Thèses : « Politica regionale europea »

1

Muccigrosso, Teo <1977&gt. « La valutazione degli effetti delle politiche di coesione dell'Unione europea sulla crescita regionale ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1997/1/MUCCIGROSSO_Teo_tesi.pdf.

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This PhD thesis aims at providing an evaluation of EU Cohesion policy impact on regional growth. It employs methodologies and data sources never before applied for this purpose. Main contributions to the literature concerning EU regional policy effectiveness have been extensively analysed. Moreover, having carried out an overview of the current literature on Cohesion Policy, we deduce that this work introduces innovative features in the field. The work enriches the current literature with regards to two aspects. The first aspect concerns the use of the instrument of Regression Discontinuity Design in order to examine the presence of a different outcome in terms of growth between Objectives 1 regions and non-Objective 1 regions at the cut-off point (75 percent of EU-15 GDP per capita in PPS) during the two programming periods, 1994-1999 and 2000-2006. The results confirm a significant difference higher than 0.5 percent per year between the two groups. The other empirical evaluation regards the study of a cross-section regression model based on the convergence theory that analyses the dependence relation between regional per capita growth and EU Cohesion policy expenditure in several fields of interventions. We have built a very fine dataset of spending variables (certified expenditure), using sources of data directly provided from the Regional Policy Directorate of the European Commission.

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Muccigrosso, Teo <1977&gt. « La valutazione degli effetti delle politiche di coesione dell'Unione europea sulla crescita regionale ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1997/.

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This PhD thesis aims at providing an evaluation of EU Cohesion policy impact on regional growth. It employs methodologies and data sources never before applied for this purpose. Main contributions to the literature concerning EU regional policy effectiveness have been extensively analysed. Moreover, having carried out an overview of the current literature on Cohesion Policy, we deduce that this work introduces innovative features in the field. The work enriches the current literature with regards to two aspects. The first aspect concerns the use of the instrument of Regression Discontinuity Design in order to examine the presence of a different outcome in terms of growth between Objectives 1 regions and non-Objective 1 regions at the cut-off point (75 percent of EU-15 GDP per capita in PPS) during the two programming periods, 1994-1999 and 2000-2006. The results confirm a significant difference higher than 0.5 percent per year between the two groups. The other empirical evaluation regards the study of a cross-section regression model based on the convergence theory that analyses the dependence relation between regional per capita growth and EU Cohesion policy expenditure in several fields of interventions. We have built a very fine dataset of spending variables (certified expenditure), using sources of data directly provided from the Regional Policy Directorate of the European Commission.

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GASPARINI, NICOLETTA. « La dimensione culturale della politica regionale dell'Unione europea : i fondi strutturali per la cultura : criticità e prospettive di sviluppo per il territorio laziale ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/201853.

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Hopkins, William John. « Regional autonomy in the European Union ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14715/.

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Demczyk, Michael J. « POLITICAL EXPRESSION OF REGIONAL IDENTITY IN SCOTLAND AND WALES : THE EFFECTS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION ». Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1122928124.

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Thesis (PH. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.
Title from second page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [2], vii, 101 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 94-99).

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BRUNO, VALERIO ALFONSO. « IL RUOLO EUROPEO DELLA GERMANIA DALLA CRISI ECONOMICA AL 2015 : L'INFLUENZA REGIONALE TRA EGEMONIA RILUTTANTE E CAPACITA'DI LEADERSHIP ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/17946.

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La ricerca indaga qual sia stato il ruolo regionale della Germania nel periodo che va dalla crisi economica del 2008 al 2015 basandosi su tre elementi in particolare: 1)Tipologia/stile di potere regionale. Il potere esercitato dalla Germania a livello regionale di tipo egemonico coercitivo o benevolente e multilaterale. 2)Guida/conduzione della regione. L'efficacia complessiva della guida/conduzione regionale della Germania nel periodo post-crisi. 3)Influenza complessiva. L’influenza complessiva del potere della Germania a livello regionale tra il 2008 ed il 2015. La ricerca sostiene che la Germania, successivamente alla crisi economica globale, abbia disposto nell’arco temporale 2008-2015 di un potere molto efficace, sia a livello deliberato che non-intenzionale, sviluppando un ruolo regionale non sempre ben definito, esibendo tuttavia tratti caratteristici più assimilabili alla leadership in senso stretto e dimostrandosi spesso molto capace nel condurre la regione europea attraverso situazioni critiche.
The research investigates what has been the particular role of Germany in the period from the 2008 economic crisis up to 2015, based on three elements in particular: 1) Type/style of regional power. The power exercised by Germany, on a continuum from a regional hegemonic type to a benevolent and multilateral leadership. 2) Guide/conduct of region. The overall effectiveness of Germany's regional guide role in the post-crisis period. 3) Overall influence or "power over outcomes". The influence excercised by Germany at the regional level between 2008 and 2015. The research supports eventually that Germany, following the global economic crisis, has disposed during the period 2008-2015 of a very effective power (both intentional and non-intentional) developing a particular regional role not always in a clear and defined way, exhibiting indeed traits similar to a leadership and being often capable of leading the European region through critical situations.

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BRUNO, VALERIO ALFONSO. « IL RUOLO EUROPEO DELLA GERMANIA DALLA CRISI ECONOMICA AL 2015 : L'INFLUENZA REGIONALE TRA EGEMONIA RILUTTANTE E CAPACITA'DI LEADERSHIP ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/17946.

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La ricerca indaga qual sia stato il ruolo regionale della Germania nel periodo che va dalla crisi economica del 2008 al 2015 basandosi su tre elementi in particolare: 1)Tipologia/stile di potere regionale. Il potere esercitato dalla Germania a livello regionale di tipo egemonico coercitivo o benevolente e multilaterale. 2)Guida/conduzione della regione. L'efficacia complessiva della guida/conduzione regionale della Germania nel periodo post-crisi. 3)Influenza complessiva. L’influenza complessiva del potere della Germania a livello regionale tra il 2008 ed il 2015. La ricerca sostiene che la Germania, successivamente alla crisi economica globale, abbia disposto nell’arco temporale 2008-2015 di un potere molto efficace, sia a livello deliberato che non-intenzionale, sviluppando un ruolo regionale non sempre ben definito, esibendo tuttavia tratti caratteristici più assimilabili alla leadership in senso stretto e dimostrandosi spesso molto capace nel condurre la regione europea attraverso situazioni critiche.
The research investigates what has been the particular role of Germany in the period from the 2008 economic crisis up to 2015, based on three elements in particular: 1) Type/style of regional power. The power exercised by Germany, on a continuum from a regional hegemonic type to a benevolent and multilateral leadership. 2) Guide/conduct of region. The overall effectiveness of Germany's regional guide role in the post-crisis period. 3) Overall influence or "power over outcomes". The influence excercised by Germany at the regional level between 2008 and 2015. The research supports eventually that Germany, following the global economic crisis, has disposed during the period 2008-2015 of a very effective power (both intentional and non-intentional) developing a particular regional role not always in a clear and defined way, exhibiting indeed traits similar to a leadership and being often capable of leading the European region through critical situations.

