact on the relationships of place, space and scale across the cultural, economic, social and political maps of the ‘new Europes’. Seeking contributions drawing on the theories, processes and patterns of urban and regional development, the following provides 10 contributions on Europe, the UK and/or their relational geographies in a post-Brexit world. What the drawn-out and highly contested process of Brexit has done for the populace, residents and ex-pats of the UK is to reveal the inordinate ways in which our mental, everyday and legal maps of the regions, nations and places of the UK in Europe are powerful, territorially and rationally inconsistent, downright quirky at times but also intensely unequal. First, as the UK exits the Single Market, the nature of the political imagination needed to create alternatives to the construction of new borders and new divisions, even within a discourse of creating a ‘global Britain’, remains uncertain. European Urban and Regional Studies has always been a journal dedicated to the importance of pan-European scholarly integration and solidarity and we hope that it will continue to intervene in debates over what alternative imaginings to a more closed and introverted future might look like. Second, as the impacts of COVID-19 continue to change in profound ways how we think, work and travel across European space, we will need to find new forms of integration and new forms of engagament in intellectual life and policy development. European Urban and Regional Studies remains commited to forging such forms.
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Rech, Walter, et Janis Grzybowski. « Between regional community and global society : Europe in the shadow of Schmitt and Kojève ». Journal of International Political Theory 13, no 2 (6 avril 2016) : 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088216638682.
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While celebrated for bringing peace and prosperity to the region, European integration has been recently challenged by various internal and external crises that call the progressivist narrative of ever closer—and larger—union into question. Torn between regional community and global society, particularism and cosmopolitanism, and politics and technocracy, the European Union appears beset by fundamental tensions. In search of a different theoretical perspective on “the crisis,” some commentators have drawn on Carl Schmitt’s political theory to emphasize key issues concerning political decisions, identities, and boundaries in Europe. Yet, Schmitt comes with his own blind spots. For the purpose of a critical engagement with Schmitt’s potential insights and their limits, this article contrasts his approach with that of his contemporary Alexandre Kojève, who envisioned the integration of world society through economy, law, technology, and administration, a perspective not unfamiliar to the original story of European integration. In reconsidering the dialectic between Schmitt’s and Kojève’s positions, this article goes beyond their apparent contradictions and discusses attempts by both authors to reconcile the opposition, from Kojève’s move to Empires to Schmitt’s theory of the union, thereby illuminating deep-seated dilemmas of contemporary European politics which fundamentally condition its trajectory between contestation and re-constitution.
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Zhao, Jianyang. « The Rise of Populism and Implications on European Integration ». Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (6 novembre 2022) : 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2367.
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Since 1990, populism has become increasingly important in European politics. It is often associated with Euroscepticism and exclusionism. The topic of this paper is the negative relationship between populism and European integration in Europe in recent years. This paper aims to explore what obstacles populism has caused to the process of European integration by observing the ideas and policies of populist politicians and political parties, combined with the past research of many scholars. After describing three aspects, this paper concludes that populism is hindering the progress of European integration by increasing public suspicion of regional cooperation organizations, encouraging exclusive socio-economic policies, and emphasizing national identity rather than European identity. This trend may also continue in the foreseeable future, giving consideration to the current European political and economic situation.
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Kowalski, Arkadiusz. « The Regional Policy of the European Union in Ireland ». Gospodarka Narodowa 199, no 4 (30 avril 2005) : 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101534.
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Danilović, Nemanja. « Regional international organizations with a special focus on the European Union ». Megatrend revija 18, no 4 (2021) : 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104233d.
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After studying international organizations, we may freely say that their international legal personality is undeniable, while their role in international law and international relations is of great importance. For that reason, this paper is dedicated to one type of such organizations - to regional organizations, that is, to the European Union as one of the most important international organizations of the kind. Although the European Union was created with the goal of connecting and integrating European countries and its nations, today it plays one of the leading roles in world politics. The paper follows the concept and types of regional international organizations, as well as emergence, development, characteristics, values and goals, and the institutionalism of the European Union. Today, undeniably, the European Union plays one of the leading roles in international political, economic, strategic, geopolitical, cultural and social relations.
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Pietrzyk, Irena. « European Integration and Regional Policy in Poland ». Gospodarka Narodowa 167, no 4 (25 avril 2001) : 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/113898.
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Michalak, Magdalena, Aleksandra Nowakowska, Ihor Lishchynskyy et Mariia Lyzun. « Ukrainian Regional Policy : The Path to European Integration ». Gospodarka Narodowa 312, no 4 (30 décembre 2022) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/154836.
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Kristiansen, Kristian. « Do we need the ‘archaeology of Europe’ ? » Archaeological Dialogues 15, no 1 (juin 2008) : 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203808002419.
