Thèses : « Police power – Europe »

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Bielawski, Martina, et Jasna Jurišić. « Vom Labrador zum Schäferhund : die Metamorphose deutscher Ausßenpolitik ». Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4844/.

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Marian, Svetlana. « Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe : The Moldovan Question ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.

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This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.
Master of Arts

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Larsson, Linn. « Normative Gender Power Europe ? A critical examination of the European Commission’s construction of inequality and preferred foreign policy approach ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21489.

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Gender equality is one of the fundamental values of the European Union (EU). The EU possesses the ambition as well as the legal obligation to promote equal rights beyond its borders. Hence, it is of most importance that the EU construct gender equality policies that foster positive change, certainly due to the EU’s normative ability to influence other actors. This paper is concerned with how problems of gender inequality is constructed by the European Commission and moreover which foreign policy approach that is proposed to combat inequality. While focusing on contexts where gender is present, this study applies feminist theoretical approaches to critically examine statements given by the European Commission. The ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ approach allows the study to identify problem representations, underlying assumptions and effects. It is determined that elements from both liberal and radical feminism is evident in the European Commission’s problem representations and that the male/female dichotomy which the problematisations are based on might prevent equality between men and women. Mostly due to its focus on the differences between genders. The findings also show that the European Commission suggest to combat inequality using a multidimensional problem-solving approach where actions are executed at individual, national, international and supranational levels simultaneously. Additionally, much emphasis is put on solving issues at grass-root levels.

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Patton, Sarah Jayne Cormack. « The European Union as a normative power ». Thesis, Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28106.

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Masala, Carlo. « Don't worry, be happy : eine Erwiderung auf Gunther Hellmann ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4662/.

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Gair, Jonathan Mark. « Evaluating EU-Russian Relations : The Intersection of Variable Geometry and Power Pragmatism ». Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240442669.

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DAVITER, Falk. « The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.

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Defence date: 13 July 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.

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Essby, Linda. « Normative Power Europe : Ett verktyg för konsolidering av europeiska normer ? : En kvalitativ studie om EU:s normativa maktutövning genom grannskapspolitiken i Moldavien ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90985.

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Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the Moldovan government has become both fragile and unpredictable. With a high susceptibility to external pressures, the country has fallen into a limbo between democracy and autocracy and is today classified as a hybrid regime. Since Moldovas entry to the EU's Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership in 2008, the country's sensitivity to social and political change has become evident. The EU has acted as a normative power in the country in several ways by pursuing a neighborhood policy that seeks to consolidate European norms. This study aims to explain how the EU can be seen as a normative power in Moldova through the theoretical framework of Normative Power Europe (NPE). The thesis also aims to descripture how the EU uses the five basic principles of NPE regarding peace, freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law as normative guidelines for influencing the country's political direction. A conclusion can be drawn that the EU appears to be using the neighborhood policy tools to consolidate European norms through sanctions, association agreements and treaties, thus keeping Moldova's political development in an iron fist.

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Macdonald, Anna Maria. « Green Normative Power ? Relations between New Zealand and the European Union on Environment ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3161.

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The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.

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Tinas, Murat. « The European Union As A Normative Power And The European Neighbourhood Policy : Cases Of Morocco And Egypt ». Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611026/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to examine the European Union (EU) as a normative power in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) through case studies of Morocco and Egypt. The uniqueness of the EU as a distinct actor in international politics has led many observers to claim that the EU is a normative power. The ENP, which emerged in 2004, has been one of the main instruments of the EU within this framework. This thesis studies the claim as to whether the EU is, in fact, a normative power in the context of the ENP with two cases studies. The selection of Morocco and Egypt originates from the existing similarities which render an opportunity to have a comparative study. The thesis will analyze this puzzle through an analysis of both primary documents published by the EU and the secondary literature. Through a close scrutiny of Morocco and Egypt, the normative power of the EU in its near abroad will be explored through the analysis of democratization process in these countries in terms of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Based on theoretical analysis and two case studies, this thesis argues that the EU faces several challenges in its claim to be a normative power within the context of the ENP.

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Deganis, Isabelle. « A dialogue across paradigms : the European Commission's autonomous power within the open method of coordination ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a7f66cca-a998-4981-8c9c-cb295c27dcd7.

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This research project seeks to gauge the autonomous power of the European Commission within the Open Method of Coordination (OMC), a new mode of governance coined at the Lisbon European Council in March 2000 and based on the principle of the voluntary cooperation of Member States. Two cases form the basis of this inquiry, namely, quality in work, a policy issue addressed under the banner of the European Employment Strategy, and child poverty and social exclusion, a key item on the agenda of the OMC for Social Inclusion. A primary impetus at the heart of this project is one of ontological pluralism. Rejecting a zero-sum interpretation of the rationalist/constructivist debate, this study constitutes a plea for a conversation across paradigms. The domain-of-application model employed here works by preserving the integrity of individual theories while specifying a particular scope condition under which constructivist and rationalist insights are likely to prevail. Selecting two cases on the basis of the critical scope condition of issue sensitivity, a central postulate informing this integrative research design is that high issue sensitivity (quality in work) invites strategic interaction among pre-constituted social actors driven by a behavioural logic of utility-maximization, while low issue sensitivity (child poverty and social exclusion) allows for a fundamentally norm-guided behaviour. Concretely, in effecting this theoretical dialogue, two sets of causal hypotheses are examined. On the one hand, rational choice institutionalism (principal-agent theory) offers a number of suppositions about the Commission’s institutional power, that is, its ability to transform the conditions of action of self-seeking national governments. On the other hand, sociological institutionalism conceptualizes the Commission’s productive power (i.e. its power to constitute the interests and identities of individual agents) through the lens of discourse analysis. Testing theoretical predictions against collected data makes plain the superior explanatory value of independent variables and causal mechanisms of rationalist lineage in capturing the essence of the Commission’s autonomous power in the case of quality in work and the congruity of sociological institutionalism’s original conjectures in the area of child poverty and social exclusion. Crucially, this strict correspondence corroborates the pertinence of the critical scope condition of issue sensitivity in delineating the explanatory ambit of both theories and attests to the co-existence of different forms of autonomous power wielded by the Commission within the framework of the OMC.

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Benke, Ildiko. « Power and energy geopolitical aspects of the transnational natural gas pipelines from the Caspian Sea basin to Europe / ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FBenke.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Second Reader: Lober, George. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Natural gas, transportation routes, pipelines, power rivalry, energy demand, energy resources, energy policy, energy security, post-Cold war era, Caspian Sea basin, Russian periphery, geopolitical, littoral states, political instability. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56). Also available in print.

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Linden, Corina Herron. « Power and uneven globalization : coalitions and energy trade dependence in the newly independent states of Europe / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10775.

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Kenyon, Simon. « Thatcher, Major and monetary integration, 1979-1991 : prime ministerial power and European policy making ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410863.