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Limonta, Marina <1993&gt. « REGIONAL DIVERGENCES IN WESTERN EUROPE. SKILL CONVERGENCE AND REGIONAL RESPONSES TO SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGE ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/15300.

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The first section of the thesis provides a sequence of theories and models by regional economics come over the last fifty years. Locational theory, regional growth and local development theories, give us understanding to the role of “space”, that is included as an economic resource of the “territory” in which firms are situated and generate advantages. By the patent distribution analysis, it is evident that agglomeration economies are leading city regions through an exponential growth due to positive externalities, and it is causing an opposite direction for the less favoured regions which carried problems such as missing knowledge, income inequalities, less incentives to growth and networking. Evidences agreed that inequality among European Union’s regions has turned considerably up at the early 2000, after having fallen in the 1990s from the previously high-level period. The less favoured regions, such as small and medium-sized manufacturing cities and regions, have suffered employment and income. On the other hand, the more favoured regions, large metropolitan areas, are now up to the positive wave of good income and employment. Since the 2000s, complex technology has an important role in urban agglomeration, but does not take the place of some (tacit) knowledge embodied in social network. This concept explains the role of human capital, which due to complex economic and consequently growth economic. The second part of the thesis provides an empirical analysis concerning the differential evolution of skills migration by unit of metropolitan statistical area (MSA), which is ranked by high-skill workers over low-skill workers, in the period of time 2000-2010. The empirical study is inspired by a different in differences analysis by Giannone (2017). The analysis shows that both the relative price and supply of skill increased since 1980, suggesting an increase in relative demand for educated workers. The literature named Skill-Biased Technical Change (SBTC) this shift in demand, and researchers explain how SBTC led to rise in earning inequalities. These tendencies of development in favours geographical concentration of the best jobs and high skills, have confirmed the divergence through EU regions. On one side, metropolitan regions are the fundamental motors of European’s overall prosper. By the other side, periphery regions are on their way of declining prosperity and lack of real opportunity, which is not only economically inefficient, but also socially and politically dangerous. The third section of the thesis look at the “Great Divergence” (Moretti, 2012) in a way to observe the agglomeration and SBTC effects which leads to a spatial wage convergence decreased. Many cities and regions across Europe’s economic peripheries have been stuck in a low- development trap. As few researchers questioned, does it mean that policy should react and focus on equity instead of agglomeration? According to Rodríguez-Pose (2017), weak institutions and poor-quality government are crucial obstacle to development. Instead, the capability to generate prosperity and maximizing the territorial potential to generate and share positive externalities, is an attitude which differs trough regions and, even more, countries. Place-sensitive distributed development policies (PSDDP) refer to an innovative development policy approach which remain sensitive to the characteristics, features and conditions of every territory. Different development regions require different policy approaches.The study case takes into observation Italy, with focus on North/South regions behaviour, and Germany in a wide sense and with refer to later developed German Democratic Republic regions.To better understand the migration of high skill since their initial skill ratio, it is investigated which role institutions have in the process, especially in education system, with a focus on Italian central unit system and German autonomous regional system.

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Howlett, D. « An analysis of a regional nuclear safeguards organisation : The European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) and the development of nuclear safeguards in Western Europe ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235227.

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Koh, Jae Bang. « Regional disadvantages and economic and political integration within the European Community / ». The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487778663286902.

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Galvão, Antonio Carlos Filgueira. « Politica de desenvolvimento regional e inovação : lições para o Brasil da experiencia europeia ». [s.n.], 2003. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286165.

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Orientador: Wilson Cano
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T19:27:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Galvao_AntonioCarlosFilgueira_D.pdf: 1860646 bytes, checksum: bc9310465b139e348c32640762dc85d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003
Doutorado

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Bechev, Dimitar. « Constructing South East Europe : the politics of Balkan regional cooperation, 1995-2003 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b2c66c28-2d24-4e09-b184-5dd1155910ee.

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In the post-Cold War era, the Balkans came to exemplify the power of resurgent nationalisms freed from the straitjacket of bipolar stability. The break-up of the Yugoslav federation suggested that exclusivist ethno-national identities trumped the logic of political and economic integration. Yet, by the early 2000s, regional cooperation made significant inroads into South East Europe. This study addresses the puzzle of why the Balkan states have engaged in a number of multilateral schemes in fields such as military security, trade, infrastructure development, energy, despite the region's divisive historical legacies and political instability. The thesis explores the impact of three factors: regional interdependence denoting the socio-economic and political linkages which contribute to the convergence of Balkan states' material interests, external push referring to the policies for fostering regional cooperation adopted by key actors such as the EU, US, and NATO, and identity politics: the discourses on the borders, cultural make-up and history of a Balkan regional entity as well as the latter's relationship with constructs like Europe and the West. The thesis argues that external projection of power, rather than regional interdependence, accounted for the development and growth of Balkan regionalism. However, the push from outside was legitimised by Balkan collective identity built upon myths of belonging to and exclusion from 'civilised Europe'. Regionalism was not solely a reflection of the supply and demand for integrative frameworks, but amounted to a symbolic strategy for transforming the volatile Balkans into South East Europe by the adoption of the institutional norms and practices of international clubs such as the EU and NATO. The case of regional cooperation in South East Europe contributes to the debates about the politics of interest and the politics of identity in the field of International Relations, and raises questions about the nature of power in contemporary Europe and the international society.

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Chenchen, Li. « Regional Integration : From the European Experience to Southeast Asia ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-18445.

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This thesis is based on the theoretical knowledge derived from the European integration experience to conduct a comparative study between the EU and ASEAN. This thesis investigates how endogenous factors affect how exogenous factors influence the EU and ASEAN institution building process within the European Single Market and ASEAN Free Trade Area. It argues that ASEAN members' domestic political interest and national preference formed within their cultural context as a result of their informal institutional economic cooperation. The thesis reviews literature and finds that the European model cannot be simply applied to ASEAN, thus a combination of new regionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism seeks to contribute alternatives to different aspects in the analysis of ASEAN regional integration.

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TETTAMANTI, STEFANO. « Fondi Strutturali Europei 2000-2006 : Ricostruzione della distribuzione regionale e valutazione del loro impatto sulla convergenza regionale ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/3675.

