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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Police power – Europe »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Police power – Europe"

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Henry, Alistair, Ali Malik et Andy Aydın-Aitchison. « Local governance in the new Police Scotland : Renegotiating power, recognition and responsiveness ». European Journal of Criminology 16, no 5 (21 juin 2019) : 573–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370819856528.

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A marked, but by no means universal, trend in Europe over the last decade or so has been the centralization or amalgamation of regional police organizations into larger or single units. Scotland is a case in point, its eight regional services becoming one Police Scotland in April 2013. Although the reform process was relatively consensual, the new organization has been the subject of numerous controversies, some of which reflect an actual or perceived loss of the local in Scottish policing. Drawing on a qualitative study of the emerging local governance arrangements, we explore the negotiated character of large-scale organizational reform, demonstrating that it is best understood as a process not an event. We also argue that appeals to localism are not mere expressions of sentiment and resistance to change. They reflect the particular historical development of policing and public service delivery in Scotland at the level of municipal government, but also strong convictions that policing should be subject to democratic deliberation and should recognize and be responsive to those subject to it – what we argue here are necessary functions of police governance in general.
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Schiller, Nina Glick. « Racialized nations, evangelizing Christianity, police states, and imperial power : Missing in action in Bunzl's new Europe ». American Ethnologist 32, no 4 (novembre 2005) : 526–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2005.32.4.526.

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Bashkin, Orit. « The Fruit of the Arts and the Mob ». Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no 3 (1 décembre 2021) : 404–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407949.

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Abstract This essay considers accounts of the Dreyfus Affair published in the newspaper Thamarat al-Funun (founded 1875) during 1898 to demonstrate how Arab writers addressed the rights of minorities in Europe and examined failed emancipatory projects. Writing about the Dreyfus Affair allowed intellectuals in the Levant to reverse the power relationship between themselves and Europe and to comment on the kinds of politics that would ensure the equality before the law of the Jewish minority in Europe. These debates further illustrate that even before the shift to electoral politics in the Ottoman Empire (after 1908) and in postwar Arab nation-states, Arab writers were preoccupied with the relationship between statecraft and majority-minority relations. They argued that democratic institutions such as parliaments and courts of law were the best venues to safeguard the rights of religious communities whose mere existence was defined as a problem. Bashkin shows how Thamarat al-Funun pointed to phenomena that endangered religious communities, such as fanaticism, racism, abuse of power by the police and the military, and mob politics.
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Gundhus, Helene O. I. « Shaping Migrants as Threats : Multilayered Discretion, Criminalization, and Risk Assessment Tools ». International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 10, no 3 (1 septembre 2021) : 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2041.

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This article examines Operation Migrant, initiated by the Norwegian police following the so-called migration crises in Europe in 2015. One of its central aims was, by predicting challenges related to increased migration, to improve resource allocation and prevent crime. By drawing on research on risk and threat assessment as a form of power, this article aims to analyze how risk categories are distributed and translated into a multilayered institutional arrangement where migration is policed as a potential crime. The article examines the indicators that the risk assessments are based on and the measures applied and investigates how discretionary practices make immigrants objects for law enforcement and policing. The article contributes to research on migration control in an ordinary police context, where immigration identity checks become part of the crime reduction strategy. Applying the concept of interpretive flexibility (Collins 1981), I will identify the steps in this chain of translation to explore the leap from targeting potentially criminal asylum seekers to targeting broader groups with temporary residency in Norway. The article analyzes the conditions determining how policing, technologies, and migrants are “co-constructed” in a chain of mediation and translation, which reinforces the view of migrants as risky and criminal. The final section discusses how risk and threat analysis is affected by the notion of the “crimmigrant other” (Franko 2020). In Norway, selectively targeting unwanted migrants as criminals has become dominant in police decision-making at a policy level and everyday practices affecting not only third country nationals but also unwanted eastern Europeans.
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Kolaszyński, Mateusz. « OVERSEEING SURVEILLANCE POWERS – THE CASES OF POLAND AND SLOVAKIA ». Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no 1/2020 (25 mai 2020) : 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.3.