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Cunha, Alberto José Carvalho Baceira Honório. « Caminhando lentamente rumo a uma Defesa Europeia - o compromisso possível entre a França e a Alemanha ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/18715.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
O tema desta dissertação será a influência que os interesses nacionais da França e da Alemanha tiveram no determinar da evolução até ao presente da Política de Defesa e Segurança Comum (CSDP). De facto, a primazia dos interesses nacionais, (nomeadamente Franceses e Alemães) em relação aos interesses comunitários é observável na evolução da CSDP até ao presente: os avanços na CSDP apenas existem se forem no interesse da França e da Alemanha A questão principal da dissertação, que constituirá, igualmente, a pergunta de partida para o autor, é a seguinte: "Quais são os interesses nacionais da França e da Alemanha que têm determinado a evolução da CSDP da União Europeia, desde os seus primórdios até aos dias de hoje?" Esta dissertação não pretende ir aos detalhes técnicos das missões e meios militares da CSDP, mas irá focar-se nas instituições e estruturas político-militares criadas no âmbito da mesma. O âmbito temporal desta dissertação começa em 1999, com a criação, como “pilar” da UE, da Política Europeia de Defesa e Segurança, no âmbito da entrada em vigor do Tratado de Amesterdão. A dissertação parte de uma premissa de supremacia dos interesses estatais (determinados por cada um dos Estados-membros da UE) em relação aos interesses comunitários (comuns a todos os Estados-membros da UE e às suas instituições). Esta abordagem privilegiará,portanto, uma abordagem teórica Realista das Relações Internacionais, por contraste a uma abordagem Institucionalista ou de cariz Liberal. O autor irá concluir que a CSDP ainda não evoluiu rumo a um verdadeiro exército europeu porque ainda não se deu uma convergência dos interesses nacionais franceses e alemães nesse sentido, bem como o facto de os avanços na CSDP serem fortemente condicionados pela existência da NATO e pelas potências atlantistas, nomeadamente os EUA e o Reino Unido.
The subject of this dissertation is the influence that the French and German national interests had in determining the evolution of the Common Defense Policy and Security (CSDP). In fact, the primacy of national interests (notably French and German) in relation to Community interests is observable in the evolution of the CSDP until the presente day: advances in the CSDP have only ocurred if they are in the interests of France and Germany. The main research question of this dsissertation, which will be your starting question, is the following: "What are the national interests of France and Germany that have determined the evolution of the CSDP of the European Union, from its beginnings to this day?" This dissertation is not intended to go into the technical details of the missions and military assets of the CSDP but will, instead, focus on the politico-military institutions and structures created within it. The timeframe for the dissertation beinsn in 1999 with the creation of the European pillar of the European Defense and Security Policy as the "pillar" of the Treaty of Amsterdam. Furthermore, the dissertation is based upon the a premise of the supremacy of state interests (as determined by individual EUMember States) in relation to community interests (common to all EU Member States and their institutions). This approach will therefore favor a "Realist" theoretical approach to International Relations, in contrast to an "Institutionalist" or “Liberal” approach. The author will conclude that the CSDP has not yet evolved towards a true European army because there has not yet been a convergence of French and German national interests in that regard, as well as the fact that advances in the CSDP are strongly conditioned by the existence of NATO and the national interests of the “Atlantist” powers (United States and United Kingdom).
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Caruana, Mireille M. « Privacy and ICTs in a changing world : differing European approaches to uses of personal data in the criminal justice sector ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.679959.

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There is an inherent and inevitable tension between police powers and human rights. Adequate police powers are necessary to allow the police to fulfil their tasks; but exercise of such powers will necessarily interfere with the right of respect for private life and must therefore be proportionate to the aim to be achieved. The fundamental argument underlying this thesis is that privacy is valuable, either in its own right, or as a necessary prerequisite for sustaining more fundamental rights. Yet privacy also has costs: the greater the individual 'sphere of privacy', the narrower the scope for obta ining and utilising personal data for societal ends e.g. in this context the suppression or punishment of criminality. It is necessary, therefore, at an early stage in the thesis to undertake a contextual overview of expressions of the concept and value of privacy in Western liberal democracies. Establishing why privacy and privacy rights may be worthy of defence, both for individuals as well as for society as a whole, provides a framework for determining what must necessarily fall within the scope of privacy for that value to be realised . This thesis advocates an approach based on the identification and application of a general underlying principle of privacy and the shaping of the future evolution of the law in line with such a principle. New police information systems or new forms of personal data processing for police purposes do not emerge into an informational vacuum; on the contrary, they merge with and draw upon existing systems of data collection and processing, which are themselves evolving, e.g. computer records of people's bank transactions, their telephone calls, their activity on the Internet, their medical conditions, their education and employment histories etc. The thesis thus provides an overview of the pan-European police information systems already deployed, or planned to be deployed, with the aim of creating for the reader a cognitive map of a complex interaction of systems within which personal data is already collected, stored, shared and/or exchanged on a daily basis, exploring along the way the data protection regimes within those structures. The central themes of the thesis rest upon analysis of the influence of the CoE Recommendation R(87)15 on Regulating the Use of Personal Data in the Police Sector which provides a sector-specific application of the data protection principles established in the CoE Convention for the Protection of Individuals with regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data. To provide the reader with context for interpreting the empirical research findings, the thesis traces the history of the drafting of Recommendation R(87}15, based on research amongst materials drawn from the CoE's archives in Strasbourg. The findings of the empirical research - resulting from analysis of responses to a questionnaire deployed to Data Protection Authorities or Ministries of Justice in all member States of the CoE, exploring the implementation or otherwise of R(87}15 in each State - provide, for the first time, in a snap-shot, a census of where European legislation stands as regards processing of personal data for police purposes, as the European Union progresses beyond the first pillar/third pillar dichotomy in the post-Lisbon Treaty era. To further inform this analysis, the questionnaire findings were supplemented by in-depth semistructured interviews with domain experts from national data protection authorities, or law enforcement authorities, in select States. ii Based on the forgoing analysis, the thesis outlines aspects of the current legal regime that should be updated or improved, primarily in the context of the reform of the EU data protection framework, with a special focus on data processing in the police and criminal justice sector. This analysis identifies the extent to which the principles of Recommendation R(87)15 have been adopted, adapted, strengthened, weakened or abandoned in the current EU reform proposals. The provisions of Recommendation R(87)15, especially those which reinforce the principles of necessity, proportionality and purpose-specification/limitation are "an inalterable necessary minimum," 1 even for police and security forces. Yet it is argued that this "necessary minimum" is too minimal, and that changed circumstances make it advisable to further strengthen and expand the provisions of Recommendation R(87)15. The thesis concludes that the central question to be asked when restrictions on a fundamental right are concerned is: "How much limitation of a fundamental right is permissible in a democratic constitutional state in which fundamental rights are a constitutive element?" As such it is a modest contribution to the big questions facing our societies regarding the kind of society we want to build, and the kind of policies we need to put in place to reach our goals.

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Rice, Jeffrey. « The State of European Defence Policy and the Value(s) of Intervention ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20245.

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European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

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Fula, Filip. « Symbiosis in the making ? Evaluating EU’s engagement with Civil Society Organisations in Colombia. A Civilian Power Europe perspective ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22221.