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Ampia discussione è in corso riguardo ai Fondi Strutturali Europei, uno strumento creato dall’Unione Europea per ridurre le differenze economiche tra le sue regioni. Durante il CSF 2000-06 essi hanno rappresentato 1/3 del budget comunitario. Nonostante tale sforzo, parte della letteratura trova scarsi effetti e persistenza nei differenziali di PIL che i fondi dovrebbero ridurre. In questo lavoro si affronterà la questione osservando le regioni dell’EU-15, nel periodo 2000-07. L’effetto dei fondi è stato dapprima stimato con modelli di convergenza assoluta e considerando problemi come l’autocorrelazione spaziale e l’eterogeneità delle regioni. L’attenzione si è quindi diretta alla costruzione di un dataset contenente cifre dettagliate dei fondi pagati annualmente a ciascuna regione, tramite combinazione di informazioni da fonti ufficiali e tramite stime per coprire le cifre per cui tali informazioni erano mancanti. Con questo dataset sono quindi stati stimati modelli che considerassero effetti di spill-over e la possibilità di cluster convergence. È risultato che i fondi strutturali hanno effetti tutto sommato positivi. L’utilizzo di modelli più complessi e realistici ha però mostrato una debole convergenza, lasciando quindi dubbi sull’effettiva efficacia dei fondi.
A vast discussion is underway regarding European structural funds, an instrument the European Union created in order to reduce the economic differentials among its regions. During the 2000-2006 CSF they represented 1/ 3 of EU budget. Despite these efforts, part of the literature finds small effects and persistence in those differences in GDP which these funds should reduce. In this work the issue will be addressed by looking at regions within EU-15, in the period 2000-2007. Proof of the positive effect of funds was first searched using models of absolute beta convergence and addressing issues like spatial autocorrelation and heterogeneity between regions. The attention moved then to the task of constructing a dataset which could provide detailed figures on funding paid to each region each year, by combining information available from official sources and through the estimation of those figures for which information was missing. On the base of this dataset new models were estimated, taking into account the spill-over effects and the possibility of cluster convergence. The result was that structural funds have, overall, a positive impact. Once we move to more complex and realistic models, convergence becomes weaker, casting some doubts on the effectiveness of these funds.

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TETTAMANTI, STEFANO. « Fondi Strutturali Europei 2000-2006 : Ricostruzione della distribuzione regionale e valutazione del loro impatto sulla convergenza regionale ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/3675.

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Ampia discussione è in corso riguardo ai Fondi Strutturali Europei, uno strumento creato dall’Unione Europea per ridurre le differenze economiche tra le sue regioni. Durante il CSF 2000-06 essi hanno rappresentato 1/3 del budget comunitario. Nonostante tale sforzo, parte della letteratura trova scarsi effetti e persistenza nei differenziali di PIL che i fondi dovrebbero ridurre. In questo lavoro si affronterà la questione osservando le regioni dell’EU-15, nel periodo 2000-07. L’effetto dei fondi è stato dapprima stimato con modelli di convergenza assoluta e considerando problemi come l’autocorrelazione spaziale e l’eterogeneità delle regioni. L’attenzione si è quindi diretta alla costruzione di un dataset contenente cifre dettagliate dei fondi pagati annualmente a ciascuna regione, tramite combinazione di informazioni da fonti ufficiali e tramite stime per coprire le cifre per cui tali informazioni erano mancanti. Con questo dataset sono quindi stati stimati modelli che considerassero effetti di spill-over e la possibilità di cluster convergence. È risultato che i fondi strutturali hanno effetti tutto sommato positivi. L’utilizzo di modelli più complessi e realistici ha però mostrato una debole convergenza, lasciando quindi dubbi sull’effettiva efficacia dei fondi.
A vast discussion is underway regarding European structural funds, an instrument the European Union created in order to reduce the economic differentials among its regions. During the 2000-2006 CSF they represented 1/ 3 of EU budget. Despite these efforts, part of the literature finds small effects and persistence in those differences in GDP which these funds should reduce. In this work the issue will be addressed by looking at regions within EU-15, in the period 2000-2007. Proof of the positive effect of funds was first searched using models of absolute beta convergence and addressing issues like spatial autocorrelation and heterogeneity between regions. The attention moved then to the task of constructing a dataset which could provide detailed figures on funding paid to each region each year, by combining information available from official sources and through the estimation of those figures for which information was missing. On the base of this dataset new models were estimated, taking into account the spill-over effects and the possibility of cluster convergence. The result was that structural funds have, overall, a positive impact. Once we move to more complex and realistic models, convergence becomes weaker, casting some doubts on the effectiveness of these funds.

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Di, Cataldo Marco. « Regional and local development in Europe : Public policies, investment strategies, institutions ». Doctoral thesis, LSE, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10278/3727743.

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The development strategies being promoted in the EU – Europe 2020 and the 2014-2020 Cohesion Policy – aim to supersede the presumed incompatibility between efficiency and equity through a policy approach tailoring interventions to the key specificities of all territories, including the most disadvantaged. In this view, the socio-economic progress of lagging regions would help keeping under control any increase in inequalities potentially associated with the economic development process. However, the idea of promoting spatially-targeted interventions in economically backward areas has been conceptually questioned, and the effectiveness of the Cohesion Policy programme in poorer regions is yet to be convincingly proven. In the policy framework underpinning EU strategies, a key role is assigned to the quality of regional and local government institutions. Public institutions are conceived as instrumental for identifying and solving the bottlenecks inhibiting economic growth and perpetuating social exclusion in poorer places. Nevertheless, local governments may also be responsible for wastes and misallocations of financial resources. While theoretical contributions on the importance of government institutions for regional and local development abound, empirical evidence on their functioning is scarce. Through which mechanisms they influence the design and outcomes of public policies is unclear. Drawing from cross-country investigations and case-studies in the European context, the four quantitative studies composing this Thesis contribute to shed light on these related issues. Focusing on the United Kingdom, the first paper evaluates the economic and labour market impact of EU Cohesion Policy. Counterfactual analyses demonstrate that EU regional policies may have a beneficial impact on the labour market and growth path of peripheral regions. The study warns over possible negative repercussions of a discontinuation of EU financial support to poorer areas, a result of obvious relevance for the country after ‘Brexit’. By exploiting panel samples of EU regions, the second and third papers shed light on the role of government institutions for the returns of regional investments and for labour market and social conditions in Europe. The second paper examines the link between institutional quality, transport infrastructure investments, and economic growth. It shows that improvements in secondary (local) roads are conducive to a better economic performance only in presence of sound regional governments. The third paper investigates the extent to which the factors at the centre of European growth strategies – institutions, innovation, human capital and transport infrastructure – contribute to the generation of employment and to social inclusion in EU regions. The evidence produced suggests that regional government institutions have been essential to mitigate social exclusion issues in EU regions. The fourth paper focuses on Southern Italy to examine how public finances are distorted by ‘local governments captures’ operated by organised crime. Collusions between mafia and local politics have a significant impact on the selection of investments and on the collection of fiscal revenues. The local policy agenda is modified to the advantage of the interests of organised crime. Overall, the evidence emerging from this Thesis suggests that policy interventions have the potential to boost the economic and labour market performance of the less developed EU regions. However, any favourable policy outcome (both in terms of efficiency and equity) is conditioned by the competence and the goodwill of government institutions responsible for defining development targets and enforcing investment plans. When politicians are conditioned by illegal pressures from criminal groups, investment decisions follow special interests rather than general welfare goals. In turn, inadequate governance harms the economic impact of selected interventions. The results are particularly relevant for the lively debate, within economic geography, on the pre-conditions and policy measures enabling ‘smart and inclusive’ development at the sub-national level.