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The article aims to present the most important issues related to oversight over surveillance powers in Poland and Slovakia. The word „surveillance powers” used in the study refers particularly to covert techniques and practices of gathering personal data which occurs without the monitored subjects’ knowledge or approval. Such surveillance powers are typically carried out by police services and intelligence agencies, and are more politically sensitive, as well as closely related to core issues of power and security. Oversight over these services and their surveillance powers is the standard in democratic states. Before 1989-1990, there was a similar model of security services in both analyzed countries. During Communism, there was no civil and democratic oversight over police services and intelligence agencies. Under the communist system control over security services was exercised by an inner circle representing the highest levels of the Communist party. Finally, since the early 1990s Poland and Slovakia had to build new systems of control and oversight over surveillance powers. Nowadays, both countries are members of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The basic issue of the paper is to describe how the systems of control and oversight look in Poland and Slovakia in the post-Snowden era.
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Vuillemin, Alain. « The mysteries of power in the Republic of Doumarie in Death of a Poet (1981) by Michel Del Castillo ». Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 49, no 1 (24 février 2022) : 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/for22.14lesa.

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Michel Del Castillo's novel Death of a Poet was published in 1989, before the collapse of totalitarian systems in eastern countries. It is an autobiographical fiction. The action takes place in 1988. The narrator, Igor Védoz, relates the last events of the fall of a dictator, Marshal Carol Oussek, the "Guide" of an imaginary republic, Doumaria, a country located in the center of central Europe. It’s a reflection on absolute power. The intrigue is built on a detective plot. The investigation carried out by Igor Védoz allows us to glimpse some of the secret mysteries of power in this "Socialist, democratic and peaceful Republic of Doumaria". What does it reveal about the death of this dictator, a victim of himself, within the mysterious arcana of his own power? How is the story built on a police mystery, the discovery of multiple machinations and the secrecy of a fraud?
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Kabashi, Gazmend, et Skender Kabashi. « Review of under Frequency Load Shedding Program of Kosovo Power System based on ENTSO-E Requirements ». International Journal of Electrical and Computer Engineering (IJECE) 8, no 2 (1 avril 2018) : 741. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijece.v8i2.pp741-748.

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Under-frequency load shedding (UFLS) is designed to protect the power system when the frequency drops below given thresholds by switching off certain amounts of the load aiming thus to balance generation and load. This paper presents a review of the existing UFLS (Under Frequency Load Shedding) program in compliance with recently revised Police-5 of Operational Handbook of ENTSO-e. The proposed review of the current UFLS program for Kosovo Power System has considered the main standards requirements and guidelines for UFLS set by ENTSO-E. This work examine system performance by conducting dynamic simulations of UFLS schemes subject to different imbalances between load and generation, and includes three power system island mode scenarios with different equivalent inertia of the system, respectively different size of the systems. With aim to define the best program of UFLS, which fits to the Kosovo Power System frequency behavior, two different UFLS programs are analyzed and results are compared. The proposed program is tested using a large scale PSS/E model which represents interconnected power system area of Southeast Europe.
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Hudson, Hugh D. « A Failure of Modernization : Police Reform, The “Common Good,” and Serfdom In Eighteenth-Century Russia ». Russian History 42, no 3 (3 septembre 2015) : 249–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04203001.

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For Russian subjects not locked away in their villages and thereby subject almost exclusively to landlord control, administration in the eighteenth century increasingly took the form of the police. And as part of the bureaucracy of governance, the police existed within the constructions of the social order—as part of social relations and their manifestations through political control. This article investigates the social and mental structures—the habitus—in which the actions of policing took place to provide a better appreciation of the difficulties of reform and modernization. Eighteenth-century Russia shared in the European discourse on the common good, the police, and social order. But whereas Michel Foucault and Michael Ignatieff see police development in Europe with its concern to surveil and discipline emerging from incipient capitalism and thus a product of new, post-Enlightenment social forces, the Russian example demonstrates the power of the past, of a habitus rooted in Muscovy. Despite Peter’s and especially Catherine’s well-intended efforts, Russia could not succeed in modernization, for police reforms left the enserfed part of the population subject to the whims of landlord violence, a reflection, in part, of Russia having yet to make the transition from the feudal manorial economy based on extra-economic compulsion to the capitalist hired-labor estate economy. The creation of true centralized political organization—the creation of the modern state as defined by Max Weber—would require the state’s domination over patrimonial jurisdiction and landlord control over the police. That necessitated the reforms of Alexander II.
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Frohman, Lawrence. « Population Registration in Germany, 1842–1945 : Information, Administrative Power, and State-Making in the Age of Paper ». Central European History 53, no 3 (septembre 2020) : 503–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000931.