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In recent years, EU’s development policy has undergone wide-ranging reform with the leading principle of responding to the circumstances and demands of the current world, but also for the sake of alignment to the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In line with the reasoning that an empowered civil society can help in the exercise of EU’s development policy and in the pursuit of development policy goals, the organisation has formed a strategy of engagement with CSOs in its external relations. This study’s focus is specifically on EU’s performance in Colombia, a Latin American country encompassed by EU’s development policy. Since Colombian CSOs still face numerous barriers hindering their work, it cannot be simply asserted that EU’s strategy has been effective. Hence, this study’s purpose is to critically evaluate EU’s engagement with Colombian CSOs, by taking into account EU’s capabilities as a civilian power to identify both the limits and potentials of the organisation’s approach. The study concludes that it is not the choice of power instruments, but the way the EU uses them that causes the strategy’s ineffectiveness. Although the Union has managed to increase Colombian CSOs’ capacity, the latter cannot be fully utilised due to the unfavourable framework for such organisations. Nevertheless, considering recent improvements made to EU’s strategy, it is argued that symbiosis between the EU and Colombian CSOs is still a realistic prospect, but one that requires increased efforts from the Union.

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Tyshchenko, Dmytro. « Evolução da política de vizinhança da União Europeia em relação à Ucrânia, Moldávia e Bielorrússia (2003-2014) ». Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14425.

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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais - especialidade de Relações Internacionais
A investigação junta-se à discussão vibrante nas ciências políticas sobre o desenvolvimento da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da sua dimensão oriental. A política está baseada na abordagem regional da União Europeia. Portanto, a evolução da Parceria Oriental está profundamente dependente de políticas externas dos Estados-Membros e das instituições da UE. A tese também pretende estudar as relações bilaterais entre a UE e a Bielorrússia, a Moldávia e a Ucrânia. A Europa Oriental tem a importância significativa no subcontinente europeu. Nesse sentido, eu estudei ferramentas de influência da União Europeia e da Rússia no “Vizinhança Comum”, os instrumentos do poder brando e duro, também os projetos de integração de Moscovo e a guerra híbrida da Rússia. Além disso, participando na resolução das crises na Ucrânia e na Moldávia, a UE tem vindo a aumentar o seu potencial como ator político global. O desenvolvimento da tese baseia-se na análise dos dados empíricos, juntamente com abordagens teóricas, que são divididos em dois grupos – abordagens nucleares (neoliberalismo, neorrealismo e Normative Power Europe) e uma série de teorias complementares. Portanto, a investigação foi dividido em quatro capítulos, tentando descrever uma conexão e interdependência dessas áreas.
This dissertation joins a vibrant conversation in the political sciences about the development of the European Neighbourhood Policy and its Eastern dimension. The Policy stands on regional approach of the European Union. The evolution of the Eastern Partnership henceforth is profoundly dependent upon foreign policies of the Member States and the EU institutions. The thesis also intends to study the bilateral relations between the EU and Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Eastern Europe has а significant importance in the European subcontinent. In this sense, I studied tools of influence of the European Union and Russia in the “Shared Neighbourhood”, the soft and hard power instruments together with the Moscow-led integration projects and the hybrid war of Russia. Moreover, participating in the crisis settlement resolution in Ukraine and Moldova, the EU has been increasing its potential as a global political actor. The development of the proposal model of research is based upon the analysis of the empirical data together with theoretical approaches, which are divided into two groups – nuclear approaches (neo-liberalism, neo-realism and Normative Power Europe) and a range of complementary theories. Therefore, the study was divided into four chapters, trying to describe a connection and interdependence of these areas.
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Hitchcock, David. « 'A restraint of their debauchery' : Poverty, power, and social policy in Augustan England, 1688-1723 ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28438.

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"'A Restraint of Their Debauchery': Poverty, Power, and Social Policy in Augustan England, 1688-1723" examines the connections between ideas and definitions of poverty created by both elites and the poor, and social policy legislation and disbursement of relief. Specifically, Mackworth's failed 1704 omnibus reform bill, and Knatchbull's successful 1723 Workhouse Test Act are considered. Successive chapters are dedicated to historiography and methodology, the contemporary pamphlet debates over poverty, pauper self-definition in petitions to the state, and politics and policy during the early eighteenth century. Often this analysis focuses on individuals. Notable subjects include: John Locke, Matthew Hale, Bernard Mandeville, John Bellers, Daniel Defoe, Richard Cocks, Humphrey Mackworth, and Edward Knatchbull. Several observations about the character of contemporary perceptions of poverty are made, and their connection to the resulting legislative and published efforts is explained.

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Sweeney, Simon. « Explaining the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) : power, bureaucratic politics and grand strategy ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11216/.

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This study explores the meaning and operation of the European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) from the Saint Malo Declaration in December 1998 up to the European Council of December 2013. Applying a comprehensive strategic culture framework, the study affirms that CSDP began as an intergovernmental initiative but its institutional structure and implementation reflects a non-traditional type of intergovernmentalism, lacking the usual interests-based interstate bargaining. The study affirms that there is an emergent European strategic culture that co-exists with member state strategic cultures. It further identifies a credibility gap between the Union’s stated security and defence ambitions and its current level of capability and actorness. The explanation for these shortcomings lies in a form of bureaucratic politics suffused throughout CSDP processes. The bureaucratic politics explanation of CSDP stands in sharp contrast to suggestions that the policy area exhibits Europeanisation, finding this concept too vague to be analytically useful in understanding what CSDP represents. The original contribution of the study is that the often suggested need for CSDP to be driven by Grand Strategy in the academic literature is inappropriate and unfeasible because member states consistently fail to define their common interests, and the form of bureaucratic politics of CSDP conflicts with the development and implementation of Grand Strategy. While Grand Strategy cannot work, bureaucratic politics may in the long-term incrementally deliver an EU strategic culture, strategic actorness and enhanced capability. The study therefore concludes that despite shortfalls, the bureaucratic politics approach is the most effective way to analyse CSDP in a scholarly sense and also as a means to achieve the declared ambitions of CSDP.

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Gillies, John. « European Wind Power Development, Factors That Influenced Change and What Can Be Learned ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-282027.

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The success of wind power integration throughout Europe has been largely varied with some European countries showing large boosts in capacity compared to some which show none at all. This Thesis looks at those countries that have been successful in order to determine which factors have led to this success and what if any lessons can be learned in order to assist other countries. The countries studied make up the top three for total wind power capacity and top three for total capacity per capita. The surrounding elements that affect wind power development are assessed and relevant trends are investigated and discussed. Factors such as, support instruments and overall governance are discussed in detail with a number of trends being found. Calculations were conducted developing an average mean annual percentage increase for total capacity which showed that countries with an undeveloped wind power industry switching to a form of quota system could show a boost to total capacity. No evidence was found that suggested switching to or changing an existing feed in tariff system would result in a boost in installed capacity. In assessing governance, a trend was discovered showing obligations and targets helped to drive boosts in capacity especially for the countries who implemented a quota system. Brining these two trends together it was determined that strong top level governance was required to actually kick start boosts in total capacity. The use of combinations of support schemes is assessed and a trend determined that suggests that use a quota system as a primary support scheme is better suited to having tax incentives as a secondary with feed in tariff systems having financial support as a secondary system. A plan for developing wind power in countries with undeveloped wind power industries is developed based on the trends identified within the Thesis. This suggests that a switch to a quota system combined with strong EU and national Governance could help to boost capacity to a point at which time a switch to a form of FIT would be beneficial to build on this steady base.