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Bache, Ian. « EU regional policy : has the UK government succeeded in playing the gatekeeper over the domestic impact of the European Regional Development Fund ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1863/.

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This research sets out to test the hypothesis that the UK government has succeeded in playing a gatekeeper role over the domestic impact of main instrument of European Union (EU) regional policy, the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) In relation to the domestic financial impact, this research examines the UK government's implementation of the EU principle of additionality: that EU regional funds should be spent in addition to planned domestic expenditure. In relation to the domestic political impact, consideration is given to both additionality and the implementation of the EU principle that regional funds should be administered by partnerships involving national governments, subnational actors and the Commission. While this research traces the development of the ERDF from its origins, the primary concern is with developments after the 1988 reform of the structural funds. In this reform, the allocation of funding doubled, the additionality requirement was strengthened; and the partnership principle was introduced. It was found that despite the sustained and sometimes collaborative efforts of the Commission and subnational actors to undermine the role of UK national government in the implementation of EU regional policy, these efforts have thus far met with limited success. While this findings may inform existing theories of EU regional policy-making, this thesis argues that existing theories are too general to guide case studies of single government action such as this. Moreover, existing theories tend to focus on EU-level decision-making and neglect the importance of implementation in shaping policy outcomes. This thesis concludes by proposing a new framework for analysing the role played by a single national government over specific EU policy issues, throughout the policy process. The framework outlined is described as the 'Extended Gatekeeper' approach.

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Paskett, Jennifer Laura. « The NUTS and Bolts of Evaluations of the European Union:Exploring the Regional Dynamics of Public Perception ». The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1365617746.

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Mols, Frans J. G. M. « Regional, national and European identity amongst political representatives in peripheral regions : a social identity perspective ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421559.

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Tottolo, Lara <1990&gt. « Le politiche europee di vicinato. Panoramica generale, programmi regionali e il caso della Bielorussia ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9771.

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Dopo il quinto allargamento dell’Unione Europea nel 2004 il suo confine esterno si è spostato drasticamente verso oriente. Improvvisamente l’UE si ritrovò così a contatto con paesi economicamente e politicamente meno stabili. In risposta a questo cambiamento venne creata una nuova una politica estera europea verso i paesi ora suoi confinanti, la politica europea di vicinato, che inglobò il mosaico degli strumenti politici esistenti con l’obiettivo di creare una cerchia di paesi attorno all’UE con cui essa intrattiene relazioni di cooperazione pacifica. Questa tesi si propone così di analizzare le origini e lo sviluppo di questa politica, la sua struttura istituzionale e il suo specifico meccanismo di finanziamento. Particolare attenzione sarà data ai diversi livelli a cui queste politiche operano, ovvero a livello interregionale, regionale e bilaterale, focalizzandosi in particolare negli strumenti usati nell’area dell’Europa orientale. Infine, sarà presentato il caso della Bielorussia in riferimento al tentativo delle politiche europee di vicinato di influenzare un progresso verso la democrazia. Partendo da una panoramica dell’evoluzione delle relazioni tra UE e Bielorussia da quando quest’ultima ha ottenuto l’indipendenza, si cercherà di capire la situazione attuale che vede questo paese “conteso” tra le politiche europee rivolte ad esso e lo stretto legame con la Russia, con cui fa parte dell’Unione euroasiatica.

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Dam, Ewout. « European Innovation Policy through the European Regional Development Fund : A case study of East-Netherlands ». Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Institutionen för fysisk planering, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-14965.

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In this study is analysed how the ERDF (European Regional Development Funding) in East-Netherlands approaches innovation and how this approach is shaped and complemented byEuropean, national and regional policy. This is done by analysing how the targeted interventionapproach and the institutional approach are used in the ERDF and adjacent policies. The twoapproaches are both based on a different argument on how innovation policy makes an impact.By doing this the study contributes to the analysis of European policy and it empirically appliesconcepts used in theory on innovation and regional economic development. This gives policy makersinput for the development of innovation policy and especially for the development of Europeanpolicy post 2020. For academia this study shows theoretical gaps in the concepts applied andprovides suggestions for further research on these concepts. The study concludes that ERDF fundingin East-Netherlands is strongly based on the targeted intervention approach. The use of thisapproach results from the governance structure under which ERDF is implemented. The EU 2020strategy has been influential in the final shape of the policy, while the national level has a lessimportant role. Innovation policy at the regional level complements the ERDF policy because it is alsobased on concepts from the targeted intervention approach. The institutional policy implemented atthe European and national level has weaker links with the ERDF programme.

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Burghardt, Hans-Georg. « The European Community and the Arab world : group-to-group relations and inter-regional cooperation (1980-1992) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295854.

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Moroney, Jennifer D. Patterson. « Ukraine and the new frontier of East-West relations : dynamics of regional and pan-European policy evolution ». Thesis, University of Kent, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322154.

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Signorile, Jacopo. « The impact of regionalisation and europeanization on regional development policies in Italy : policy innovation and path dependence ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/313/.