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AbstractIs there anything coherently ‘European’ about a European archaeology – or rather, about the ‘archaeology of Europe’ – or is it simply a modern political construct with no meaning in the ancient past? This paper analyses European archaeology through a historical perspective, tracing developments in the areas of archaeological conservation (heritage), thinking (theory/interpretations) and publication and teaching. It critically examines a perceived trend in archaeology from a national towards a European framework, and concludes instead that local and regional frameworks have become stronger in all three areas. To move forward, we should use our understanding of the relationship between ideology, politics and archaeology to promote a research agenda that actively contributes to the formation of critical knowledge about the conditions for heritage and research in contemporary society. There is scope for an archaeology that addresses fundamental historical problems and long-term histories of the various geographically and culturally interlinked regions of Europe.
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Banai, Ayelet, Fabio Votta et Rosa Seitz. « The Polls—Trends ». Public Opinion Quarterly 86, no 1 (1 mars 2022) : 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac001.
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Abstract This article presents trends in public opinion toward immigration in the European Union (EU), between 2002 and 2018. Immigration is a salient and contentious issue in contemporary politics across Europe and is used by Eurosceptic parties in both government and opposition to mobilize support. Public opinion data—drawn from the European Social Survey and the Eurobarometer—reveals the following noteworthy trends over the past two decades. First, positive public attitudes toward immigration have increased across member states, with a temporary setback in 2015–16. Second, immigration is a divisive issue throughout the EU. While public opinion in some regions generally favors immigration, opinion is divided everywhere. Third, despite regional variations between northern, western, and southern Europe, EU-wide trends suggest the emergence of a collective public opinion, crossing national borders. Fourth, despite vocal political opposition to immigration, solid majorities of the public view immigration favorably over time and across regions. To the numerous studies of European public opinion on immigration, this article contributes a useful overview of the long-term trends, with regional and EU-wide presentation and data visualization.
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Kowalski, Arkadiusz. « Regional Policy of the European Union in the United Kingdom ». Gospodarka Narodowa 185, no 7-8 (25 juillet 2003) : 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/113795.
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Ilieva, Polya, et Thomas M. Wilson. « Euroscepticism and Europeanisation at a Margin of Europe ». Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 20, no 2 (1 septembre 2011) : 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2011.200205.
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This article examines forms of ideological and political responses to European integration and Europeanisation that are either negative in form and function or that are projected as such for local and national purposes. The concept of 'Euroscepticism' is shown here as a useful linguistic and sociological starting point for examining the transformative power of the EU in the politics of all levels of European societies. The ways in which people express their support, opposition or ennui in regard to the role of 'Europe' in their lives delineates here the instrumentalism in the way they approach advancing European integration. The processes of resisting, negotiating and adapting (and adapting to) European integration are offered here as topics of anthropological significance in their own right. A case study from one former socialist country, Bulgaria, illustrates what may be suggested as a commonplace sentiment throughout the EU - a feeling of marginality due to the disconnection and disaffection that remain at the heart of Euroscepticism in all of its forms. Bulgaria offers a frame through which to reflect on the reformulations in local, regional and national political society as they relate to supranational and transnational forces throughout Europe, and to illustrate how an anthropological attention to the issues of post-socialism in Central and Eastern Europe may bene fit from an examination of the new forces of European integration.
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Pasikowska-Schnass, Magdalena. « Eskualdeetako hizkuntza gutxituen estatusa Europar Batasunean ». BAT SOZIOLINGUISTIKA ALDIZKARIA 122-123, no 1 (2022) : 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.55714/bat-122123.10.
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In the European Union between 40 and 50 million people speak one of its regional and minority languages, some of which are at great risk. International bodies such as UNESCO, the Council of Europe and the OSCE are implementing initiatives to combat the loss of minority languages and protect their linguistic rights. Not respecting the rights of regions or minorities constitutes racial discrimination and the infringement of human rights. Although language policy is an exclusive competence of the Member States, the EU can support action to promote and protect the languages of the regions and their minorities. However, the complex political and economic situation of the EU at present is not conducive to such efforts. Nevertheless, over the years the European Union has implemented initiatives related to education in all areas of language use. The European Parliament supports the promotion of regional and minority languages and advocates the protection of languages at risk. This article sets out to describe the sociolinguistic situation in the European Union and to share the tools and initiatives created to maintain this linguistic diversity. • Key words: European Union, minority languages, language policy, legal protection, region.
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Falťan, Ľ. « Cross-border Euro-regional activation and regional development in Slovakia ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 51, No. 12 (21 février 2012) : 547–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5150-agricecon.