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Yan, Ya Xue. « Interests & ; interdependency in Sino-EU renewable energy cooperation ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595814.

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Horbyk, Roman. « Mediated Europes : Discourse and Power in Ukraine, Russia and Poland During Euromaidan ». Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33726.

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This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault’s discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, Jacques Derrida’s hauntology and Ernesto Laclau’s concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff’s interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice.
Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas ”hauntology” och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp ”empty signifier”. Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt.
Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев’яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв’ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П’єра Бурдьє, “hauntology” Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об’єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.

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St, John Sarah K. « The struggle for power in education : the nation-state versus the supranational in the evolution of European Union education policy, 1945-1976 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30580/.

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European integration is a curious concept. There is stark disparity between some areas of policy that seemingly glide through the integration process, while others lag behind and despite decades of attempts, never reach the status of a fully-fledged area of European Union competence. Once such area is education. Through integration theories, political scientists have sought to explain how policies develop and are implemented at European level. This interdisciplinary study borrows the opposing theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism with the aim of identifying the influence of the supranational and the strength of the state in the evolution of a European Union education policy. It seeks to pinpoint how education can be placed within the construction of Europe and the process of early European integration to determine the feasibility of these integration theories in explaining the journey of education policy in the European context. Historical methodology is adopted, based on archival research at the Historical Archives of the European Union, using documentary analysis to trace the history of activities and initiatives relating to education between 1945-1976. Collective biography methodology is adopted to give space to the role of states in driving the scope, direction and extent of integration based on domestic interests, while a case study implements methodological triangulation to stress-test the case of education. The study proposes that education is a complex case that does not slot neatly into a theory of integration. Education is multifaceted, a cultural – while at the same time – economic component: it is woven into the fabric of nation-states, it contributes to increasing global competitiveness, it diversifies across borders, and its development is attached to temporality and context. Despite suggestions that the state is diminishing in power, education serves as an example to demonstrate that the state is very much alive and at the centre of certain areas of policy development at European level.

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Zhu, Feng. « EU energy policy after the Treaty of Lisbon : breakthroughs, interfaces and opportunity ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580185.

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Mojsiejuk, Aleksander. « The Normative Power of the EU in the Framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy : A Case Study on Ukraine ». Thesis, Linköping University, Linköping University, Linköping University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-19323.

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Through the use of political conditionality, the EU has exercised what many have chosen to call an international normative power. The fast democratisation process of the central European countries that joined the EU in 2004 has often been attributed to the force of EU’s normative power. Here, the core of the political conditionality was found in a promised future membership – acting as a reward in exchange for democratic reforms. The new European Neighbourhood Policy however, initiated briefly after the 2004 enlargement, gave rise to new prerequisites to the Unions new neighbours and this time enlargement fatigue prevailed in the EU policy. This case study examines and assesses the ability of the EU to exercise its normative power on Ukraine through the new conditions set up by the European Neighbourhood Policy, were a membership perspective neither is promised nor ruled out. The result show that the effective conditions for the conditionality are favourable and that a good progress on the areas of democracy, rule of law and human rights has been achieved. Although difficult to prove, I argue that this progress most probably is partly due to EU’s normative power on Ukraine.

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Sahlin, Jonathan. « Comparing Theories of the European Union : An essay on how to analyze the EU’s foreign policy and international power ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23103.

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The aim of this essay is to explain how IR theory relates to the European Union. Thisis motivated by the extensive use of empirical and descriptive studies on the EU. Togenerate knowledge on how theory relates to the EU, two seemingly differenttheories are compared. Neorealism and social constructivism are used to generatehypotheses, which are then tested on a quantitive study on the EU’s Common Foreignand Security Policy. The study covers the years of 2003-2005 and uses a statisticalmethod to present to empirical findings, which is supplemented by previous studieson EU’s foreign policy. The theoretical framework enables comparison of the twoemployed theories’ explanatory powers. The essay concludes that none of the theoriesprovides satisfactory explanations of in regard to EU’s global power and/or influence.Nevertheless, they are able to explain different aspects of the developments of EU’sforeign policy. Further theoretical studies should be undertaken in order to highlightthe issues of theory vis-à-vis the European Union.

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Feilhauer, Stephan M. (Stephan Marvin). « Impact of European Emissions Trading System (EU-ETS) on carbon emissions and investment decisions in the power sector ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53055.

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Thesis (S.M. in Technology and Policy)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, Technology and Policy Program; and, (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil and Environmental Engineering, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-118).
This masters thesis assesses the impact of a emissions trading on short-term carbon abatement and investment decisions in the power sector. Environmental benefits from carbon abatement due to emissions trading are quantified using top-down trend analysis and a bottom-up power sector model "E-simulate" to define upper and lower boundaries on carbon abatement in Germany in the first phase of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (2005-2007). The long-term economic and investment implications of emissions trading form the centerpiece of the thesis. A sample coal and gas investment project is modeled using discounted cash flows and analyzed using probabilistic Monte Carlo methods. The model results help explain the empirical evidence of an increase in coal investments in Germany against a preference for gas in the wider European market. The model is used to separately discuss both the price and allocation effects of emissions trading on investment decisions in the power sector. The modeling provides evidence of the dominance of fuel prices on the long-term investment decision and highlights under which carbon and fuel price scenarios the current preference for coal over gas investments could be reversed. Model results show a good match when compared to power spreads which are created using empirical data. Furthermore, related policy domains such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and Renewable energy policy are assessed and sector-wide carbon abatement estimates are reconciled between fuel switching and emissions displacement from renewables.
by Stephan M. Feilhauer.
S.M.
S.M.in Technology and Policy

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Otitoju, Afolabi. « Fostering the delivery of wind power : an evaluation of the performance of policy instruments in three European Union member states ». Thesis, Robert Gordon University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10059/564.