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Scholars have proposed and investigated a view of social relations as social networks and therefore the role of public policy in creating new networks and new social and economic relations. Are different incumbent institutional settings a relevant variable to explain different regional policies responses to Regionalization and Europeanization? I will address this question with regard to the regional policy that was initiated in Italy in 1950 and that represented the country’s attempt to improve its economic and geographic cohesion. The hypothesis is that, within a devolution process, different adaptation to regionalization and Europeanization pressures are correlated to “path dependence” from incumbent institutional settings. Specific attention is dedicated to the role of “paradigms” in the processes analysed. This, in turn could generate different devolution outcomes, in terms of discrepancy between formal and effective outcomes. Devolution is analysed in terms of institutional change and policy (regional policy) change. Institutional change is operationalized in terms of changes in polity and administrative variables, and policy change is investigated through variables representing formal (policy issues, i.e. design and responsibility) and effective (financial, i.e. uses and sources) dynamics under the two different pressures for change identified: regionalization and Europeanization of regional policies. The research proposed is pertinent and important in the context of European integration where national policies have been restructured due to, on the one hand, regionalization—i.e., the transfer downward to the sub-national level—of policies formerly handled at the national level and, on the other, “Europeanization” or the transfer of policies upwards to the European level. This thesis investigates the dynamics of the “paradigm and policy shift” that took place within Italian regional policy between 1950 when the policy began and 1992 when the policy was officially terminated due to a dual transfer of the policy upward to the European level with the co-financing of cohesion policy and the transfer downward to the role of the regions as management authorities for the operational programmes that were responsible for the bulk of Italian regional funds.

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Yasar, Rusen. « The institutionalization of multilevel politics in Europe ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269685.

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This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.

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Droščáková, Michaela. « Regionální politika EU a její dopady ve Španělsku ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197226.

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The thesis looks into the regional policy of the European Union and its impacts on Spain and its regions. First chapter introduces the main characteristic of regional policy. Next part describes application of this policy in Spain. More specifically are mencioned the financial allocations for Spain during the programming periods, to which areas the financial resources were oriented and which regions were receiving this financial support. Last chapter analyses the impacts of the interventions of this policy on Spanish regions and describes how the disparities between regions reduced and how the disparities between Spain and other EU members changed.

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Maxson, Brian J. « The Myth of the Renaissance Bubble : International Culture and Regional Politics in Fifteenth-Century Florence ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/7763.

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Book Summary: Florence in the Early Modern World offers new perspectives on this important city by exploring the broader global context of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, within which the experience of Florence remains unique. By exploring the city’s relationship to its close and distant neighbours, this collection of interdisciplinary essays reveals the transnational history of Florence. The chapters orient the lenses of the most recent historiographical turns perfected in studies on Venice, Rome, Bologna, Naples, and elsewhere towards Florence. New techniques, such as digital mapping, alongside new comparisons of architectural theory and merchants in Eurasia, provide the latest perspectives about Florence’s cultural and political importance before, during, and after the Renaissance. From Florentine merchants in Egypt and India, through actual and idealized military ambitions in the sixteenth-century Mediterranean, to Tuscan humanists in late medieval England, the contributors to this interdisciplinary volume reveal the connections Florence held to early modern cities across the globe. This book steers away from the historical narrative of an insular Renaissance Europe and instead identifies the significance of other global influences. By using Florence as a case study to trace these connections, this volume of essays provides essential reading for students and scholars of early modern cities and the Renaissance.

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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. « A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.

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RUBIO, BARCELÓ Eulàlia. « Regional governments, territorial political restructuring and vocational education and training policies : a comparison of four cases : Catalonia, Lombardy, Valencia and Veneto ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7037.

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Defence date: 16 March 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI); Prof. Virginie Guiraudon (EUI); Prof. Marino Regini, (Università di Milano) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana Casajuana (Pompeu Fabra University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available

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Beckfield, Jason. « The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe ». [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).

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Horta, Gabrielle. « The potential of the Eurozone crisis to mobilize extreme right support in Spain, Portugal, and Italy ». Thesis, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1538114.

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Since the 1980's, Europe has experienced a resurgence in the extreme right. In this paper, attention will be directed on the successes and failures of the extreme right in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Additionally, this paper will analyze whether the current Eurozone crisis has benefitted the extreme right in these countries, as it has done in Greece. However, it will be argued that the benefits of the Eurozone crisis for the extreme right have been limited to increased media attention and less on electoral success. This is evidenced by the vast array of news articles contributing to the idea that the extreme right is strengthening in light of the Eurozone crisis; yet the extreme right has experienced limited electoral success in Spain and Portugal due to its inability to shed its fascist links, and the extreme right has had decreased electoral success in Italy's recent elections.

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Chytka, Miroslav. « Regionální a strukturální politika EU - ekonomické a právní aspekty ». Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta stavební, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-225439.

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The aim of my thesis on the topic „Regional and structural EU policy – economic and legislative aspect“ is a description of all important aspects of Regional policy EU and the performance of regional policy in the context of a specific project.

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Milio, Simona. « Explaining differences in regional performance : administrative capacity and political factors : the case of Structural Funds implementation in Italian Objective 1 regions ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/54/.

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This thesis starts from the following question: Why, after 16 years of receiving Structural Funds, do some regions still have difficulties in spending their allocated resources? Empirical evidence shows that Funds implementation rates have varied widely among European Union Objective 1 regions. The overall performance of Italian regions, in particular, has consistently lagged behind other countries. However, an investigation into individual Italian Objective 1 regions reveals that not all follow this general trend. Indeed, some regions have outperformed others remarkably. Why is this the case? I explore these differences and identify potential variables that may account for such regional variation. My central hypothesis is that differences in implementation are strongly dependent on the degree of administrative capacity that exists in the recipient regional government. Due to the deficiency in the existing literature of a clear definition of administrative capacity, I attempt to fill this gap by introducing a novel characterization that allows me to operationalize and measure the concept. The core of the methodology is an in-depth case study supported by field research based on personal interviews and documented questionnaires. I investigate two contrasting southern Italian regions, Sicily and Basilicata, measure their respective degrees of administrative capacity and provide evidence to suggest that this latter variable is positively correlated to Structural Funds implementation. Answering my first query has prompted a further question: if it is trite that the variation in implementation of resources between regions can be explained by different degrees of regional administrative capacity, then what is it that determines the degree of administrative capacity at the regional level? In studying this second question I further test the hypothesis that the level of administrative capacity is influenced by three key political factors: namely, political interference, government stability and political accountability.

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Preston, J. E. A. « Effectiveness and power in local authorities : The case of the European Regional Development Fund and the Humberside area ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383697.

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Christopoulos, DeÌ„meÌ„treÌ„s. « European regional elite behaviour : a comparative study of political and business elites in the Strathclyde region of Scotland and Nomos Chanion in Crete ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361771.

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Dardanelli, Paolo. « The connection between European integration and demands for regional self-government : a rational-institutionalist, comparative analysis of Scotland, 1979 and 1997 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251688.

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Chardas, Anastassios. « EU regional policy in Greece : state capacity and the domestic impact of Europe ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7419/.