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AbstractPopulation registration has figured only peripherally in histories of state formation in modern Europe. Although the registries never fully shed their original security function, the emergence of the interventionist state transformed the personal data or information collected by the registries into a central element of state administrative power. However, the ways in which this information could be used by both the civilian administration and the police to govern individuals and populations were limited by the use of paper as a means of data storage and transmission and by the information processing technologies available at the time. Rather than viewing the population registries and, later, the National Registry (Volkskartei) primarily as instruments of the Holocaust, this article embeds them in a longer, alternative history, which explores the relationship between population registration, information, information processing, and state formation between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth century.
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Fedneva, Natalia L. « Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire : implementation of the project by M.M. Speransky ». Current Issues of the State and Law, no 19 (2021) : 421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2021-5-19-412-424.

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We consider the views of M.M. Speransky on the sphere of the police department, which were not previously the object of special research, as well as the implementation features of his project for the creation of the Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire, designed, according to the creator's plan, to ensure not only order and security, but also oversee the legality of the administration’s activities on the ground. We draw conclusions: firstly, the formation of Speransky’s views took place under the influence of internal needs to strengthen power and maintain order that arose in the Russian Em-pire at the beginning of the 19th century; secondly, Speransky was influenced by the last representative of the European school of Roman law, the ideologue of the Enlightened absolutism J. Dom, who was the first in Europe to see the police as a universal instrument for maintaining order based on the norms of public law, and the lawyer-policeist N. Delamare, who systematized the French police legislation. The Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire, created according to Speransky’s project, was supposed to ensure compliance with the rule of law on the basis of public law and on behalf of the state, as well as protect and, if necessary, restore the rights of subjects as private individuals. The solution of this problem within the framework of the theoretical concept proposed by Speransky, which reflected the needs of the development of Russian society, required a long-term perspective and included a gradual restructuring of police activities, the development of appropriate legal, ideological and personnel support and, in fact, meant a transition to the rule of law. We emphasize the contribution of the Ministry of Police to ensuring victory in the Patriotic War of 1812 and suggest the reasons for its inclusion in the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1819.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Police power – Europe"

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Bielawski, Martina, et Jasna Jurišić. « Vom Labrador zum Schäferhund : die Metamorphose deutscher Ausßenpolitik ». Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4844/.

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Marian, Svetlana. « Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe : The Moldovan Question ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.

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This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.
Master of Arts
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Larsson, Linn. « Normative Gender Power Europe ? A critical examination of the European Commission’s construction of inequality and preferred foreign policy approach ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21489.

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Gender equality is one of the fundamental values of the European Union (EU). The EU possesses the ambition as well as the legal obligation to promote equal rights beyond its borders. Hence, it is of most importance that the EU construct gender equality policies that foster positive change, certainly due to the EU’s normative ability to influence other actors. This paper is concerned with how problems of gender inequality is constructed by the European Commission and moreover which foreign policy approach that is proposed to combat inequality. While focusing on contexts where gender is present, this study applies feminist theoretical approaches to critically examine statements given by the European Commission. The ‘What’s the problem represented to be?’ approach allows the study to identify problem representations, underlying assumptions and effects. It is determined that elements from both liberal and radical feminism is evident in the European Commission’s problem representations and that the male/female dichotomy which the problematisations are based on might prevent equality between men and women. Mostly due to its focus on the differences between genders. The findings also show that the European Commission suggest to combat inequality using a multidimensional problem-solving approach where actions are executed at individual, national, international and supranational levels simultaneously. Additionally, much emphasis is put on solving issues at grass-root levels.
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Patton, Sarah Jayne Cormack. « The European Union as a normative power ». Thesis, Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28106.

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Masala, Carlo. « Don't worry, be happy : eine Erwiderung auf Gunther Hellmann ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4662/.

