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1
Rundle, Christopher. « The permeable police state : publishing translations in fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3092/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to examine the birth of a translation industry in Italy during the fascist regime, and describe how, despite the fact that translations became the focal point for questions of cultural and political prestige, the regime took very little action to hinder their influx until the last few years before its collapse. Chapter One sets the historical background of this study with a brief examination of how the regime was put in place, the system of censorship that was applied, the regime's attempts to cultivate a fascist culture, and the developments that took place within the publishing industry. Chapter Two presents a detailed statistical view of the translation industry in Italy and compares it to other countries, particularly France and Germany. It is important when considering the debate surrounding translation and the political value that translations were to acquire to be able to have a sense of the empirical reality that the rhetoric and bluster often disguised. Chapter Three describes the birth of translation as industry and the campaign against translations that this sudden flourish in translation provoked. This chapter also looks at the relatively flexible censorship policies that were adopted towards translations. Chapter Four describes the second campaign against translations which took place after the Ethiopian war and in a political climate that was increasingly xenophobic. It also looks at how the regime made its first moves to hinder the publication of translation and the ways in which publishers attempted to resist these measures. Chapter Five looks at the final years of the regime, when anti-Semitic legislation was put in force and as a consequence books underwent a thorough "revision". It looks at how the translation question became a matter of national prestige and how the publishers were obliged to collaborate in applying a quota that would limit their number.
2
Born, Phillip Glenn. « Lessons on policing terrorism : studying police effectiveness in Italy and Germany ». Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10745.
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As terrorism threatens a democratic nation, there tends to be an aversion to deploying military forces to combat the internal threat-rightfully so, as it speaks to democratic principles of rule of law. Because of this tendency, democratic nations tend to focus on law enforcement as the key to a successful counterterrorism strategy. This research effort studies the use of police in two comparable western democracies, Italy and Germany, to determine areas in which police effectively supported the national counterterrorism strategy. It suggests a model for analysis that posits police professionalism, preventative methodology, adaptation of technologies, and interagency cooperation as four areas in which improvements can be made to make police more effective. It finds that despite different political and social conditions in each country, changes made within these four areas consistently contributed to successful national counterterrorism efforts. These findings are further relevant to the current state of counterterrorism efforts in the United States. Lessons from these case studies indicate that Homeland Security efforts should focus on centralization of police efforts, legislation to encourage preventive policing, integrated technology efforts, and more interagency cooperation to ensure a successful internal security environment.
3
Fabini, G. « BORDERING SUBJECTS. THE UNSPOKEN INCORPORATION OF UNDOCUMENTED MIGRANTS IN ITALY ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/362930.
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Socio-legal and criminological research make sense of the mechanisms of border control by taking for granted that the main aim of logic of control is one to exclude, therefore they generally focus on removal procedures. My research takes a different approach: my focus is on the far more frequent conditions under which undocumented migrants are informally allowed to remain despite official permission. Therefore, in looking at the immigration control regimes, my focus will be on undocumented migrants living inside national territories rather than removal procedures.
Undocumented migrants are generally seen as resulting from immigration law failing to enforce removal. On the contrary, I argue that undocumented migrants living inside national territories may be seen as the very product of law instead of its failure. In a sense, immigration control regimes are mechanisms that exclude through removal and at the same time processes of production of a new subject, that is, the undocumented migrant living inside national territories despite official permission.
This thesis aims to enrich the literature on control by looking at the differential inclusion of those many undocumented migrants living in the territory. Differential inclusion is a concept elaborated by Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson (2013); it is an invitation to look at the mechanisms of inclusion that can involve various degrees of subordination, rule, discrimination, racism, disenfranchisement, exploitation and segmentation. In this line, the foucauldian concept of discipline goes exactly in the direction of acknowledging punishment, specifically imprisonment, as a tool to normalize individuals, in order to make them to conform to the norm and include them in disciplined societies (Foucault, 1977). Hence, inclusion and exclusion are assembled logics. As well as it seems a logic of inclusion the one behind imprisonment, at least at the origin of capitalism and the modern state: prison is aimed at disciplining the individual to labour, at producing the disciplined worker useful for the development of capitalistic economy (Melossi and Pavarini, 1981). My theoretical perspective will move from here.