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Worldwide energy policies are built on three pillars: ‘cost competitiveness’, ‘security of energy supply’, and ‘environmental responsibility.’ This has brought about the integration of renewable energy sources into national systems with the deployment of policy instruments to make renewable energy sources electricity (RES-E) capable of nearly competing on a commercial basis with traditional forms of electricity generation. At the national level within the EU, there has been much experimentation with different policy instruments with varying levels of success. Nevertheless the EU as a whole will not meet its stipulated renewable energy target. This study challenges the theoretical and abstract evaluation presented in the literature about EU wind power delivery systems and has developed an integrative evaluation framework. This evaluation framework is used in this study to present the views of key stakeholders on their experiences with the performance of key policy instruments (feed-in tariff, and renewables obligation) implemented in three EU Member States namely: Germany, The Netherlands, and United Kingdom. It also challenges the EU-wide harmonised renewable energy policy agenda as proposed in Directive 2001/77/EC. The concept of path dependency of the historical institutional approach was adopted in order to explore the diversity of the wind power industry across the three country cases. An indepth semi-structured interview with fifty-five senior wind power policy makers and experts was conducted to explore the historical emergence, the architect, and the outcome of the support and implementation of the policy instruments. Findings showed that the approach to wind power deployment in the three country cases differs significantly and this has affected the pattern of each country’s wind power policy instrument. Also, the role and contribution of the stakeholder groups to the success of the wind power policy instruments differ significantly in each of the country cases. This helps to explain the performance of the different policy instruments adopted. Concerning the harmonisation of EU renewable energy policy instruments which have received much attention in recent times, this study found that harmonisation based on a single policy instrument is not feasible and may ultimately inhibit the growth of the European wind power market. A harmonised system may cause uncertainties amongst willing investors, thereby causing a withdrawal of further investment in the wind power market. If this happens, Europe may also lose its position as the world leader in the wind power market. Furthermore, national histories demonstrates that Member States have different culture, stakeholder groups, political, and business practices that will influence policy instruments and the likelihood of any policy succeeding. Thus, rather than promoting harmonisation and political market for wind power, it is important that Member States adopt and implement, stable, flexible, and transparent policy instruments that enable wind power and other renewable energy sources to emerge, develop, and go through the R&D stage to a point of maturity where they can compete with other energy sources with limited financial support.

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Ujupan, Alina-Stefania. « Interests, power resources and strategies in the Council of Ministers of the European Union : the 2007-2013 cohesion policy negotiations ». Thesis, University of Ulster, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442552.

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Peleshenko, Anastasia Valerievna, et Анастасія Валеріївна Пелешенко. « Soft power as the main tool for shaping the foreign policy image of the country ». Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51664.

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1.Sorman Guy (2017) El poder blando ABC, zreferuvala Ghalyna Ghrabovsjka. [Електронний ресурс] – Режим доступу: https://zbruc.eu/node/69324 2.Левченко О.В. Реалізація “м’якої сили” для просування національних інтересів. [Електронний ресурс] – Режим доступу: http://www.irbisnbuv.gov.ua/cgi-bin/ irbis_nbuv/cgiirbis_64.exe?C21COM=2&I21DBN=UJRN&P21DBN=UJRN&IMA GE_ FILE_DOWNLOAD=1&Image_file_name=PDF/Znpcvsd_2014_3_8.pdf 3.Балашин В.В. “Мягкая сила” как инструмент внешней политики ряда зарубежных стран / В.В. Балашин // Зарубежное военное обозрение. – 2013. – №3. – С. 34
The phenomenon of «soft power» has become widespread in foreign policy in recent decades. This term means the use of techniques to influence the population of foreign countries through culture, beliefs, intangible resources and political ideals, without the use of more traditional elements of force, including military pressure. «Soft power» is attractive because it is carried out without the use of weapons. Applying its mechanisms is much more prestigious for the state than the tools of «hard power». That is why the great powers have increasingly bм egun to include this tool in their arsenal. Its components are universal spiritual values, culture, science and education, and most importantly - peaceful foreign policy. It is thanks to them that the state can make the greatest contribution to resolving inter-civilizational misunderstandings, and also thanks to these parameters it is possible to attract allies from other countries and gain public approval. Each country may have a specific manifestation and application of «soft power». The soft power of one state influences other countries through the attractiveness of culture, values, language, religion, public diplomacy, and ideology. For example, in France, maintaining and highlighting one’s historical heritage, protecting and respecting the French language and cinema are crucial in promoting «soft power». France’s image is built on its history, fashion, culture, rather than on what is happening today.
Феномен "м'якої сили" набув широкого поширення у зовнішній політиці в останні десятиліття. Цей термін означає використання прийомів впливу на населення зарубіжних країн через культуру, переконання, нематеріальні ресурси і політичні ідеали, без застосування більш традиційних елементів сили, включаючи військовий тиск. "М'яка сила" приваблива тим, що здійснюється без застосування зброї. Застосування її механізмів набагато престижніше для держави, ніж інструменти "жорсткої сили". Саме тому великі держави все частіше включають цей інструмент в свій арсенал. Його складовими є загальнолюдські духовні цінності, культура, наука і освіта, а головне - миролюбна зовнішня політика. Саме завдяки їм держава може внести найбільший внесок у вирішення міжцивілізаційних непорозумінь, а також завдяки цим параметрам можна залучити союзників з інших країн і отримати суспільне схвалення. У кожної країни може бути специфічний прояв і застосування "м'якої сили". М'яка сила однієї держави впливає на інші країни через привабливість культури, цінностей, мови, релігії, публічної дипломатії та ідеології. Наприклад, у Франції збереження і освітлення своєї історичної спадщини, захист і повагу французької мови і кіно мають вирішальне значення для просування "м'якої сили". Імідж Франції будується на її історії, моді, культурі, а не на тому, що відбувається сьогодні.

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Lebedeva, Alexandra, et Mercedes Lopez. « The Construction of Immigrants´ Identity in the EU : A Foucauldian discourse analysis of EU common migration policy ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-120728.

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The aim of the study is to analyse the discursive construction of the immigrants‟ identity within the EU‟s common migration policy. More specifically, this study seeks to identify what discourses are constituted within the EU, and how these discourses are constructed. Moreover, the study efforts to understand what consequences these discourses may have to the identity of immigrants. In order to achieve the aim of the study, a number of policy documents and agreements have been analysed. This analysis is implemented by applying a social constructivist approach, based on the notion about ethnic identities, securitisation theory, discourse theory and the theoretical concepts of Eurocentrism and Europeanisation. The methodological approach applied to the analysis is the Foucauldian genealogical discourse analysis.The conclusion of the study is that the EU, through its policy documents, has contributed to the construction of the following discourses: identity discourse, threat discourse and power discourse. Consequently, the analysis showed that these discourses may affect the image of immigrants negatively. The strengthening of “we” and “them” identities is emphasised through categorisation of immigrants, integration provisions, and through managing security and migration questions together.

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Haydar, Samer. « Le partenariat Euromed : contribution à l'étude du soft-power de l'Union Européenne ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0433/document.

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Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée
This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened

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Németh, Adél [Verfasser], Gert [Akademischer Betreuer] [Gutachter] Brunekreeft, Hans-Martin [Gutachter] Niemeier et Julia [Gutachter] Bendul. « Market power versus efficiency defense in the European Commission's merger policy : Evidence on European airline mergers / Adél Németh. Betreuer : Gert Brunekreeft. Gutachter : Gert Brunekreeft ; Hans-Martin Niemeier ; Julia Bendul ». Bremen : IRC-Library, Information Resource Center der Jacobs University Bremen, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1104481049/34.