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Gair, Jonathan Mark. « Evaluating EU-Russian Relations : The Intersection of Variable Geometry and Power Pragmatism ». Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240442669.

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DAVITER, Falk. « The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.

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Defence date: 13 July 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
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Essby, Linda. « Normative Power Europe : Ett verktyg för konsolidering av europeiska normer ? : En kvalitativ studie om EU:s normativa maktutövning genom grannskapspolitiken i Moldavien ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90985.

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Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the Moldovan government has become both fragile and unpredictable. With a high susceptibility to external pressures, the country has fallen into a limbo between democracy and autocracy and is today classified as a hybrid regime. Since Moldovas entry to the EU's Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership in 2008, the country's sensitivity to social and political change has become evident. The EU has acted as a normative power in the country in several ways by pursuing a neighborhood policy that seeks to consolidate European norms. This study aims to explain how the EU can be seen as a normative power in Moldova through the theoretical framework of Normative Power Europe (NPE). The thesis also aims to descripture how the EU uses the five basic principles of NPE regarding peace, freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law as normative guidelines for influencing the country's political direction. A conclusion can be drawn that the EU appears to be using the neighborhood policy tools to consolidate European norms through sanctions, association agreements and treaties, thus keeping Moldova's political development in an iron fist.
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Macdonald, Anna Maria. « Green Normative Power ? Relations between New Zealand and the European Union on Environment ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3161.

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The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.
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Tinas, Murat. « The European Union As A Normative Power And The European Neighbourhood Policy : Cases Of Morocco And Egypt ». Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611026/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to examine the European Union (EU) as a normative power in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) through case studies of Morocco and Egypt. The uniqueness of the EU as a distinct actor in international politics has led many observers to claim that the EU is a normative power. The ENP, which emerged in 2004, has been one of the main instruments of the EU within this framework. This thesis studies the claim as to whether the EU is, in fact, a normative power in the context of the ENP with two cases studies. The selection of Morocco and Egypt originates from the existing similarities which render an opportunity to have a comparative study. The thesis will analyze this puzzle through an analysis of both primary documents published by the EU and the secondary literature. Through a close scrutiny of Morocco and Egypt, the normative power of the EU in its near abroad will be explored through the analysis of democratization process in these countries in terms of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Based on theoretical analysis and two case studies, this thesis argues that the EU faces several challenges in its claim to be a normative power within the context of the ENP.
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Livres sur le sujet "Police power – Europe"

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Regulierung und Deregulierung im europäischen Privatrecht. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1997.

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Hunt, Alan. Governance of the consuming passions : A history of sumptuary law. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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Die "gute" Policey im Reichskreis : Zur frühmodernen Normensetzung in den Kernregionen des Alten Reiches. Berlin : Akademie Verlag, 2001.

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The application of the precautionary principle in practice : Comparative dimensions. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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L, Magnusson Filip, et Bengtsson Oscar W, dir. Energy in Europe : Economics, policy & strategy. New York : Nova Science Publishers, 2008.

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Artur, Wołek, Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej (Kraków, Poland) et Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu-National-Louis University w Nowym Sączu, dir. Władza wykonawcza w Polsce i w Europie. Kraków : Wyd. Dante, 2009.

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Commission, European, dir. Energising Europe. Luxembourg : European Commission, 2000.

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Energy in Europe : Issues and policies. London : Methuen, 1986.

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Harlan, Koff, et Maganda Carmen, dir. Social cohesion in Europe and the Americas : Power, time and space = Cohesión social en Europa y las Américas : poder, tiempo y espacio. Bruxelles : P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.

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Energy policy in the European Union. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Police power – Europe"

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Salmon, Trevor C. « The Civil Power and Aiding the Civil Power ». Dans Police and Public Order in Europe, 73–106. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003363903-5.

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Birchfield, Vicki L. « The EU’s Development Policy : Empirical Evidence of ‘Normative Power Europe?’ ». Dans Normative Power Europe, 141–60. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230305601_8.

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Szarka, Joseph. « Drawing Policy Lessons from Cross-National Comparisons ». Dans Wind Power in Europe, 88–109. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230286672_5.

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Haukkala, Hiski. « The European Union as a Regional Normative Hegemon : The Case of European Neighbourhood Policy ». Dans Normative Power Europe, 45–64. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230305601_3.