One main concern of the present work is that, even if internal border control relies on similar discourses, power relations, and laws at the global level, I argue that it produce dissimilar outcomes depending on the local context. Therefore, by accepting Saskia Sassen’s invitation to see “the global inside the national” (Sassen, 2010), my aim is to show that the global logics meet other logics, conditions, and history at the local level, which affects the expected outcomes. On the one hand, the outcomes of global borders control depend on the local level; on the other hand, the local dimension is the only dimension where it is possible to study, recognize and understand even global dynamics.
Using a case study of internal border control in Bologna, Italy, I will examine the logics underpinning global border control at the local level, as this may question the logics of global border control often taken for granted. The core of investigation will be the interaction between police and undocumented migrants at the internal borders, that is, once migrants have crossed external borders and live inside the territory. My case study looks at undocumented migrants in Bologna (Italy) continually undergoing police checks, being charged, and even detained. Few are actually removed; the great majority remains and finds their place in the Italian shadow economy. I argue that what we see in Bologna is a logic of subordinated inclusion rather than exclusion, whose main result is the production of a subject who may not completely belong, yet is not completely excluded either.
Police are at the core of present investigation, as the Italian immigration law entrusts the control over undocumented immigration to general police (a specific immigration police have never been issued in Italy indeed). Even so, police practices are not taken into consideration alone: what really stands at the core of present research is the interaction between migrants and police. I consider that migrants are not passive subjects in the immigration control regime, but by enacting strategies of resistance, they oppose the police, force them towards negotiation, and contribute to the final results of interaction. The present analysis acknowledges that migrants oppose strategies of subjectivation to the strategies of subjection enacted by the police, which originates that migrants are active agents in the mechanisms of control that produce them as subjects.
The conclusions discuss the importance to broaden our consideration of the elements taking part in the immigration control regime. They proposes that immigration penalty is much wider than just removal procedures. They summarize the process of creation of the peculiar subject of the present case study, underling global and local dynamics of power, and it will shed light on the connection between penalty, border, and economy.
The process of bordering subjects in the specific case study of this investigation opens up for two additional considerations. 1 the analysis of border control should also take economy into account. 2) the bodies of undocumented migrants are the concrete manifestation of the link between economy and penalty. I argue that the complex processes through which undocumented migrants are produced as subject may be analysed as one segment of “the discursive interactions of all the actors“ (Melossi 2008: 7) which link penalty and economy. The research is aimed at answering the crucial question of how such mechanisms come to be. In fact, rather than as a well-organized and preconceived apparatus, the mechanisms of control is intended as the result of not planned actions of individual actors, who time after time look for the “best” way to manage the complex situation of undocumented immigration.
4
Ottina, Andrea. « Government Response to Political Activism : Conflict between the Public and the State, Genoa 2001 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7864.
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Protests represent an extremely delicate issue for governments and authorities in terms of security and democracy. Most recently in the last decade, demonstrations have acquired a global and international characterisation, rendering these trans-national phenomena. This research is a case study which aims to contribute to the political development of Italy by analysing the policies in relation to the management of protests by using theoretical frameworks drawn from fields of social and political sciences such as Public Policy and Peace and Conflict studies. The goal of this research is to analyse events in a broader picture, investigating democratic values and state response to social movements such as protests. In other words, it seeks to answer the following questions: How was the government response conceived and what impact did this have on state values of security, democracy and justice? Considering comparable cases, what was the impact in terms of policy and practice of these strategies? How can public policy theories of social construction help to explain the government response and thus contribute to prevention of such violence in future?
5
Gelardi, Araceli Julia P. « Sir Eric Drummond, Britain's Ambassador to Italy, and British foreign policy during the Italo-Abyssinian crisis of 1935-1936 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0016/MQ37534.pdf.
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Springer, Scalise Rosina. « Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), un intellectuel libéral italien face à la guerre, à la paix et au totalitarisme ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAG033/document.