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Cladi, Lorenzo. « The EU as a balancing power in transatlantic relations : structural incentives or deliberate plans ? » Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8023.

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The purpose of this thesis is to provide a critical evaluation of the neorealist theory of international relations and its soft balancing variant through the use of case studies referring to transatlantic relations in the post-Cold War era. Each case study indicates a specific category of power. These are: i) Military - the European attempt to create a common military arm from 1991 to 2003. ii) Diplomatic - the EU's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1991 to 2003. iii) Economic the EU-USA steel dispute in 2002/03. In particular, the thesis undertakes to analyse whether the EU balanced the USA in the post-Cold War period either as a result of the altered structural distribution of capabilities within the international system (unipolarity) or of a set of deliberate plans to do so. After introducing the concepts of unipolarity, hard and soft balancing, the thesis outlines three comprehensive answers that neorealist scholars have generated as to whether the USA can or cannot be balanced in the post-Cold War international system, namely the structural, the soft balancing, and the alternative structural options. Then, drawing on a defensive realist perspective, this research goes on to consider the creation of the EU as a great power in the post-Cold War era. In light of this, the thesis aims to find out whether the rise of the EU as a great power has had an impact upon unipolarity either because of structural incentives or because of a predetermination to frustrate the aggressive policies of the unipolar state. The thesis then proceeds to investigate whether throughout the case studies series the EU has balanced the USA. The case studies highlight that the EU, freed from the rigid bipolar stalemate it had been locked into during the Cold War, undertook to exert greater influence on the world stage in the post-Cold War period. To some extent the EU has accomplished this in all of the power dimensions analysed in this thesis. Nevertheless, the EU's efforts to hold sway within the international system were not aimed at addressing the relative power imbalance created by unipolarity, and there were no deliberate plans harboured by the EU to frustrate the influence of any aggressive unipolar state. Overall, this thesis found the causal logic outlined by neorealism to be convincing to the extent that the EU emerged as a great power in the post-Cold War era and had greater freedom of action under unipolarity. However, with the partial exception of the economic dimension of power, there was no persuasive evidence uncovered to support the anticipated outcome of the neorealist theoretical slant, namely that great powers tend to balance each other. Moreover, while the soft balancing claim is considered to have promise as an attempt to understand how the EU can respond to US power under unipolarity, this study did not find sufficient evidence of the EU's deliberate intentions of doing so.

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Navarro, Luis Simon. « International change, national grand strategy and the future of European power : Britian, France, Germany and the evolution of the European Union common security and defence policy and NATO (2001-2009) ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531308.

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Lyttle, David Michael John. « Democracy, Dictatorship, and Development - European Union Pacific Development Policy in Action : A study of Fijian society since December 2006 ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3741.

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In early December 2006, the Fijian military seized power in a coup led by the Armed Forces commander Commodore Frank Bainimarama. It was a coup long expected, and Fiji’s fourth since 1987. Internationally, the response was swift imposing sanctions and removing or delaying international aid programmes. This has a potentially significant impact on Fiji because it is one of the largest per capita recipients of developmental aid funding in the world. However, it may also have little impact because, despite such assistance, the Fijian GDP has stagnated with an average growth of under 1% for the last 20 years. Other developmental indicators are also bleak. This thesis thus examines the dichotomy between Fiji’s ODA and its apparent inability to arrest the decline of the Fijian lifestyle and economy. However, to review all international developmental programmes across all sectors of Fijian society, while maintaining contemporary relevance and coherency, is untenable. Therefore, the thesis will focus on the European Union and its external relations with Fiji. The EU is one of the most influential partners for Fiji and is often overlooked by scholars, allowing this thesis to make a valuable contribution to developmental studies in the pacific region. The thesis has selected and examines four sectors of Fijian society, that of the Economy, Governance, Sugar, and Education sectors. This is because they are the sectors that the European Union is presently devoting most attention. Therefore, these areas best illustrate Fijian reaction to the importance and effectiveness of EU involvement. Overall, the thesis intends to demonstrate both the efficacy and the attitudes of local representatives to foreign aid programmes, and ultimately provide a unique ‘inside looking out' perspective not typical of publications about Fiji.

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Gerlach, Carina. « The EU, the WTO and trade in services : power and negotiation in the international political economy ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10873.

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For the European Union (EU), the field of trade policy is a main field in which the EU can assert its actorness and build its identity as an international actor. This "superpower" potential arises out of the EU's extensive resource equipment in trade policy and is driven forward by the EU's significant economic interests. To what extent, however, the EU has been able to use its resources to shape the rules of the international trade regime according to its own preferences has remained questionable. This thesis investigates the question of the EU's impact on and power utilisation in the international trade regime by analysing the EU's changing involvement in World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of the "international regime" and "power", the thesis proposes an approach centred on the possession, mobilisation and impact of actors' power in international regimes. In particular, the thesis proposes a framework centred on five key elements: specification of the regime, its qualities and focus; the resources or 'underlying power' that actors bring to the regime; the resources derived by actors from the operation of the regime itself, or 'organisationally dependent capabilities'; the manifestation or deployment of resources and strategies by actors in negotiations; and outcomes defined in terms of actors' power over the regime itself. After an examination of the broad context of the WTO's development and the EU's involvement in the international trade regime, this framework is then explored through a detailed study of the EU's involvement in the negotiations over trade in services that took place in the WTO between 1995 and 2005, using evidence from a wide range of documentary sources and from interviews. On the basis of this exploration of trade in services, the thesis finds that despite the EU's outstanding resources, the WTO negotiations have become too complex for the EU to decisively influence them due to a power shift in the international trade regime. The special nature of the trade in services negotiations makes these particularly unmanageable and they do not seem to present the EU with a setting for achieving its preferences. A lack of cooperation among the WTO members in favour of the negotiations has made progress in the negotiations very hard to realise for the EU. At the same time, the erosion of the EU's resources by the shifting attitude in civil society towards trade policy, and an apparent Jack of business support, has increased the challenge for the EU of managing the international trade regime. Questions are therefore raised about the extent to which the EU has responded to change, mobilised its resources effectively and had a consistent impact on the international trade regime since the mid-1990s.

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Otterheim, Anna. « Politics for energy security or a geopolitical struggle for power ? : A thematic text analysis of EU policy making of critical metals for renewable energy ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Miljöförändring, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-151960.

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This thesis analyses EU policy making on critical metals for renewable energy technologies, with a focus on Rare Earth Elements (REEs) and cobalt. A thematic text analysis on EU documents published between 2010-2018 was conducted to identify themes and patterns in the EU debate and policy-making. The results showed that the EU has a clear objective to secure access to critical metals, to reduce import dependency and increase competitiveness on the market for critical metals. The key strategies to secure access to metals are to increase primary supply by increased domestic mining and by investing in countries with large reserves of critical metals; to improve recycling rates of these metals; to find substitution metals to replace the critical ones; and to focus on resource diplomacy. Environmental and social risks from an increased demand for REEs and cobalt gain little attention in the studied documents. Geopolitical risks are concluded as linked to the dependency on import from a few producing countries, China for REEs and DR Congo for cobalt, and are mainly focused on risks affecting the EU access to the metals. The struggle over resources and related geopolitical interactions are concluded to be affected by historical and existing global power structures. Further, the thesis concludes that EU resource diplomacy aims at facilitating for the EU to remain a powerful and competitive actor on the global market for trade of critical metal.