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The purpose of the thesis is to analyse the implementation of the European Union's Regional Policy (EURP) in Greece and to clarify and explain the contextual factors that resulted in the ineffective deployment of the policy. It adopts a comparative political economy approach and employs largely qualitative methods in order to collect empirical material. It develops a conceptual framework based on the theories of state and administrative capacity on the one hand and Europeanisation and implementation on the other. Empirically, the aim is to substantiate the difficulties that the country faced in the implementation of the EURP. Moreover, the aim is to explain these difficulties with reference to the patterns of interaction developed within the institutional network that was created as part of the EURP as well as the domestic authorities that supported the implementation of the policy. The Greek state has suffered from a series of weaknesses that impacted upon its internal administrative as well as its interactive capacities in the field of developmental policy. The recent Europeanisation of the country's polity has partially addressed these issues. Nonetheless, the fieldwork research on the implementation of the EURP reveals that these difficulties persisted and impacted upon the patterns of the implementation of the policy. Significant delays, implementation difficulties and reorganisations of the programmes were the main characteristics of all the programming periods. Furthermore, the introduction of the institutional network that would manage and monitor the implementation of the programmes has become embedded in the previously existing patterns of state-society interaction. The thesis has two main original contributions. The first consists of the empirical findings and particularly the detailed analysis of the patterns of implementation of the third Community Support Framework (CSF). Moreover, it offers the first detailed study of the separate administrative network that was established in the third CSF and attempts to depict its impact upon the patterns of institutional interactions that were established in previous programming periods. Secondly, the conceptual framework that it develops in order to account for the patterns of implementation of the EURP in Greece has not been employed for similar purposes. It postulates that it is important to account for the mediating influence that domestic political and administrative institutional arrangements play in the implementation of the EURP.

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Ferreira, Antunes Sandrina. « New pragmatic nationalists in Europe : experienced flemish and scottish nationalists in times of economic crisis, 2004-2012 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209497.

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In the 90´s, Europe used to be depicted as the most privileged political arena for regional nationalist political parties to access for “more” political power. In that sense, whereas formal channels of regional interest representation were taken for granted by those standing within federal political systems; informal channels of regional interest representation were highly valued by regional nationalists standing in decentralized or devolutionary constitutional settlements. In spite of nuanced institutional preferences, Europe was rationally inspired (Ostrom 2005) as it used to be perceived as an aggregation of formal-legal structures that could be used as a means to prescribe, proscribe and permit a certain behavior in exchange of a personal utility. Moreover, regional nationalists were policy “maximizers” who acted in isolation, away from the center, using their own limited political resources to maximize their policy gains by pursuing distinctive forms of political autonomy. However, by the end of the 90’s, both categories of regional nationalists plunged into European disillusion due to the limits of a sovereign logic prevailing in Europe.

However, in the 21st century, as soon as a new European policy cycle started to emerge and the economic crisis started to cripple, experienced regional nationalists realized that they could use the benefits of regional economic resources in face of the European Economic strategy to justify further concessions of policy competences that are still shared, either in theory or in practice, as well as to argue for new ones. The political plan would consist of using the reference of the European Economic targets to deliver policies, which would allow them to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, in both layers of governance, as well as to induce regional citizens into their political plan so they can finally reach the legal threshold to endorse a new state reform. Moreover, since they were rationally bounded, in the sense that they were lacking the policy expertise to perform these goals, they have learned to rely on a policy narrative (Shabahan et al 2011; Jones and Beth 2010; Radaelli 2010) embedded in a territorial economic argument to make sense of an advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), using informal channels of regional interest intermediation as “cognitive” structures (Scot 1995a) to articulate a policy strategy to be implemented in Europe and at the regional level of governance.

Therefore, and irrespectively of nuanced constitutional settlements, all experienced regional nationalists have returned to the center, using informal channels as an instrument of governance (Salamon 2002) to clarify the best policy options to be implemented in both layers of governance. In other words, regional nationalists have become “policy satisficers” (Simon 1954) who have learned to forgo immediate satisfaction in Europe to collect major gains of political power across multiple layers of governance. If the term “usage” can be defined as the act of using something to achieve certain political goals (Jacquot and Wolf 2003), in this research, we will apply the concept of “usage” to demonstrate that experienced regional nationalists in government have moved from a rational to a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to perform renewed political preferences across multiple layers of governance.

Departing from an actor centered institutionalist approach (Mayntz and Sharp 1997), we will demonstrate that the N-VA in Flanders, since 2004, and the SNP in Scotland, since 2007, have become new pragmatic nationalists. In that sense, we will argue that, in a clear contrast with pragmatic nationalists of the 90’s who expected to legitimize their nationalist aspirations in Europe by the means of a rational “usage” of the European institutions; experienced regional nationalists have become new pragmatic nationalists as they have learned to rely on a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, no longer in Europe, but through Europe.

We will then conclude that in the 21st century, and against traditional dogmas of the 90’s, the “usage” of Europe by regional nationalists is cognitively twisted, economically driven and collectively performed. It embraces all experienced regional nationalist political parties in government, irrespectively of their constitutional settlement or nationalist credo, as long as they possess the ability to anchor a political strategy embedded in “identity” without sticking to strict politics of nationalism.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Hoffmann, Katharina. « Varieties of regionalism : regional organisations in the post-Soviet space ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5504/.

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This thesis addresses the question of how and why the function of regional organisations varies in different areas of the world. It contributes with insights from the post-Soviet space. A theoretically informed empirical study examines how two former Soviet republics conceptualise the function of two regional organisations: the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development – GUAM (GUAM). The literature agrees that the two like other organisations in the post-Soviet space do not produce integration or other forms of regional governance. Nevertheless, the member states continue to actively participate in these organisations. The thesis inquires to which end the states continue their membership. The analytical perspective examines how the member states’ conceptualisations of an organisation’s function depend on the domestic political regimes. The thesis considers two members of the CIS and GUAM. One, Azerbaijan, has a hybrid regime with an authoritarian shape. The other, Ukraine, has a hybrid regime with stronger affinity towards democracy. It is argued that policy-makers conceptualise the function of a regional organisation according to the patterns of rule in their domestic political regimes. The ruling elite’s conceptualisation may diverge from the stated function of the organisation, if the stated function is not compatible with the domestic political regime.

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Rankin, Colleen A. « International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests : EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.

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Orr, Scott David. « Democratic identity the role of ethnic and regional identities in the success or failure of democracy in Eastern Europe / ». The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1117652333.

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Tuck, Alexander. « Spain's national cycling tour and the politics of regional and national identity, 1975-2000 ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2015. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/73433/.