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Social-political transition in the former socialist countries led to a new understanding of borders and created the prerequisites for renaissance and significant activation of the cross-border co-operation. This way, Slovakia along with other countries joined the Euro-regional movement in Europe, which spread since the end of 60-ies through Western-European countries. Formation and institutionalisation of Euro-regional relations, links and co-operation was initially hindered by a whole range of obstacles, including the ones with political background. It was obvious mainly in Slovakia where it influenced the existence and potential establishment of new Euro-regional associations. Rebirth of the Euro-regional activities started after 1998. Currently, there are Euro-regions practically operating along the entire Slovak border with its neighbours. The extent and form of institutionalisation and professional staffing varies. Activities of Euro-regions are merely based on projects which bring funding. Projects are broadly oriented, while the prevailing focus is currently on the economic activation of Euro-regions. There is a lack of partner co-operation and co-ordination of activities between countries and their activities, including cross-border activities and activities of Euro-regions. Euro-regional activities play a significant role in activation of border areas in the country, while they have a complementary character for the regional state policy and regional policy of self-governed regions which is being formulated.
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Baumann, Florian. « Europe’s Way to Energy Security : The Outer Dimension of Energy Security : From Power Politics to Energy Governance ». European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 1 (1 février 2010) : 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010005.
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Abstract. European integration with its common markets for coal and nuclear fuels and, nowadays, ambitions of a comprehensive energy policy makes Europe one of the most interesting regions with regard to energy security. However, not only the European Union (EU) but also the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are or will be relevant actors in the global struggle for affordable, sustainable, and sufficient supplies of energy. All three have developed more or less distinctive instruments to secure their members access to energy. Nevertheless, there are three problems that prohibit the Europeans from being important players in global energy politics. First, the EU Member States do not have sufficient indigenous reserves of energy and thus are dependent on foreign suppliers. Second, Europe and its partners lack, as of yet, a comprehensive strategy for dealing with the external aspects of energy politics, including supply security as well as the political and economic challenges of import dependency and energy cut-offs. Third, only if inner-EU coherence can be established – and later on, regional and global energy governance – will the problem of energy security be resolvable. Finally, a coherent, internal EU position will be necessary to establish regional and global energy governance – the key to stabilizing future energy relations.
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Jones, Erik. « The Frontiers of the European Union. By Malcolm Anderson and Eberhard Bort. New York : Palgrave, 2000. 235p. $65.00. » American Political Science Review 96, no 4 (décembre 2002) : 875–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402980469.
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The “borderless world” is an early twenty-first century cliche, particularly in Europe. Overlapping processes of globalization and regional integration have done much over the past decades to alter the political and economic nature of geographic boundaries. As a result, the tendency is to anticipate a fundamental deterritorialization of politics and economics. However tempting, it would nevertheless be hazardous to rush to judgment. Through a series of overlapping case studies—essays, really—Malcolm Anderson and Eberhard Bort demonstrate that frontiers remain important both within the European Union (EU) and without. Politics and economics continue to be rooted in geography despite the transformations of the late twentieth century. This is true not only in practical terms but also in relation to individual and group identities. As the authors suggest, “there remains in Europe a highly developed sense of territoriality” (p. 11).
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Schimmelfennig, Frank. « European Regional Organizations, Political Conditionality, and Democratic Transformation in Eastern Europe ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 21, no 1 (février 2007) : 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297131.
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How and under which conditions have European regional organizations been effective promoters of democratic change in Central and Eastern Europe? In this article, the author argues that only the credible conditional promise of membership in the European Union and NATO has had the potential to produce compliance with liberal-democratic norms in norm-violating transformation countries. These incentives, however, were not sufficient when the power costs of compliance were high for the target governments. They did little to alter the policies of authoritarian governments, which forewent the benefits of accession rather than risk losing power as a result of democratic reforms. Thus, whereas political conditionality was largely redundant in the forerunner countries of democratization in Central and Eastern Europe (except for some specific reform issues) and generally ineffective with entrenched authoritarian regimes, it proved highly effective in supporting democratic forces and locking in democratic reforms in the unstable democratic countries of the region.
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ZVARYCH, Ihor, et Olena ZVARYCH. « TRANSFORMATION OF THE WORLD ECONOMIC SYSTEM AND ITS IMPACT ON STATE REGIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY IN UKRAINE : NEW CHALLENGES AND THREATS ». Herald of Khmelnytskyi National University. Economic sciences 308, no 4 (28 juillet 2022) : 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.31891/2307-5740-2022-308-4-46.
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For economic science, the process of globalization, globalization transformations and shifts is connected with the formation of a single world economic system that functions according to general rules. The beginning of the twenty-first century is marked by the regionalization of the political space of our country. Regionalism is increasingly asserting its rights as one of the most influential concepts of Western democracy. Within the framework of the European Union, there is a concept of “Europe of Regions”. Researchers pay attention to regional processes in the European space, paying tribute to the trends that are constantly developing there. Regionalism can be “administrative”, and in some cases it acquires a political character. Regionalism with a noticeable political accent, in which separatist motives play a leading role, is quite relevant for Ukraine. In our opinion, regionalism is not a unequivocally negative or destructive phenomenon, it has a rather significant potential of constructivism. This phenomenon is heterogeneous and ambiguous in the modern political history of various states. There is a need to develop a comprehensive program of state regional policy, taking into account the processes of political modernization and integration of Ukraine into the European political space.