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L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier d'une part la place que tient la guerre dans l'œuvre de l'historien et philosophe italien Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), à la fois lorsqu'il étudie l'Histoire, notamment celle du XIXe siècle, et lorsqu'il réagit aux événements dont il est le contemporain : guerres d'Ethiopie de 1896 et 1935, de Libye de 1911-1912 et « pacification » dans les années vingt et trente, Première Guerre mondiale, Guerre d'Espagne, Seconde Guerre mondiale. La guerre est-elle parfois légitime ? Est-elle nécessaire à la construction et à l'affermissement de l'état italien ? Ou au contraire est-elle à éviter à tout prix ? Ces questions sont complexes car la guerre n'est pas l'apanage du fascisme, mais a déjà été l'un des caractères importants du régime libéral qui a précédé le fascisme en Italie. Ce travail de recherche porte également sur la pensée et l'action de Benedetto Croce en ce qui concerne le maintien puis la réinstauration de la paix, notamment après les deux guerres mondiales, et son engagement pro-européen. L'étude s'est appuyée sur le croisement entre les œuvres de Benedetto Croce et les documents contenus dans les Archives d'Etat à Rome, comme les dossiers de la Police Politique fasciste qui a surveillé Croce pendant des décennies à cause de son engagement antifascisteThe purpose of this thesis is first to study the part that war plays in the works of the Italian historian and philosopher, Benedetto Croce (1866-1952), when he studies History -in particular that of the 19th century- as well as when he reacts to the events of which he is a contemporary: wars in Ethiopia in 1896 and 1935, in Libya in 1911- 1912 and “pacification” in the nineteen twenties and thirties, First World War, Spanish War, Second World War. Is war sometimes legitimate? Is it necessary to the construction and strengthening of the Italian State? Or on the contrary is it to be avoided at all costs? These are complex questions, for war is not the prerogative of fascism but has already been one of the important characteristics of the liberal regime that preceded fascism in Italy. This research is also focused on the thought and action of Benedetto Croce concerning peace maintaining and then restoring, in particular after both world wars, and his commitment to Europe. The study is based upon the interplay of Benedetto Croce’s works and the documents found in the State Archives in Rome, like the files of the fascist political police who watched Croce during decades because of his anti-fascist commitment
7
Borio, C. E. V. « Financial markets and monetary policy in Italy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371604.
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8
Toscano-Davies, Luigina. « Women's employment policy in Italy, 2000-2006 ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2019. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/120143/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis investigates the development of women's employment policy in Italy in the decade 1996-2006 with specific focus on the European Structural Fund Programme (ESF) 2000-2006. The Italian case is considered in a comparative perspective. Therefore, albeit the research is centred on a single-country study, Italy is identified as a welfare state that belongs to the Mediterranean type, according to the relevant literature. The case study focuses on the different experiences of Basilicata and Apulia in creating public policy promoting female employment, as revealed by the evaluation of their different experiences in the 2000-2006 (ESF) programme and the subsequent 2007-2008 twinning project which resulted from this. The case study examines a specific policy activity in Italy, the 2005 Voucher Grant Scheme of the Basilicata Region, in comparison with the experience of the Apulia Region. In fact, the Basilicata Scheme won the "EU Best Practice Model" award. The thesis investigates whether, using the concept of 'policy' as defined by Colebatch, policy was developed in the Basilicata Voucher Grant Scheme whereas policy was not developed in Apulia's similarly intended scheme. Colebatch argues that for policy to be constituted as policy in practice, rather than as the mere idea of it, it must have three "attributes" and "distinctive elements". These attributes are: a) authority, b) expertise and c) order. Their respective distinctive elements are: a) hierarchy, b) instrumentality and c) coherence. When these criteria are met, then a chosen government course of action can be framed as a process generating policy. The thesis demonstrates that these criteria were met in the Basilicata Region, but not in Apulia. The thesis thereby also probes and confirms the value of Colebatch's constructivist theory of public policy.