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Szarka, Joseph. « Reviewing the Outcomes : Policy Learning and Path Choices ». Dans Wind Power in Europe, 182–99. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230286672_9.

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Heisbourg, François. « Between Independence and Solidarity : France’s Defence Policy in the 1990s ». Dans Military Power in Europe, 106–22. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10310-2_6.

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Debusscher, Petra. « Gender Equality in European Union Development Policy ». Dans Global Power Europe - Vol. 2, 291–303. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32416-1_17.

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Pänke, Julian. « The Empire Strikes Back : 1989, 2011 and Europe’s Neighbourhood Policy ». Dans Global Power Europe - Vol. 2, 111–29. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32416-1_7.

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Fontana, Olimpia. « Tra solidarietà europea e responsabilità nazionali : la tutela dei beni pubblici europei ». Dans Studi e saggi, 143–62. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-591-2.09.

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The theme of solidarity between European Union (EU) member states lies at the heart of the European integration process itself, in the context of an ongoing tension between the renunciation of national sovereignty, driven by a drive for cooperation, and the maintenance of prerogatives of strategic interest to states. In fact, the EU was born from the decision of its members to pool selected aspects of their sovereignty, in a process whose evolution is expressed both in the choice of community policies and in the availability and methods of financing those policies. These are two sides of the same coin, that of the Community budget, which is the operational instrument that supports and accompanies the major steps in the EU's evolutionary process. Indeed, since the 1980s, the Community budget has represented the instrument capable of holding together on the one hand the process of economic liberalisation and on the other the objective of social integration between countries that had different starting conditions. However, cooperation and solidarity are aspects that need to be strengthened today, albeit in new dimensions. The financial crisis has brought about a new acceleration in the coordination of national fiscal policies, without, however, generating the missing piece to European economic policy, namely an autonomous fiscal capacity, endowed with taxation power, on which a full fiscal union would be based.
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Sloam, James. « Grounding European Policy : Policy, Power and Parties ». Dans The European Policy of the German Social Democrats, 13–31. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505469_2.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Police power – Europe"

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Aanstoos, Ted A. « Management Challenges in Emerging European Union Eco-Standards ». Dans ASME 2004 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2004-52115.

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The European Union is 450 million citizens in 25 otherwise sovereign countries, but connected in a multinational federal metastate that claims a combined economy in excess of $9 trillion (US), making it one of the world’s largest economies. As a community faced with massive decontamination and re-industrialization from devastating wars, Europe places due emphasis on issues of environmental sustainability and pollution prevention. Under broad policy guidelines of the New Approach and Integrated Product Planning frameworks, the European Commission is drafting legislation that will mandate eco-standards for all energized end-use equipment for sale in the internal market. These proposed standards may raise controversy in many industry sectors and international arenas (including within Europe itself) because they may not be based on sound and accepted scientific analysis, because they may constitute a de-facto violation at least in spirit of the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement, and because nobody can yet predict their cost impact and other market effect. Compliance with these emerging energy efficiency regulations will impose considerable management requirements on manufacturers as they devise documentation and certification programs for their products that are likely to be of a scope similar to ISO 14000. This paper assesses the new requirements from a product and design management perspective.
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Ivanov, Metodi. « SPECIFIC FEATURES OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT POLICY AND ITS IMPACT ON REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ». Dans 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s23.098.

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The environmental management system should be considered as part of the overall management system. This involves looking at the organizational structure, planning activities, responsibilities, practices, procedures, processes and resources for developing, implementing, achieving, reviewing and maintaining environmental policy. Basic principles and requirements of the environmental management system are aimed at identifying, researching, controlling and reviewing the factors influencing the environment, which allow businesses and public organizations to formulate policies and objectives aimed at protection of the environment. By introducing an environmental management system, organizations simultaneously declare, declare their commitment and guarantee to society as a whole that they are genuinely committed to solving environmental problems. European environmental policy is based on the principle of precautionary measures, preventive action and the elimination of pollution at source, as well as on the principle of "polluter pays". The European Union has the power to take action on all matters of environmental policy such as air and water pollution, waste management and climate change. Although some powers are limited as a result of the principle of subsidiarity and the requirement for unanimous agreement in the Council on fiscal issues, issues related to urban and spatial planning, land use, quantitative management of water resources, choice of energy sources and the structure of energy supply. The purpose of this article is to present specific features of environmental management policy and its impact on regional development in developing countries.
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Gibbons, M. J. S. « European Perspectives on Sustainable Energy Policies ». Dans 2005 International Power Engineering Conference. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ipec.2005.206867.