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Eremina, Natalia V. « Ethno-Regional Parties in the European Parliament : The Unevident Political Actor ». RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no 2 (30 mai 2022) : 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-303-316.
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Ethno-regional parties play a vital role in the conflict between the center and the ethnic regions, which is relevant for all modern multiethnic EU states. The European integration allows these parties to participate in the regional policy of the EU (contributing to the decentralizing reforms in the member states), as well as to interact within Euroregions and on communitarian platforms, such as the European Parliament. This article aims to clarify if this ethno-regionalist faction is able to influence the integration processes in Europe, and to what extent. To achieve this goal, we need to answer the following questions: how can the ethno-regionalists be described from a theoretical point of view? What is the dynamic of their development within the European Parliament, considering the historical retrospective? What are their current ideological attitudes that allow them to maintain unity and achieve success? The article is based on the author’s concept of cultural-territorial differentiations, which points the correlation between the political ethno-regional movement and the existing ethnocultural features and historical territory. The author concludes that it was Europeanization that led to the strengthening of the ethno-regional movement in Europe as it made the question of the ethno-regional collective response relevant. Therefore, ethno-regionalists are an essential element of every political system at the national and supranational levels. At the same time, the historical evolution and experience of European regionalists prove that they cannot constitute an independent and autonomous political force at the supranational level as their cooperation depends on various legal and political circumstances occurring on the state level.
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Pazik, Przemysław. « Koncepcje federacyjne podziemnej „Unii” (1940-1945) : w poszukiwaniu polskiego wzorca integracji europejskiej ». Politeja 16, no 2(59) (31 décembre 2019) : 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.17.
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The article aims at identifying and analysing the particularities of the federalist ideas of Polish clandestine catholic organisation the Union. In 1943 the group merged with the Christian-democratic Labour Party (SP) becoming its ideological centre. Throughout the Second World War the Union produced a series of programmatic documents and clandestine press where it discussed the shape of future Europe which was to become a pan-federation of regional federations cemented by the common values and principles enshrined in Christianity which were the foundations of Western civilization. In elaborating future plans for Europe, the Union drew explicitly from the memory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth setting it as an example for modern Poland and other European States. Historical Poland was perceived not just as a state but as a “normative power”, this was possible because the Union rejected the modern, ‘westphalian’ concept of state. Instead it advocated creation of a pluralistic federation of nations bound together by common values, where national egoisms were mitigated by common Christian values.
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Wood, Luke B. « German Hegemony ? The Federal Republic of Germany in Post Cold War European Affairs ». German Politics and Society 37, no 4 (1 décembre 2019) : 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370408.
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Germany’s increased power capabilities in foreign affairs since reunification have prompted scholars to argue that the country should be viewed as a regional hegemonic power, exercising significant influence not only over smaller countries in Eastern and Southern Europe, but also over the institutions of the European Union. After providing a critical assessment of the literature on hegemony in Europe, this article outlines three main trends in the scholarship on German power in European affairs. First, scholars tend to exaggerate Berlin’s power capabilities relative to other major European states such as France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. Research shows that Europe is best understood as a multipolar regional order, not a hegemonic system dominated by one powerful state. Second, German leadership in Europe is contested and often delegitimized. Since 1949, German political elites have not been able to exercise influence in Europe without the support of other European states. This remains true even after the collapse of the Franco-German “tandem” in the wake of the European debt crisis. Third, scholars fail to adequately address how American power in the North Atlantic impacts regional polarity. Since reunification, the role of the United States in Europe has only increased and American influence over Eastern Europe, in particular, surpasses that of other European powers, including Germany.
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Michalewska-Pawlak, Małgorzata, et Monika Klimowicz. « Wzrost znaczenia instrumentów inwestycyjnych w polityce regionalnej Unii Europejskiej w perspektywie finansowej 2014-2020 ». Politeja 17, no 4(67) (15 octobre 2020) : 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.67.07.
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The Increase of Significance Investment Instruments in Regional Policy of the European Union after 2014 The main objective of this paper is to analyse the increase of significance investment instruments in regional policy of the European Union after 2014. The reasons of this phenomenon have been pointed out in the context of the European Union structural funds. They refer to political interests, economic, social environmental challenges faced by the EU regions under conditions of limitation the EU expenditure on regional development financing. Solutions in the following areas: objectives, priorities and rules of intervention of the structural funds have been presented – those which have an investment dimension. Investment approach is going to be carried on in the next Multiannual Financial Framework after 2020. The paper has been elaborated based on using method of institutional analysis the key EU regional policy legal regulations and existing scientific literature.