9
Lundström, Sofia. « Jakten på anarkister : En undersökning utifrån Stockholmspolisens förbrytarporträtt under sekelskiftet 1900 ». Thesis, Södertörn University College, Lärarutbildningen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3692.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This essay is called ”The hunt for anarchists- a study about the police in Stockholm's collection of bandit portrait during the turn of the century 1900” and it is about the criminal category ”Anarchists” who the police in Stockholm used at the turn of the century 1900. In the archive from the police in Stockholm during the essays time perspective, 1899-1909, there are about one hundred photographs in the category ”Anarchists”, about half of these pictures have no information besides the names of the people, but the other half, 48 persons, have some information about age, work title and where the person come from. The information showed that the people in the pictures where not from Sweden, and after controlling them in all different kinds of archives I found only ten of them have left any traces in Stockholm. What I realized then was that the people on the pictures are anarchists from different countries in Europe, mostly from Italy, and that the police in Stockholm had these pictures because different police stations around Europe had sent them to the police in Stockholm. The police in Stockholm where on the lookout for fugitive anarchists.
The literature about the anarchist movement in Italy during this time describe the hard situation for Italian anarchists. The police had persecuted, arrested and executed manyof them so many anarchists had fled abroad. The same was for Russian anarchists after the unsuccessful revolution in 1905. Eight of the ten anarchists of the police photographs who had been in Stockholm where Russians. They were a group who was accused of trying to kill the Russian czar visiting Stockholm in 1909.
None of the anarchists on the pictures have ever in Stockholm committed a political crime so to find out what a anarchist crime is have not been possible. But the general picture of the anarchists in the photographs is of a man in his 30’s with a working class job, in short: an everyday man.
10
Giugliano, Ferdinando. « Industrial policy and productivity growth in Fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:982ff041-a460-4d62-9973-d6431b6b3092.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The first chapter - Crisis? Which Crisis? - constructs a new series of industrial value added at constant (1938) prices for Italy, for the period between 1928 and 1938. The data employed are shown to be better indicators of the dynamic of the Great Depression than those used by Carreras and Felice (2010) and allow to substantially revise the profile of the Crisis. The contraction appears to be more pronounced and persistent, placing the Italian experience more in line with that of other industrialised countries. The second chapter - The Italian Climacteric - presents new estimates of total factor productivity growth for Italy over the Fascist era and compares them with analogous ones for the pre-World War One period and for Germany and Britain. Because of the absence of a fully reliable GDP series, a dual growth accounting framework is employed. This approach permits the incorporation of new data on land rents and of new evidence on the returns to human capital. Results show that during the interwar era Italy experienced a “climacteric", defined as a cessation of TFP growth, which compares poorly with the coeval performance of Britain and Germany. This disappointing result contrasts vividly with what occurred in the late liberal Italy, when TFP grew less quickly than in Germany, but faster than in Britain. The third chapter - A Tale of Two Fascisms - offers the first quantitative assessment of labour productivity dynamics within the Italian industrial sector and of their links with Fascist competition policy. We argue that the institutional context in which Italian firms operated and, in particular, changes in the level of product market competition had a significant effect in determining their productivity performance. By relying on a new dataset and on new labour productivity estimates, we show that the earlier more liberal period of the Fascist era was characterised by a true productivity boom, which ended following the switch to a more interventionist industrial policy. Panel data evidence shows that reductions in the level of competition in the industrial sector were associated with lower productivity growth, while changes in industrial structure were a less significant factor.
11
Kotúčová, Michaela. « The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of Italy ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193892.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.
12
Miller, Dawn Marie. « Italy through the looking glass, aspects of British policy and intelligence concerning Italy, 1939-1941 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ28018.pdf.
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13
Pedaliu, Effie G. H. « Britain, Italy and the early Cold War : aspects of British foreign policy towards Italy, 1946-1949 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1525/.