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Bekaert, David, Patrik Buijs, Leonardo Meeus, Erik Delarue et Ronnie Belmans. « European energy policy goals : Rivals or friends in transmission ? » Dans 2008 43rd International Universities Power Engineering Conference (UPEC). IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/upec.2008.4651516.

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Nazlıoğlu, Şaban, Çağın Karul, Ahmet Koncak et İlhan Küçükkaplan. « On The Purchasing Power Parity in Turkey : The Role of Structural Changes ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02008.

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Turkey as an emerging country and one of the fastest growing economies during the last decade has been implementing the trade-oriented growth model since 1980. The exchange rate policy in that respect is at the center of trade and monetary policies. Given the importance of constructing fundamental equilibrium exchange rates, the long-run PPP hypothesis has been empirically investigated during the last decade. We re-examine the purchasing power parity (PPP) hypothesis for Turkey with her ten major trading partners and find out that when the structural shifts are taken into account, there is a strong evidence in favor of the validity of PPP hypothesis. An interesting finding also is that the PPP hypothesis seems to hold for the European Union countries.
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Skar, Christian, Gerard Doorman et Asgeir Tomasgard. « The future European power system under a climate policy regime ». Dans 2014 IEEE International Energy Conference (ENERGYCON). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/energycon.2014.6850446.

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Mielczarski, Wladyslaw. « Energy efficiency and quality in the European energy policy ». Dans 2009 10th International Conference on Electrical Power Quality and Utilisation - (EPQU). IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/epqu.2009.5318817.

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Gboney, William K. « Promoting the Development of Concentrating Solar Power in the Middle East and North Africa Regions : Policy and Regulatory Implications ». Dans ASME 2012 6th International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the ASME 2012 10th International Conference on Fuel Cell Science, Engineering and Technology. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2012-91419.

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It is estimated that within the next 40 years, solar thermal power plants would be capable of supplying more than half of the electricity needs of EUMENA. While solar irradiance differs widely in Europe due to seasonal variations, in the MENA region, there is abundant and continuous solar irradiance. This make the MENA region suitable for establishing CSP plants and exporting the electricity generated to Europe. This has driven many institutions and agencies, including the World Bank and the Desertec Foundation, to propose various schemes to promote the use of CSP systems in the MENA region. The objective of this paper is to examine the existing policy and regulatory frameworks in the MENA countries, identify any barriers and make recommendations on how to surmount these barriers, to increase the scale and scope of utilizing CSPs and other renewable energy technologies (RETs) in the region. The paper concludes by making a number of policy and regulatory recommendations to support utilization of solar thermal energy resource within the MENA region.
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Domachowski, Zygfryd, et Marek Dzida. « Combined Cycle and Cogeneration Prospects in Former Centrally Planned Economies ». Dans ASME Turbo Expo 2001 : Power for Land, Sea, and Air. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/2001-gt-0502.

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An important restructuring of Polish electric power system is required. It should result in electric power capacity development, thermodynamic and economic efficiency increase, environment pollution reduction. These are two low investment ways of performing those goals: combined cycle and cogeneration. The problem is similar in most of former centrally planned economies (Central and Eastern Europe).
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Gazioğlu, Şaziye, et Fatoş Otcuoğlu. « The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector : Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00434.

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This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Police power – Europe"

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Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Latzer, Michael, dir. The European Policy Response to Convergence with SpecialConsideration of Competition Policy and Market Power Control. Vienna : self, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/ita-pa-ml_99_01.

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Pryt, Karina. Polish-German film relations in the process of building German cultural hegemony in Europe 1933-1939. Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.70888.