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Porta, Donatella della, et Hanspeter Kriesi. « MOVIMENTI SOCIALI E GLOBALIZZAZIONE ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 28, no 3 (décembre 1998) : 451–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200026241.
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IntroduzioneNel corso dell'ultimo decennio, gli studiosi dei movimenti sociali negli Stati Uniti ed in Europa hanno prestato sempre più attenzione al contesto politico nel quale essi si mobilitano. In questo processo, la ricerca non solo ha fatto sempre più riferimento alla scienza politica per completare le sue concezioni originali (principalmente fornite dalla sociologia, dalla storia e dalla economia), ma è divenuta anche più comparata, focalizzandosi sull'impatto dei contesti politici nazionali, regionali e locali sulla mobilitazione e sulle sue conseguenze in vari paesi. Con la comparazione cross-nazionale, l'attenzione si è diretta agli effetti del cambiamento nel contesto internazionale sui sistemi sociali e sulla politica a livello nazionale. In altre parole, la ricerca sui movimenti sociali è divenuta lentamente consapevole che la divisione tra la politica comparata e le relazioni internazionali è sempre più anacronistica. Anche nello studio dei movimenti sociali, la sfida «è combinare i risultati di ambedue le prospettive senza perdere di vista i loro singoli contributi» (Garrett e Lange 1995, 654). É quello che cercheremo di fare nel corso di questo articolo, concentrandoci sull'impatto delle crescenti interazioni tra contesti politici nazionali ed internazionali e movimenti sociali in un mondo sempre più globale.
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Ignatov, Augustin. « Towards a Confident Europe : Fostering European Foreign Policy as a Premise to Enhanced European Economic Security & ; Competitiveness ». Global Economy Journal 18, no 3 (17 juillet 2018) : 20180048. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2018-0048.
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The present research comes to comprehensively analyse the path towards a confident Europe both in the regional and global environment by considering the necessity of European foreign policy consolidation as an imminent premise to enhanced European economic security & competitiveness. Despite of multiple competing political and economic interests, socio-cultural and linguistic heterogeneity, and historical animosities, the only choice of the European Union's nations to maintain and improve their current regional and global politico-economic positions resides in their capacity to act jointly through a unique representation. Accordingly, the results of the present research explicitly underline the idea that: as long as the “influence” centre of the European Union will be dispersed among national governments, each of them promoting individual interests contrary to the groups’ ones, the community as an integrational block will face important difficulties in defending its regional and global positions. The qualitative analysis undertaken highlights the idea that the European Union in the present form and institutional arrangements is not able to provide feasible and efficient solutions to the current and future challenges. This fact can be explicitly noted in the area of foreign affairs where the dualism between national and supranational bodies makes the European Union to falter on key directions including the Middle East, Eastern Partnership, the Russian Federation, and Turkey as well as on the global arena.
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Mariano, Karina L. Pasquariello, Bruno Theodoro Luciano et Lucas Bispo dos Santos. « Parlamentos regionais nas negociações comerciais : o Parlamento Europeu e o do Mercosul no acordo União Europeia-Mercosul ». Opinião Pública 25, no 2 (août 2019) : 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912019252377.
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As negociações Mercosul-UE são tradicionalmente analisadas pela perspectiva dos governos. O objetivo deste artigo é discutir o papel e a relevância dos parlamentos regionais nessas negociações, que perduram mais de 20 anos. A análise verifica se a existência de um parlamento regional amplia as discussões sobre as negociações e influi no andamento destas, considerando o período entre 1999 e 2017. O artigo analisa as posições dos parlamentares em relação às propostas apresentadas pelos respectivos blocos, o nível de informação que os parlamentares possuem sobre as negociações a que têm acesso e a capacidade de influência dos parlamentares regionais nos termos do acordo. O intuito foi verificar o grau de envolvimento dos parlamentos regionais nas negociações comerciais. Concluímos que, embora os dois parlamentos tenham graus de competências bastante distintos, em ambos os casos se observa uma atuação autônoma com relação aos Executivos, que apresenta um importante grau de polarização política em relação aos resultados do acordo e uma forte demanda por negociações comerciais mais transparentes.
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Qiu, Wen. « International regional analysis of the causes of the emergence of capitalism in Europe and not in China ». Interactive science, no 4 (38) (21 avril 2019) : 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-496444.
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The paper studies the reasons for the emergence of capitalism in Europe and not in China using the methods of international regional studies. With the emergence of capitalism, the European economy developed rapidly. However, the development of Chinese economy was slow due to the certain reasons: geographical, economic, political and so on. The author presents international regional analysis of the reasons for emergence of capitalism in Europe.