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This thesis examines political and military aspects of British policy towards Italy during 1946-1949. It focuses on five major areas: the punishment of Italian war criminality, the reconstruction of the Italian Armed forces, the role of Italy in British plans for European cooperation, British involvement in the Italian election of April 1948 and Italy's inclusion into NATO. It analyses the factors that influenced the evolution of British policy such as pressures from the emerging Cold War, Britain's diminished power in the region and its desire to remain a major international player in the post WWII world. It evaluates the impact that Italian domestic politics and Italian realities had on the conception and execution of British policy. It reveals that British policy towards Italy was governed not only by British power politics, the desire to frustrate the designs of the Soviet Union and the Italian Communists, and the challenge of growing US influence in Italy but also by moral and ideological underpinnings such as the desire to secure the punishment of some of the worst Italian war criminals and the aspiration, as manifested by British intervention in the Italian election of 1948, to provide Italy with a form of government which was a social democratic anti-Communist alternative to the American form based on an undiluted capitalism. British policy during this period had intended to include Italy in any British plans for European cooperation when the time was right. Its resistance to Italian inclusion into NATO stemmed primarily from pragmatism rather than any persisting punitive attitudes towards a defeated opponent. British foreign policy towards Italy did not achieve all its aims but it cannot, even remotely, be described as a failure. Italy remained firmly anchored in the Western bloc, the seeds of social democracy were nurtured, disengagement was managed in an orderly and successful manner and the British stance over Italo-Yugoslav relations succeeded in neutralising potential dangers to Italy by helping to expose Stalin in the eyes of the Yugoslavs.
14
Piatti, A. « DECISIONAL AID TOOL FOR VACCINE POLICY IN LOMBARDIA, ITALY ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/153783.
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Background_Development of new vaccines in the health market arena challenges the current national immunization program, in that it raises the concern of fruitfully prioritizing investments. Aim of the present research is to develop a transparent, simple, and comprehensive standard framework for an evidence-based assessment of specific arguments for the inclusion and prioritization of new vaccines in the regional immunization program. The decisional aid tool should act as a guide to consistently inform the policy makers of Regione Lombardia, by following a systematic approach.
Methods_ Research consists of the following phases: a) literature review; b) building of a decisional tool aid; c) refinement of the tool; d) application of the tool (pilot study on varicella infection vaccine). Results_ According to literature review findings our model purposes a hierarchical approach in five steps: safety, medical-socio-sanitary aspects, cost-efficacy analysis, other implementation-related aspects and priority. For each step methods and indicators are provided. Some concerns rise in the pilot study when dealing with both the STEP 3 and 4, which require further investigation and action. Conclusions_ Regional Prevention Plan 2010-2012 set between the priority the importance of a rational decision making process: our decisional aid tool should be used routinely accompanied by the establishment of a technical board.
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RIGANTI, ANDREA. « ESSAYS IN HEALTH ECONOMICS:EVIDENCES FROM ITALY ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/474215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an attempt to contribute to Italian literature on health economics in causal framework. Despite the increasing awareness of ruling class that is time to enforce the National Health System to achieve higher efficiency levels and to make the public system bearable, there are few contributions in scientific literature that study Italian context, maybe due to scarce availability of data.
This thesis deals with two big concerns for public regulators: cost-containment policies and waiting times for elective surgeries.
The first part regards cost-containment policies and the introduction of unified authorities responsible for purchases of goods and provision of services at local level. The aim of the first part is to measure the efficacy of these new authorities in terms of costs reduction.
The straightforward policy implication is that if the unification of local health authorities can help administrations to perform scale economies, this would be a successful stimulus to other administrations to adopt the same hint and therefore create a virtuous cycle.
The second chapter refers to waiting times for elective surgeries, especially their relation with the combination of capacity constraints, demand for and supply of elective treatments. From a policy perspective, it is critical to establish the extent to which demand and supply respond to waiting time. For example, if demand is highly elastic, an exogenous increase in supply will only have minimal effect in reducing waiting times.
In turn, this will make policymakers more reluctant to fund additional resources. Similarly, if supply is elastic, an exogenous increase in demand will imply that waiting time will increase only to a small extent.
In both chapters we use public and free administrative data and widely known econometric approaches (Instrumental Variable regression and Synthetic Control) to try to establish causal relations between important factors in healthcare sector and try to fill the gap between literature on Italian health care sector and scientific production concerning other OECD and European Countries.
Our findings are emerging at a sufficient extent, especially given the fact that we are not aware of many other studies that use administrative data in Italian context and quality of data is not always satisfying, even if increasing.
16
Barbu, Mirela. « Socially useful jobs : the last Keynesian labour market policy in Italy : policy process evaluation ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47067/.