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The article presents Polish-German film relations in the framework of Nazis cultural diplomacy between 1933 and 1939. The Nazi effort to create a cultural hegemony through the unification of the European film market under German leadership serves as an important point of reference. On the example of the Polish-German relationship, the article analyses the Nazi “soft power” in terms of both its strength and limits. Describing the broader geopolitical context, the article proposes a new trail in the research on both the film milieus and the cinema culture in Poland in the 1930s. In mythological terms, it belongs to cultural diplomacy and adds simultaneously to film history and New Cinema History.
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Balatsky, Galina, Richard Holmes et Jason Haynes. Europe’s energy policy based on large-scale use of renewables most likely will require supplemental power supplies to balance their electrical power systems. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), septembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1823732.

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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution : Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus : The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, décembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.

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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”
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Morsy, Ahmed. Towards a renewed local social and political covenant in Libya, Syria and Yemen. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ofgn2229.

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This SIPRI Insights Paper examines the domestic and external factors at play in Libya, Syria and Yemen and their impact on negotiating post-war peaceful settlements and shaping prospective social contracts.The paper’s argument is two-fold. Firstly, policymaking must move beyond a static approach to understanding these conflicts. Despite apparent stalemates, the three countries should be approached as ever-evolving simmering conflicts. Secondly, policymakers have to move below the national level in order to achieve various forms of localized social peace. Given the nature of these conflicts and the varied sub-national segmentation, the analysis concludes that community-level social and political covenants may offer a first building block towards nationwide social contracts and sustainable conflict resolution.The role of external actors, particularly the European Union (EU), is critical in paving the way for these local-level dialogues and negotiations in Libya, Syria and Yemen. In short, external powers, including the EU, should adopt policies that push for long-term resolution to achieve post-conflict stabilization rather than the opportunistic taking of sides.
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Avis, William. Drivers, Barriers and Opportunities of E-waste Management in Africa. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.016.

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Population growth, increasing prosperity and changing consumer habits globally are increasing demand for consumer electronics. Further to this, rapid changes in technology, falling prices and consumer appetite for better products have exacerbated e-waste management challenges and seen millions of tons of electronic devices become obsolete. This rapid literature review collates evidence from academic, policy focussed and grey literature on e-waste management in Africa. This report provides an overview of constitutes e-waste, the environmental and health impacts of e-waste, of the barriers to effective e-waste management, the opportunities associated with effective e-waste management and of the limited literature available that estimate future volumes of e-waste. Africa generated a total of 2.9 million Mt of e-waste, or 2.5 kg per capita, the lowest regional rate in the world. Africa’s e-waste is the product of Local and imported Sources of Used Electronic and Electrical Equipment (UEEE). Challenges in e-waste management in Africa are exacerbated by a lack of awareness, environmental legislation and limited financial resources. Proper disposal of e-waste requires training and investment in recycling and management technology as improper processing can have severe environmental and health effects. In Africa, thirteen countries have been identified as having a national e-waste legislation/policy.. The main barriers to effective e-waste management include: Insufficient legislative frameworks and government agencies’ lack of capacity to enforce regulations, Infrastructure, Operating standards and transparency, illegal imports, Security, Data gaps, Trust, Informality and Costs. Aspirations associated with energy transition and net zero are laudable, products associated with these goals can become major contributors to the e-waste challenge. The necessary wind turbines, solar panels, electric car batteries, and other "green" technologies require vast amounts of resources. Further to this, at the end of their lifetime, they can pose environmental hazards. An example of e-waste associated with energy transitions can be gleaned from the solar power sector. Different types of solar power cells need to undergo different treatments (mechanical, thermal, chemical) depending on type to recover the valuable metals contained. Similar issues apply to waste associated with other energy transition technologies. Although e-waste contains toxic and hazardous metals such as barium and mercury among others, it also contains non-ferrous metals such as copper, aluminium and precious metals such as gold and copper, which if recycled could have a value exceeding 55 billion euros. There thus exists an opportunity to convert existing e-waste challenges into an economic opportunity.
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Rodrigues-Moura, Enrique, et Christina Märzhauser. Renegotiating the subaltern : Female voices in Peixoto’s «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» (Brazil, 1731/1741). Otto-Friedrich-Universität, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20378/irb-57507.