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Van den Brande, Luc. « Sub-State Diplomacy Today ». Hague Journal of Diplomacy 5, no 1-2 (2010) : 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-05010109.
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In an increasingly interdependent world, Europe will need its regions to tackle the challenges of globalization effectively, and to remain a leading partner on the international scene. Regions should therefore reorient their administrations towards the European Union (EU), focus more on the EU’s rolling political agenda, and dare to better steer the EU’s decision-making process. On the flipside, the EU itself should be based upon a model of multi-level governance, allowing the EU to work in partnership with its regional and local authorities. Having experienced politics himself at all levels of governance during his career, Dr Luc Van den Brande gives his practitioner’s view to future policy-makers.
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Howe, Martin. « Reflections on the Italian Law for the Protection of Competition and the Market ». Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 8, no 2 (1 octobre 1990) : 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569298x15668907345081.
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Abstract La nuova legge italiana per la protezione della concorrenza e del mercato è oggetto di grande interesse nel Regno Unito, a motivo dell’intenzione del governo di modificare il sistema britannico di regolamentazione della concorrenza, soprattutto per quanto riguarda i cartelli.La nuova legge deve ancora essere presentata, ma un libro bianco è stato preparato dal governo.La necessità di cambiare la legislazione al riguardo è emersa, in parte, perché essa è piuttosto antica (la prima legge è del 1948) e per vari aspetti inefficace, ed in parte per la difficoltà di conciliarla con la regolamentazione comunitaria.L’industria britannica teme che la diversità tra sistema nazionale e sistema comunitario di tutela della concorrenza possa tradursi in procedure concorrenti e con risultati discordanti, cosa che metterebbe in svantaggio le imprese britanniche rispetto a quelle degli altri partners comunitari.È rimarchevole il fatto che la legge italiana sia non soltanto modellata sulla base della legge comunitaria, ma che essa affermi che la legge nazionale non sarà applicata quando la Comunità europea abbia giurisdizione.Nel Regno Unito, invece, si insiste sulla possibilità di compiere indagini a livello nazionale, pur accettando il primato della legislazione comunitaria, in caso di contrasto. Si ammette che pratiche o accordi vietati dalla Commissione non possono essere consentiti, ma si sostiene che possono essere vietati, a livello nazionale, accordi e pratiche ammessi a livello comunitario.Peraltro, l’apparentemente chiara distinzione contenuta nella legge italiana tra i compiti della legislazione nazionale e quelli della legislazione comunitaria rischia di venir meno tutte le volte che i due ordinamenti interpreteranno le leggi in modo diverso. Questa possibility era stata alla base dell’opposizione del Regno Unito al conferimento alla Commissione europea della giurisdizione esclusiva per le fusioni di «dimensione comunitaria».Il sistema britannico è basato sul concetto di «interesse pubblico», che è per sua natura impreciso, anche se esso viene applicato in modo pragmatico e flessibile, cosa da non sottovalutare se si tiene conto del fatto che in questo campo le opinioni convenzionalmente accolte possono cambiare.Vi sono tuttavia numerosi vantaggi in un sistema che, come quello italiano, è basato su proibizioni, e di essi tiene conto il libro bianco governativo: dà messaggi più chiari alle industrie su cosa sia consentito, conferisce poteri investigativi più precisi all’Autorità della concorrenza e può anche stabilire sanzioni per comportamenti illegali, con possibili effetti deterrenti.L’Autorità italiana dovrebbe dare assoluta priorità alla eliminazione degli accordi decisamente anti-concorrenziali, come quelli diretti alla fissazione dei prezzi, alle domande ed offerte concordate, ed alla suddivisione del mercato. Si tratta di accordi che hanno raramente una giustificazione di carattere efficientistico o di altra natura.I cartelli su cui è necessario concentrarsi sono quelli di carattere orizzontale, mentre i cartelli verticali non sembrano rilevanti, almeno di regola. Pertanto, l’avere inserito anche i cartelli verticali nella legislazione italiana (conformemente a quella europea) complica molto il lavoro dell’Autorità (a motivo dell’intenso lavoro burocratico che ne conseguira) senza effettivamente contribuire alla tutela della concorrenza, che potrebbe in questo caso avvenire attraverso il ricorso alla categoria dell’abuso di posizione dominante.Per quanto riguarda le concentrazioni, sebbene quelle orizzontali siano il modo più semplice mediante cui si può giungere all’abuso di posizione dominante, bisogna riconoscere che esse costituiscono una parte molto controversa della politica della concorrenza. Vi è il problema di stabilire le dimensioni della concentrazione da sottoporre a controllo, nonché quello della prevalenza di altre considerazioni, attinenti, per esempio, alla promozione dello sviluppo regionale, rispetto ai principii della concorrenza.A proposito delle concentrazioni, bisogna distinguere il caso in cui le attività in questione siano esposte alla concorrenza internazionale da quello in cui non