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The industrial restructuring of the 1970s, the sluggish economic growth of the 1980s and the difficult macroeconomic scenario of the early 1990s which preceded the Italy's joining of the EMU, gradually reduced the space for Keynesian economic policies in the country. In certain geographical areas, unemployment remained high over a long period of time and the Italian state had to confront this situation which was becoming socially and politically unsustainable. The solution found involved the long-term unemployed in a wide range of activities provided by public bodies, called socially and publicly useful jobs. At the end of the 1990s, under pressure from neoliberalism, many public bodies outsourced their public services, labour market deregulation was pursued, while supply-side labour polices gained ground. This thesis examines the policy process during the paradigm shift, evaluates its impact on unemployment reduction, discusses the ways in which the policy's outcomes were achieved, and highlights the role played by institutions during this long-term process. The approach chosen to evaluate the policy of socially and useful jobs distinguishes between three intrinsically linked stages of the policy process: policy-making, implementation and take-up. Recognising the central role of institutions in providing the context in which the policy process develops, the approach chosen for this analysis is historical-institutionalism. It is applied within the broader framework of the political economy which impacted on the transformation of the Italian welfare state and the rise of workfare practices. The policy process evaluation led to some interesting findings. Firstly, many unemployed were re-inserted into the labour market due to their participation in socially and publicly useful jobs. Secondly, the activities they delivered allowed the communities to avoid disruption to important services and helped the state to save funds through the use of an inexpensive and productive workforce. Thirdly, the public administrations considered the outsourcing of services successful when they received high quality services from workers who were already known to them and were easily managed. Fourthly, the participation of the private companies in the last stage of the policy did not guarantee efficiency gains and, in several cases, the public administrations preferred to employ the socially and publicly useful workers directly.
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Tolstoy-Miloslavsky, Dmitri Nikolaevich. « Manuel I Komnenos and Italy : Byzantine foreign policy, 1135-1180 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497649.
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Nevola, Fabrizio James Duffus. « Urbanism in Siena (C.1450-1512) policy and patrons : interactions between public and private ». Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265408.
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DONINA, DAVIDE. « The Impact of Higher Education Reforms in Italy : Governance, Funding, and Interdisciplinarity ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Pavia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11571/1203347.
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The dissertation analyses how reforms from 2010 to 2015 have affected governance, funding, and interdisciplinarity into the Italian higher education sector. A post-positivistic stance is adopted, through mixed method strategy, combining qualitative and quantitative techniques, and using multiple sources of evidence. Data generated from intertextual and qualitative analysis of the contents of official policy documents and university statutes are analysed and triangulated with statistical data retrieved from publicly available national databases, from ministerial decrees as well as from reports on the Italian higher education system. The first three articles analyse the governance at both systemic and institutional levels, the forth article addresses the public funding issue, while the last paper inspects the governance of interdisciplinarity into the Italian higher education system. Research contributions highlight the value of taking a more holistic perspective on policy and governance issues. The first article aims to evaluate Italian higher education reform according to broader public management narratives. In order to do this, it bridges the public management reform narratives to a model widely employed in higher education literature to evaluate the governance regime of higher education systems, devising thus a new analytical framework to assess higher education reform trajectories within public management narratives, and employs it to position the Italian case. The analysis shows that the public management narrative that complies to explain the Italian reform is the neo-Weberian one rather than new public management. This result brings out a gap in current higher education literature as it challenges the widely shared assumption that the Italian system is being reformed according to new public management trajectory. Concurrently, the article stresses that new public management is not the only way forward governments are employing to reform their higher education systems and further narratives can benefit higher education research. The papers on institutional governance confirm previous result, showing divergent interpretations of supra-national and national policies at governmental and institutional levels. The comparative paper with Portugal highlights divergences in organizational choices of universities in both countries with respect to the institutional governance model driven by new public management concepts, while the article focused on Italy shows that dissimilarities arise even when a unitary national regulation is implemented, and clusters Italian state universities into groups that made similar choices. Other research contributions also support the value