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Out of ~11.000.000 enslaved Africans disembarked in the Americas, ~ 46% were taken to Brazil, where transatlantic slave trade only ended in 1850 (official abolition of slavery in 1888). In the Brazilian inland «capitania» Minas Gerais, slave numbers exploded due to gold mining in the first half of 18th century from 30.000 to nearly 300.000 black inhabitants out of a total ~350.000 in 1786. Due to gender demographics, intimate relations between African women and European men were frequent during Antonio da Costa Peixoto’s lifetime. In 1731/1741, this country clerk in Minas Gerais’ colonial administration, originally from Northern Portugal, completed his 42-page manuscript «Obra Nova de Língua Geral de Mina» («New work on the general language of Mina») documenting a variety of Gbe (sub-group of Kwa), one of the many African languages thought to have quickly disappeared in oversea slaveholder colonies. Some of Peixoto’s dialogues show African women who – despite being black and female and therefore usually associated with double subaltern status (see Spivak 1994 «The subaltern cannot speak») – successfully renegotiate their power position in trade. Although Peixoto’s efforts to acquire, describe and promote the «Língua Geral de Mina» can be interpreted as a «white» colonist’s strategy to secure his position through successful control, his dialogues also stress the importance of winning trust and cultivating good relations with members of the local black community. Several dialogues testify a degree of agency by Africans that undermines conventional representations of colonial relations, including a woman who enforces her «no credit» policy for her services, as shown above. Historical research on African and Afro-descendant women in Minas Gerais documents that some did not only manage to free themselves from slavery but even acquired considerable wealth.
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Davies, Will. Improving the engagement of UK armed forces overseas. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135010.

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The UK government’s Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy, published in March 2021 alongside a supporting defence command paper, set a new course for UK national security and highlighted opportunities for an innovative approach to international engagement activity. The Integrated Review focused principally on the state threats posed by China’s increasing power and by competitors – including Russia – armed with nuclear, conventional and hybrid capabilities. It also stressed the continuing risks to global security and resilience due to conflict and instability in weakened and failed states. These threats have the potential to increase poverty and inequality, violent extremism, climate degradation and the forced displacement of people, while presenting authoritarian competitors with opportunities to enhance their geopolitical influence. There are moral, security and economic motives to foster durable peace in conflict-prone and weakened regions through a peacebuilding approach that promotes good governance, addresses the root causes of conflict and prevents violence, while denying opportunities to state competitors. The recent withdrawal from Afghanistan serves to emphasize the complexities and potential pitfalls associated with intervention operations in complex, unstable regions. Success in the future will require the full, sustained and coordinated integration of national, allied and regional levers of power underpinned by a sophisticated understanding of the operating environment. The UK armed forces, with their considerable resources and global network, will contribute to this effort through ‘persistent engagement’. This is a new approach to overseas operations below the threshold of conflict, designed as a pre-emptive complement to warfighting. To achieve this, the UK Ministry of Defence (MOD) must develop a capability that can operate effectively in weak, unstable and complex regions prone to violent conflict and crises, not least in the regions on the eastern and southern flanks of the Euro-Atlantic area. The first step must be the development of a cohort of military personnel with enhanced, tailored levels of knowledge, skills and experience. Engagement roles must be filled by operators with specialist knowledge, skills and experience forged beyond the mainstream discipline of combat and warfighting. Only then will individuals develop a genuinely sophisticated understanding of complex, politically driven and sensitive operating environments and be able to infuse the design and delivery of international activities with practical wisdom and insight. Engagement personnel need to be equipped with: An inherent understanding of the human and political dimensions of conflict, the underlying drivers such as inequality and scarcity, and the exacerbating factors such as climate change and migration; - A grounding in social sciences and conflict modelling in order to understand complex human terrain; - Regional expertise enabled by language skills, cultural intelligence and human networks; - Familiarity with a diverse range of partners, allies and local actors and their approaches; - Expertise in building partner capacity and applying defence capabilities to deliver stability and peace; - A grasp of emerging artificial intelligence technology as a tool to understand human terrain; - Reach and insight developed through ‘knowledge networks’ of external experts in academia, think-tanks and NGOs. Successful change will be dependent on strong and overt advocacy by the MOD’s senior leadership and a revised set of personnel policies and procedures for this cohort’s selection, education, training, career management, incentivization, sustainability and support.
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