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This thesis examines the banal nationalism of La Vuelta Ciclista a España (Spain’s national cycling tour) in the post-Franco period. In light of recent work completed on post-Franco Spanish nationalism, this project provides a robust empirical analysis of four newspaper’s coverage of the race between 1975 and 2000. The object of this thesis is to provide empirical ballast to a number of hypotheses and suggestions that have been made, primarily as to the role of informal symbols such as sport in the immediate post-Franco period where formal national symbols suffered a delegitimisation. There are two major themes in this work: firstly, a theme that comprises Spanish national identity and nationalism in the post-Franco period, and secondly, a theoretical theme that looks to interrogate and develop Michael Billig’s theory of Banal Nationalism (Billig 1996). Utilising Billig’s original publication, as well as other work on Le Tour de France, this thesis constructs a mixed quantitative/qualitative content analysis of newspapers in this period, seeking to expand our knowledge of informal national symbols beyond areas, such as football, where analyses have already been done. Newspapers from the main territorial cleavage in the country, Spain and Catalonia, are represented in an examination of the growth of La Vuelta as a national symbol as well as how this has been mediated across political and territorial lines.

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Hough, Daniel. « The PDS : a study of the development and stabilisation of the PDS as an eastern German regional party, 1989-2000 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2001. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5253/.

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This study examines the place of the PDS within the German political system. By developing and employing a typology of regional parties this work illustrates that the PDS has been politically successful on account of its mobilisation of distinct territorial interests - in much the same way as other regional parties across the democratic world have done. The creation of a territorial divide along the former inner-German border has offered the PDS the opportunity to re-model its image and profile as the protector of eastern German specificity. The West German party system that expanded eastwards in 1990 has not been able to sufficiently channel regionally specific sentiment into the political process: and it is for this reason that a regional party has been able to stabilise itself in the eastern states. The PDS has taken advantage of a number of structural advantages (in terms of its regional heritage, leadership, its party organisation and so forth) in moulding and shaping a policy package that reflects the differing opinions, attitudes, values and beliefs of many eastern Germans. It is as a result of this that the PDS has been able to stabilise its position within the eastern German regional party system and to build a platform that offers it the opportunity of being a longterm actor in the German party system.

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Bakan, Selahaddin. « The emergence of a modernised Turkish foreign policy : changing domestic structures and values in relations with the European Community and emergent regional organisations ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294492.

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Aquino, Maria da Glória Costa Gonçalves de Sousa. « O PROCESSO CONSTITUINTE EM FORMAS ESTATAIS REGIONAIS : a experiência da União Européia e do Mercosul ». Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2008. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/814.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria da Gloria Costa Goncalves.pdf: 1490320 bytes, checksum: e39b2609bcf69e9924e3a6508c26c0be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-07-07
Study on the process of constituent formation in the European Union and in the Mercosouth, which puts the formalization of a Constitution at regional level. It breaks of an analysis of the historical context marked by the development of a new world-wide order based on the expansion of capitalism, trying to identify the deep economical, political and ideological transformations caused by the globalization movement and the internationalization of the capital, which has provoked mutations in the nature and functions of the national States, that are part of the global state forms regionally stablished, especifically on the cases of the European Union and Mercosouth. It is analysed as it took place to creation, construction and enlargement of the process of integration of member States of the European Union, determining its institutional-legal landmark, which provided with an opportunity for the preparation of the European Constitution, besides were identified the forms of structural and government development caused by this integration process, that has a much more political sense , under the European perspective, than properly legally. The embryonic form of the integration process of Mercosouth State members is described and the structural and governmental forms inherent to its constitution are highlighted. It observes the logic of formation of the constituent process which makes the elaboration of a Constitution for the economical block of the Mercosouth feasiable. A comparative study is made concerning the process of constituent formation on various state forms, used on the European Union and Mercosouth. It is concluded by evidencencing the strength process of sovereign States which compose the European Union and the Mercosouth, in spite of the natural structural tendency of these blocks which propitiates a legitimation crisis on the constitution process of these state forms.
Estudo sobre o processo de formação constituinte na União Européia e no Mercosul, que coloca a formalização de uma Constituição em nível regional. Parte-se de uma análise do contexto histórico marcado pelo desenvolvimento de uma nova ordem mundial, calcada na expansão do capitalismo, procurando identificar as profundas transformações de cunho econômico, político e ideológico, operadas com o movimento da globalização e a reestruturação do capital, que vem provocando mutações na natureza e nas funções dos Estados nacionais que integram as formas estatais globais, estabelecidas regionalmente, especificamente, nos casos da União Européia e do Mercosul. Analisa-se como ocorreu a criação e se operou a construção e alargamento do processo de integração dos Estados membros da União Européia, determinando seu marco jurídico-institucional, que ensejou a elaboração da Constituição da União Européia, além de se identificar as formas de desenvolvimento estrutural e governamental ocasionadas por esse processo integracionista, o qual tem um sentido muito mais político, sob a perspectiva européia, do que propriamente jurídico. Descreve-se a forma embrionária do processo de integração dos Estados membros do Mercosul, destacando a questão da natureza do Estado, a partir da forma estrutural propriamente dita e governamental. Observa-se ainda a lógica de formação do processo constituinte que viabiliza a elaboração de uma Constituição para o bloco econômico do Mercosul. Efetua-se estudo comparativo acerca do processo de formação constituinte nessas diversas formas estatais, operadas no contexto da União Européia e do Mercosul. Conclui-se evidenciando o processo de fortalecimento dos Estados soberanos que compõem a União Européia e o Mercosul, apesar da tendência natural de estruturação desses blocos, o que propicia uma crise de legitimação no processo de constituição dessas formas estatais.

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Latysheva, Ekaterina. « Governance and macro-regional strategies of the European Union : The case of the Baltic Sea Region ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104499.

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The introduction of the European Union (EU) macro-regional strategies (MRS) in the latter half of the 2000s was a significant step in the process of transformation of EU governance system. EU MRSs act as a new form of comprehensive governance framework for multi-objective and cross-sectoral cooperation in geographically defined macro-regions. This thesis examines the case of the Baltic Sea Region in order to evaluate a potential of this new governance instrument to transform cooperation arrangements in the region. In order to shed light on the strategy’s patterns and dynamics, the present study utilizes a qualitative methodological approach that uses document analysis based on a comprehensive analytical framework. The analytical framework incorporates the theoretical perspectives of multi-level and experimentalist governance, as well as the theory of differentiated integration. The main findings of this study suggest that the inception of the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR) in 2009 has offered an innovative and dynamic framework for cooperation that enabled a wider representation and more active participation of local and regional actors. This allowed for a more coherent and coordinated policymaking, facilitated a more responsive and transparent cooperation system in the region, as well as fostered transnational cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region by ensuring a wider engagement of non-EU countries.