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Andrianasoloarijaona, Serge. « Nietzsche et l'Europe ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10116.

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La problématique traitée dans ce travail consiste à s’interroger sur les aspects « politiques » de la pensée de Nietzsche, et surtout sur sa dimension européenne et ses enjeux. Il n’est pas question ici de cataloguer Nietzsche de philosophe politique, ni sa philosophie de philosophie politique, dans le sens académique du terme. Mais essayer de montrer, à travers sa philosophie du sens et de la valeur, de sa méthode généalogique, les démarches et propositions de ce philosophe au « marteau » pour tenter d’éradiquer le nihilisme dans le but d’œuvrer pour une « grande politique » et favoriser l’avènement d’un « nouveau européen » dans une « nouvelle Europe ». En effet, cette Europe dont parle Nietzsche n’a rien à voir avec ce qu’on conçoit généralement comme l’Occident, et cette Europe ainsi que les européens dont il parle n’ont pas vraiment d’existence réelle, repérable avec des frontières, si on se place sur le plan géographique et géopolitique. Dans ce travail je tiens à souligner la contrainte de la sécularisation, et d’autres aspects du dépassement du nationalisme, qui est aussi un dépassement du nihilisme. Nietzsche était, peut-être, l’un des plus acides contempteurs des illusions européennes en démontrant – espérant par la même occasion éradiquer - cette fiction d’une Europe « non-contradictoire », platement conciliatrice, mais à la fois individualiste et revendicatrice d’une égalité des droits. Comportements dénoncés par le philosophe car ce vent pollué par le nationalisme, la puissance industrielle mercantile au détriment de la création vitale ne peuvent mener qu’à une catastrophe en étouffant, en empêchant le jaillissement, l’apparition de l’individu créateur, artiste. Les valeurs se sont donc déjà instituées dans un sens négatif et malsain, et ce dénigrement de la vie n’est pas politiquement indifférent. Ce n’est pas là un vitalisme simpliste. L’homme moderne occidental est le résultat de cette histoire. L’histoire est le résultat de cette « hominisation » inversée qui se fait par le troupeau, et qui est aussi une forme de déshumanisation programmée. C’est Dionysos qui constitue le remède à cette maladie, ce Dieu grec est le héros qui vaincrait cette européocentrisme et le chauvinisme. Soulignons que ce projet qui consiste à critiquer l’égalitarisme comme « dressage », privilégie le retour au texte et non pas la « construction conceptuelle ». Entre autres travaux pour cela : ceux de Patrick Wotling, Paolo D’Iorio, Giuliano Campioni, Wolfgang Müller-Lauter, Peter Sloterdijk,…Pour éviter toute confusion, malgré la partie « caractéristiques de la philosophie du sens et de la valeur » qui distinguera la « grande politique », soulignons ces quelques points : d’abord la séparation d’avec le vouloir-vivre de Schopenhauer, ensuite l’évaluation d’une transcendance de l’instinct qui fait que Nietzsche quitte le plan de l’irrationalisme furibond, enfin la forme du refus du darwinisme. Ainsi on peut parler d’une volonté de puissance qui n’est plus ramenée à une catégorie volitionnelle, et dotée d’une motivation (par exemple l’oppression physique et militaire ou l’accumulation du capital).Sa reconquête des valeurs doit être replacée dans un contexte mieux compris, et d’abord repensant le nôtre. Il n’est que de songer aux Règles pour le parc humain de Sloterdijk, en réponse à Heidegger, mais qui n’est que le prolongement de l’opposition dressage / élevage (Zähmung / Züchtung) qu’avait thématisée Nietzsche en faveur de ce que seraient de « bons européens ». Ainsi on comprend que les enjeux « politiques » consistent en réalité aux choix de civilisation (Kultur) qui engagent une conception purement anthropologique de l’homme. Seule une métaphysique de la culture permettra alors de dépasser le nihilisme européen et ses nombreuses versions éco-théologiques
The main theme of this work is that of the “political” aspects of Nietzsche’s philosophy, particularly in terms of its European dimension and the issues at stake. The aim here is not to label Nietzsche as a political philosopher or his philosophy as political philosophy in the academic sense of the term. Rather, the aim is to show, through his philosophy of meaning and value, and his genealogical method, the approaches adopted and proposals made by this philosopher and his “hammer”, as a means of eradicating nihilism in order to work towards “greater politics” and thus encourage the arrival of a “new European” in a “new Europe”. This Europe of which Nietzsche spoke had nothing in common with what is generally perceived as being the West. His Europe, and its Europeans, do not really exist, and, from a geographical and geopolitical point of view, have no easily identifiable borders. In this work, we underline the restrictions of secularisation, and other aspects that go beyond nationalism, which is in itself a concept that goes beyond that of nihilism. It may be said that Nietzsche had the most acerbic contempt for European illusions, showing – and hoping to thus eradicate – the fiction of a “non-contradictory” Europe, a Europe that is blandly conciliatory but also both individualistic and demanding of equal rights. Such behaviour was denounced by Nietzsche because this wind of change, polluted by nationalism and mercantile industrial power to the detriment of vital creation, can only end in catastrophe, suffocating and preventing the resurgence or appearance of the individual creator, the artist. Values have thus already been adopted in a negative, unhealthy sense and denigrating life in this way is not indifferent from a political point of view. It is not a question of simplistic vitalism. Modern Western man is the result of this history. And this history is the result of the inverted “hominisation” produced by the herd effect, and which is also a sort of programmed dehumanisation. The cure for this ill is Dionysus, the Greek god who was the hero that conquered European centricity and chauvinism. It should be stressed that this project, which consists in criticising egalitarianism as a form of “domestication”, favours a return to the text, and not “conceptual construction”. This theme has also been studied by other authors, such as Patrick Wotling, Paolo D’Iorio, Giuliano Campioni, Wolfgang Müller-Lauter and Peter Sloterdijk, to name but a few.To avoid any confusion, and despite the section on the “characteristics of the philosophy of meaning and values” which will identify the “greater politics”, we would like to stress the following points: first of all, the departure from Schopenhauer’s will to live, followed by an evaluation of the transcendence of instinct which shows that Nietzsche moved away from the level of furious irrationalism and, finally, the form taken by the refusal of Darwinism. It is thus possible to speak of a desire for power which is no longer reduced to being a volitional category, but which has become motivated (for example, physical and military oppression, or the accumulation of capital).Nietzsche’s reconquest of values needs to be approached within a context that is better understood, starting with a re-evaluation of our own. This recalls Sloterdijk’s Rules for the Human Zoo, written in response to Heidegger, but which is merely an extension of the domestication/breeding opposition (Zähmung/Züchtung) that Nietzsche conceptualised in favour of what would make “good Europeans”.It is thus that we can understand that the “political” stakes are, in reality, civilisation choices (Kultur), which require a purely anthropological conception of man. Only the metaphysics of culture can thus make it possible to go beyond European nihilism and its many eco-theo-logical versions

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Potter, Shannon L. « The Influence of Western Powers on Central and Eastern European Minority Protection Policy : the League of Nations Minorities Treaties and the EU Copenhagen Criteria ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281647235.