lo siano. In quest’ultimo caso, gli effetti delle concentrazioni devono essere esaminati con attenzione maggiore, per verificare se possano aver luogo benefici sotto il profilo di una maggiore efficienza o sotto altri aspetti. Si tratta, comunque, di valutazioni molto complesse, che non possono risolversi con una semplice formula circa il tasso di concentrazione.La repressione dell’abuso di posizione dominante è indubbiamente una parte essenziale della legislazione per la tutela della concorrenza. Tale è quindi anche nel Regno Unito, dove peraltro l’inesistenza di proibizioni rende difficile ottenere effetti deterrenti. Peraltro, un limite all’accoglimento del sistema previsto dall’art. 86 del Trattato CEE (così come del corrispondente articolo 3 della legge italiana) è costituito dalla difficoltà di definire l’«impresa dominante” e, ancor più, l’«abuso», con la conseguenza che si rischia di rendere ancora più difficile la vita delle imprese, che si troverebbero di fronte al divieto di compiere atti «illegali” che non sono precisamente definiti.Sebbene siano state numerose nel Regno Unito le indagini in materia di abuso di posizione dominante, nella maggior parte dei casi esse hanno condotto alla conclusione della loro infondatezza. È probabile che l’Autorità italiana abbia esperienze analoghe.Per quanto possano essere diverse, da Paese a Paese, le leggi sulla concorrenza e gli stessi ordinamenti, nonché i sistemi economici e sociali, è sorprendente la somiglianza tra i problemi che le autorità responsabili della tutela della concorrenza si trovano di fronte.
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ГРУБИНКО, Андрій. « Идея европейской политической интеграции в истории международных отношений и Великобритания = Ideya yevropeyskoy politicheskoy integratsii v istorii mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy i Velikobritaniya ». Historia i Świat 5 (12 septembre 2016) : 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2016.05.16.
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The article examines the historical origins and characteristics of Great Britain’s European policy from the Middle Ages to the II World War in the context of general trends of development international relations in Europe. Special attention is paid to the analysis of theoretical concepts of leading European political integration. Views of the European (continental) and English (British) thinkers and politicians on the problem of European political unity are presented. According the author’s conclusions we may confirm about the specific British model of European integration and participation the country in processes of regional political association. The imperial strategy of “splendid isolation” in 18th – 19th centuries was embodied in the main principle of the Britain’s European policy and formulated in 1930 by Winston Churchill: “We are with Europe but don’t belong to it.” At the same time, the political thought of UK was developed in line with European trends. William Penn, John Bellers, Jeremy Bentham, James Lorimer put forward their own vision of European political unity. During the II World War the idea of European integration has gained popularity. The originality of British culture, great practical historical experience of European policy, supported by theoretical projects of European political unity formed the necessary basis for the start process of practical implementation idea of European political integration during the second half of the ХХth century.
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SADAKATA, MAMORU. « Regional Governance : Lessons from European Involvement in Yugoslav Conflicts ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no 2 (novembre 2003) : 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001130.
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The fragmentation of Yugoslavia has wrought extensive political and social change in the Balkans and Europe more generally. After the collapse of communism and the breakup of Yugoslavia, many Balkan countries have transformed their political systems. European states have attempted to engage and manage this breakup on an individual and collective basis. The involvement of the international community, and above all of EU countries adjacent to the Balkans, has greatly influenced processes of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in the region.
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Spirova, Maria, et Boyka Stefanova. « The European Dimension of Minority Political Representation ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 26, no 1 (18 janvier 2012) : 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388831.
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The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.
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Rainer, Karl. « Die Südtirol-Autonomie im Kontext der europäischen Regionalpolitik und internationalen Zusammenarbeit – Ein Erfahrungsbericht ». Europäisches Journal für Minderheitenfragen 14, no 3-4 (2021) : 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/ejm-2021-0015.
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Jakimów, Małgorzata. « Desecuritisation as a soft power strategy : the Belt and Road Initiative, European fragmentation and China’s normative influence in Central-Eastern Europe ». Asia Europe Journal 17, no 4 (13 septembre 2019) : 369–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10308-019-00561-3.