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Jerace, Bio Giorgia <1986&gt. « La crisi economica e il suo impatto sui lavoratori migranti : un’analisi a livello europeo, con un approfondimento relativo all’Italia e alla Regione Piemonte ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2874.

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Abstract La crisi economica e il suo impatto sui lavoratori migranti: un’analisi a livello europeo, con un approfondimento relativo all’Italia e alla Regione Piemonte. La crisi economica dei mercati finanziari, che ha colpito l’economia mondiale a partire dalla metà del 2008, ha causato la più grande recessione dopo la Seconda Guerra Mondiale. L’Europa, dopo decenni di crescita e sviluppo, ha subito una importante frenata, fatto che è andato a toccare in maniera più che negativa soprattutto il mercato del lavoro dei suoi Stati Membri. Il mio lavoro di tesi ha lo scopo di analizzare l’impatto della crisi economica mondiale sui migranti e sulle politiche migratorie nell’UE. Quest’ultima rappresenta una delle più importanti mete dei flussi economici migratori, dunque zona di ampio interesse scientifico. Per definire il gruppo oggetto dello studio, ovvero i migranti, userò il criterio “place of birth” per poter distinguere tra coloro i quali sono nati in uno dei Paesi dell’Unione Europea e stranieri nati al di fuori dell’UE. Inoltre la distinzione sarà effettuata anche tra cittadini residenti in uno dei Paesi UE e cittadini di altri Stati aventi un permesso di soggiorno legale (i migranti naturalizzati non verranno tenuti in considerazione, poiché occupano posizioni lavorative migliori rispetto ai residenti con permesso di soggiorno legale e dunque sono assimilabili al gruppo dei nativi). Allo stesso tempo, verrà presa in considerazione, come caso particolare di analisi, l’Italia e al suo interno la regione Piemonte. Grazie al tirocinio presso la CGIL di Torino, settore immigrazione, sarò in grado di presentare singoli casi concreti che potranno essere utili al fine di una maggior comprensione di questo fenomeno. La maggior parte delle fonti a cui sto attingendo sono organizzazioni internazionali, come l’Organizzazione Mondiale delle Migrazioni, l’Organizzazione per la cooperazione e lo Sviluppo, EROSTAT, la Banca Mondiale, il Fondo Monetario Internazionale, ma anche il Migration Policy Institute, la Fondazione Leone Moressa, FIERI, e altri rapporti e ricerche ufficiali che quindi possono avere credibilità scientifica. Parole chiave: crisi economica, migranti, Europa, lavoro, CGIL, Torino, Piemonte.

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Sjöklint, Mimmi. « Regional Authority in Cross Border Dynamics. A study of the Öresund Committee’s formal authority between the years 2003-2007 ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23225.

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The Öresund Region is a historical cross border region working over the national borders of Sweden and Denmark. The regional administration, the Öresund Committee, is the only political forum that encompasses the whole region and serves its interests collectively. Not only is it cooperating with the national governments but also has a close relationship with the Nordic Council and especially with the European Union. According to a method developed by Liesbet Hooghe, Gary Marks and Arjan H. Schakel, it is possible to retrieve a Regional Authority Index which mirrors the formal authority of a region. The method is evaluated in accordance to the complications of the Öresund Region’s dual nationality and finds that the Öresund Committee has a rather concealed role with greater indirect impact than it is given credit for. However, in terms of formal authority, the Öresund Committee has a weak position and shares no rule with higher political entities, such as the Danish, Swedish and European central administrations.

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Musselwhite, Paul Philip. « Towns in Mind : Urban Plans, Political Culture, and Empire in the Colonial Chesapeake, 1607--1722 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623587.

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This dissertation charts the contested political and cultural meaning of urbanization in the emerging plantation societies of Virginia and Maryland. Scholars have long asserted that Chesapeake planters' desire for lucre led them to patent huge tracts of land, disperse across the landscape, and completely dismiss urban development. However, through 17 pieces of legislation, colonists, governors, and London administrators actually encouraged towns in the Chesapeake through the seventeenth century. Despite the environmental and agricultural constraints of tidewater tobacco, both colonies wrestled with a perceived need for towns, which consistently appeared to represent the best means to engineer the region's political economy and local social order. Shifting demographics, a changing labour system, religious conflict, and increasing imperial pressure for control created an atmosphere in which the promise of urbanization could be a powerful tool for various Atlantic actors seeking to shape the emerging plantation system to their purposes. They shared a desire to urbanize the region, but quarrelled because they had contradictory definitions of precisely what a town was, how it should function, and how it should be governed. These divergent visions sprang from and contributed to a contemporaneous European contest between ancient boroughs and modern cities, civic humanism and the emerging nation-state. Towns in the Chesapeake only became widespread in the mid-eighteenth century, once the broader questions of political order in England's boroughs and its plantation empire had been resolved.;Piecing together a range of sources, this dissertation emphasizes the political, economic, and cultural context of the region's many urban plans---and especially the subtle differences in context between Virginia and Maryland---in order to demonstrate how and why town building remained a vital weapon in broader constitutional and commercial disputes. its transatlantic source base connects the Chesapeake's planners and proposals with the contests in English boroughs and Whitehall; spatial, ceremonial, sensory, and cultural analyses uncover the overlooked significance of urban foundations that remained only paper plats or collections of warehouses. The project highlights how proto-urban spaces fit within, or challenged, the emergence of a plantation landscape on the physical, cultural, and political levels.;Part 1 explores urban plans in seventeenth-century Virginia, their connections to English commercial and political rivalries during the Civil War, their role in provoking Bacon's Rebellion, and finally their part in a 1680s transatlantic contest over corporate government. Part 2 offers a parallel story of town-founding efforts in Maryland, exploring how Lord Baltimore's proprietary authority distinguished the complexion of urban development there. Part 3 addresses the entire Chesapeake region after 1689 (once both colonies had fallen under royal control), tracing Governor Francis Nicholson's efforts to reshape the definition of urbanity in the empire by founding Annapolis and Williamsburg and demonstrating how they pushed the concept of the imperial city to the centre of Atlantic political discourse. The fault lines of this debate had become so entrenched by the 1710s that it was abandoned entirely, and during the eighteenth century both colonies developed new kinds of plantation cities, freed from the bitter Atlantic disputes of the previous century.

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Hoegen, Sabine. « Addressing multi-level legitimacy issues ? : the role of regional political institutions in bridging the gap between their citizens and the European Union ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500074.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Politica regionale europea »

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