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Kuznia, Aleksandra. « Between altruism and self-interest : Beyond EU’s normative power. An analysis of EU’s engagement in sustainable ocean governance ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23742.

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With the majority of the oceans lying outside the borders of national jurisdiction, it is not easy to preserve them healthy and secure as the ‘shared responsibility’ is not recognized unambiguously in the global world. The recent turn to the maritime sphere is visible in the UN 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development that has been widely advocated by the EU. The latter’s commitment to sustainable ocean governance involves action beyond borders, which has a considerable impact on the global maritime sphere as well as on developing countries depending on the seas. On the one hand, the EU’s pursuit of sustainable ocean governance is informed by the norms and values that the organization possesses and tries to promote in its response to global challenges. On the other, the normative principles and the EU’s flowery rhetoric serve as a mean to rationalize Union’s pursuit of self-interest. This study analyses both dimensions of the organization’s engagement in the maritime sphere, considering oceans as a ‘placeful’ environment that has to be treated in the same way as the land is. By exploring the external dimension of EU’s action in the field, the thesis allows to see that EU’s pursuit of sustainable ocean governance has to be understood as a process in which the strategic aims are imbued with genuine moral concerns. Nevertheless, those can sometimes be undermined by the material policy outcomes visible in the West African coastal states such as Mauritania and Senegal.

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Sharma, Abhimanyu Kumar. « Language policies in the European Union and India : a comparative study ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/287638.

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The thesis offers a comparative analysis of language policies in the EU and India. Specifically, it examines the role of power and ideology in the formulation and implementation of language policies. The need for this thesis emerged in view of the lack of comprehensive comparative analyses of language policies which leads to epistemological gaps, including one-dimensional narratives of language policies, and theories which are lacking in precision. In light of these gaps, the thesis undertakes a comprehensive investigation of policies in eight policy domains (administration, legal safeguards for minority languages, law, education, media, healthcare, business, and social welfare) in the EU and India and in two case studies each from the EU (Luxembourg, Wales), and India (Manipur, Tamil Nadu), chosen on the basis of maximum and minimum deviation from the EU's and Indian policies. The study examines policy texts (statutes on language use in these polities), and contexts which concern the historical and socio-political factors underpinning language policies. The thesis makes three important contributions. First, it marks a break from the prevalent understanding of power in macro-level policymaking. Research to date has tended to view power as a monolithic entity, while this thesis offers evidence that power and ideology are not uniform across policy domains. Second, it bridges the text-context divide of language policy research by conducting an investigation of policy-related legislation, and highlighting the importance of texts in understanding language policies, as they reflect the changes in power structures through time. Third, the thesis proposes a new analytical concept for investigating language policies, Categories of Differentiation (COD). Categories of Differentiation refer to the sets of binaries which underpin language policies in the aforementioned case studies. These binaries include the hills-valley divide (Manipur), the Dravidian-Aryan divide (Tamil Nadu), and the autochthonous-allochthonous divide (EU) among others. Language policies have often been described as 'multilayered', and COD offer a systematic approach to exploring these multiple layers. Overall, the thesis demonstrates how comparative research aids understanding of language policies, and sets out a possible theoretical framework for conducting it.

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Kotúčová, Michaela. « The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of Italy ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193892.

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This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.

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Oprea, Elena-Alina. « Droit de l'Union européenne et lois de police ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020028.

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L’interaction du droit de l’Union européenne avec le droit international privé se manifeste avec une acuité particulière en matière de lois de police, continuant et renouvelant les discussions suscitées par celles-ci. La promotion des intérêts de l’Union européenne par ce mécanisme de DIP peut être facilement observée. Il reste que des questions peuvent surgir quant à l’aménagement, dans les systèmes juridiques nationaux, de l’articulation des lois de police de source nationale et européenne. Le transfert de certaines compétences des Etats membres vers l’Union, le rapprochement des législations des Etats membres ou le poids plus important accordé aux raisonnements et aux intérêts européens au moment de la qualification mettent en lumière une catégorie « lois de police » avec des contours nouveaux. La mise en oeuvre des lois de police porte, elle aussi, l’empreinte de l’influence du droit de l’Union européenne. L’intégration des données liées à la réalisation du marché intérieur entraîne une perturbation significative du mécanisme traditionnel des lois de police, accompagnée d’une diminution de l’efficacité de ces normes dans les relations entre les Etats membres. L’objectif de création, au sein de l’Union, d’un espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice s’est matérialisé par la mise en place de corps de règles européennes de DIP dans diverses matières. La méthode des lois de police en ressort transformée, suite tant à la prise de position directe du législateur européen sur les conditions de son intervention, qu’en raison des évolutions enregistrées par d’autres méthodes concurrentes de droit international privé
The interaction between the European Union law and the private international law is particularly acute in the field of internationally mandatory rules, maintaining and renewing the debate which always accompanied this kind of norms. If the internationally mandatory rules occupy a special place in the European legislation, being an extremely effective tool of European policy, some difficulties arise as to the articulation, in the Member States’ legal systems, of the both national and European different sources of lois de police. The transfer of powers from Member States to the European Union, the harmonization of national legislations and the greater weight given to European reasoning and interests at the time of qualification highlight a new dimension of the internationally mandatory rules concept. Also the implementation of internationally mandatory rules is highly influenced by the European Union Law. The Member States’ obligations concerning the completing of the internal market and the removal of restrictions to changes involve a significant disturbance to this traditional PIL mechanism; a decrease in the effectiveness of internationally mandatory rules in relations between Member States may be observed. The purpose of establishing an area of freedom, security and justice within the European Union was materialized in the establishment of European private international law rules in various fields; the internationally mandatory rules method is transformed as a result of the European legislator direct intervention on his definition and regime, but also as a result of the evolution that affects other concurring private international law methods

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Adolfsson, Rebecca. « EU:s gemensamma handelspolitik före och efter Lissabonfördraget : En jämförande studie av EU:s normativa makt genom den gemensamma handelspolitiken ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-43299.

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This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU? In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage. The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

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Meyerrose, Anna M. « The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion : International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1560253154941304.

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Yatar, Yüksel Gürkaynak Muharrem. « Avrupa Birliği enerji politikası ve bu politika bağlamında Hazar Havzası enerji kaynaklarının önemi/ ». Isparta : SDÜ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007. http://tez.sdu.edu.tr/Tezler/TS00622.pdf.

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Alakbarov, Gurban. « Die Energieressourcen der kaspischen Region und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Energiesicherheit der Europäischen Union ». Bochum [u. a.] : Europäischer Univ.-Verl, 2008. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/568950232.pdf.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Police power – Europe »

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