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Abstract While much discussion centres on economic properties and political challenges of implementing the China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), few studies investigate the subtle connections between the narratives of the BRI and the political transformations in the regions en route of the project. Through a critique of the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitisation, this paper brings together the analysis of Chinese, Central-Eastern European (CEE) and the core EU governments’ ideas and perceptions of the BRI and assesses what they mean for the future of the European Union’s political and normative cohesion. This paper argues that the China-deployed desecuritised narratives of the BRI constitute an important soft power strategy of China in its engagement in Europe. The article illustrates how these desecuritised narratives are utilised and co-produced actively by countries of CEE with a political aim of negotiating their domestic interests with the EU’s institutions, making the process of desecuritisation neither apolitical nor benign. As China-promoted desecuritisation is used instrumentally by the regional actors to present China as an economic, political and normative alternative to the EU, the article contributes to the understanding of China’s desecuritisation as a soft power strategy, which is both forged through ‘negative’ language (Callahan, Politics 35(3–4):216–229, 2015) and is ‘contingent’ upon recipient audiences (Kavalski, Coop Confl 48(2):247–267, 2013). As a result, new regional dynamics emerge in the EU, which are driven by the populist turn and growing demand for Chinese investments in the European periphery, which China skilfully utilises through narratives of desecuritisation in order to boost its soft power strategy in the region.
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Galbraith, Marysia H. « Multiculturalism in a Transnational Regional Community : EU Subsides and Cultural Heritage in Southeast Polad ». Politeja 12, no 8 (31/2) (31 décembre 2015) : 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.10.
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The Bieszczady region of southeast Poland contains many traces of former multiethnic communities, and the transnational forces that destroyed them. With increasing frequency, the European Union logo marks EU involvement in cultural heritage projects throughout the region. In this article, I explore the interconnections among ethnicity, culture, and politics revealed in the ways Bieszczady residents make use of EU subsidies designated for the promotion of regional cultures. I argue that local agents cater to a vision of multiculturalism that bolsters EU values of cross‑border cooperation and tolerance for diversity, but they do so in pursuit of regional goals. Ethnographic examples show they want to increase regional pride and promote development of the regional tourist sector so that residents will feel less compelled to emigrate in search of employment. Although “transnational regional community” sounds like an oxymoron, it is an apt characterization of the Bieszczady region (and by extension other borderlands of the EU) because the transnational institution of the European Union provides the context in which particular kinds of regional identities become salient, albeit in multiple and fragmented ways.
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Hurrell, Andrew. « Explaining the resurgence of regionalism in world politics ». Review of International Studies 21, no 4 (octobre 1995) : 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117954.
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The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major ‘regionalist wave’ in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and the Pentagonale in central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market, Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or ‘bloc regionalism’ built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.
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Tajadura Tejada, Javier. « Los procesos secesionistas y el derecho europeo ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 37 (1 janvier 2016) : 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.37.2016.17011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este artículo analiza en primer lugar el significado de la secesión en el Derecho Internacional y en el Derecho Constitucional. Asimismo, examina cómo se aborda el fenómeno de la secesión en el Derecho comunitario europeo. Esto obliga a estudiar dos tipos de problemas: por un lado, el de la secesión de un Estado miembro respecto de la propia Unión; por otro, el de la fragmentación de un Estado miembro por la secesión de una parte de su territorio. La conclusión es que la conservación o fragmentación de un Estado miembro de la Unión Europea no es un asunto interno: la secesión de partes de un territorio afecta al sistema político europeo en su conjunto, en la medida en que es una forma de integración federal donde no caben actos unilaterales que quebranten el principio de lealtad federal de la Unión y la ciudadanía europea que ha ido conformándose en las últimas décadas.This article analyzes the meaning of secession in international and constitutional law. It also examines the phenomenon of secession in European law. This requires studying two types of problems: the secession of a member state of the European Union and the fragmentation of a Member State for the secession of part of its territory. The conclusion is that conservation or fragmentation of a Member State of the European Union is not an internal matter. In our opinión, the political and legal system of the Union can be characterized also federally, which prevents the national and regional authorities to carry out unilateral acts that go against the principle of Community federal loyalty and European citizenship.
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Lawenda, Damian. « EUROPEAN UNION POLICY OF ENERGY SECURITY IN THE CASPIAN SEA REGION ». Teka Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych 9 (12 mars 2015) : 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/teka.2014.0.9.165.
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Tarschys, Daniel. « The Council of Europe : 50 years of European cooperation ». European Review 7, no 4 (octobre 1999) : 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004439.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The post-war European credo – never again a Europe given over to totalitarian terror and war, but a Europe of peace and freedom – led to the creation in May 1949 of the Council of Europe with the clear political and ideological alignment to build a Europe of common values (democracy, human rights and the Rule of Law), to which the practice of market economy was added. The promotion of those fundamental values constituted the Council's specific mandate and raison d'être together with ever-increasing cooperation patterns. After the end of the Cold War, the organization became the pre-eminent European political institution welcoming, on an equal footing and in permanent structures, the democracies of Europe freed from communist oppression. The Kosovo conflict calls for a hardening of the European resolve to base its future on the defence of human dignity, respect for the individual, the Rule of Law and pluralist democracy, indispensable in fostering a common European identity. Setting-up of regional and European cooperation and integration structures has been an important step forward, but must be complemented by the conviction and determination to forge a common European destiny.