of taking a more holistic perspective. Article on funding allocation reform shows that the analysis of a policy change alone can be misleading since it can fit within more public management reform narratives, while the article on the governance of interdisciplinarity stresses that it is the interaction of policies into several governance domains that is crucial to achieve a policy target. Policy and managerial implications of the findings are also discussed.The dissertation analyses how reforms from 2010 to 2015 have affected governance, funding, and interdisciplinarity into the Italian higher education sector. A post-positivistic stance is adopted, through mixed method strategy, combining qualitative and quantitative techniques, and using multiple sources of evidence. Data generated from intertextual and qualitative analysis of the contents of official policy documents and university statutes are analysed and triangulated with statistical data retrieved from publicly available national databases, from ministerial decrees as well as from reports on the Italian higher education system. The first three articles analyse the governance at both systemic and institutional levels, the forth article addresses the public funding issue, while the last paper inspects the governance of interdisciplinarity into the Italian higher education system. Research contributions highlight the value of taking a more holistic perspective on policy and governance issues. The first article aims to evaluate Italian higher education reform according to broader public management narratives. In order to do this, it bridges the public management reform narratives to a model widely employed in higher education literature to evaluate the governance regime of higher education systems, devising thus a new analytical framework to assess higher education reform trajectories within public management narratives, and employs it to position the Italian case. The analysis shows that the public management narrative that complies to explain the Italian reform is the neo-Weberian one rather than new public management. This result brings out a gap in current higher education literature as it challenges the widely shared assumption that the Italian system is being reformed according to new public management trajectory. Concurrently, the article stresses that new public management is not the only way forward governments are employing to reform their higher education systems and further narratives can benefit higher education research. The papers on institutional governance confirm previous result, showing divergent interpretations of supra-national and national policies at governmental and institutional levels. The comparative paper with Portugal highlights divergences in organizational choices of universities in both countries with respect to the institutional governance model driven by new public management concepts, while the article focused on Italy shows that dissimilarities arise even when a unitary national regulation is implemented, and clusters Italian state universities into groups that made similar choices. Other research contributions also support the value of taking a more holistic perspective. Article on funding allocation reform shows that the analysis of a policy change alone can be misleading since it can fit within more public management reform narratives, while the article on the governance of interdisciplinarity stresses that it is the interaction of policies into several governance domains that is crucial to achieve a policy target. Policy and managerial implications of the findings are also discussed.
20
D'Arma, Alessandro. « Broadcasting policy in Italy's 'second republic' 1994-2006 ». Thesis, University of Westminster, 2007. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9977w/broadcasting-policy-in-italy-s-second-republic-1994-2006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Based on extensive documentary research, this thesis provides an analysis of television policy in Italy’s Second Republic from 1994 to 2006, focusing on four distinct policy issues: the reform of broadcasting regulatory structures resulting in the establishment of a single communications authority (AGCom); the reform of ownership rules for terrestrial television; government approaches to public service broadcasting; and government policy on digital television.Drawing on the literature on comparative European broadcasting policy from social and political science, this thesis examines the ways in which a number of analytically distinct factors – technological change in the shape of digitalisation, the ascendancy of neo-liberalism in Western Europe, EU-level policies, and domestic politics – have interacted with each other and have contributed to shaping broadcasting policy in Italy in these years. The thesis assesses the record in office of the centre-left and centre-right governments and explains the key reasons for policy failure or success.‘Domestic Politics’, it is argued, remains a key factor that accounts for outcomes in broadcasting policy in Italy’s Second Republic. The analysis in particular shows that the governance of both RAI, the public broadcaster, and AGCom, the communications regulator, has been strongly party politicised in these years. The analysis also reveals the instrumentalisation by the centre-right governments led by Silvio Berlusconi (2001-2006) of industrial and socio-cultural policy goals associated with the transition to digital television to further sectional political and economic interests. Finally, ‘politics’ – referring in this case to Italy’s complex institutional structure of the highly fragmented party-system and executive-legislature relationships – is also a key factor to take into account in order to explain the key failures of the centre-left governments in the area of television policy between 1996 and 2001: both the failure to curb Mediaset’s dominant position in the television market through the enforcement of sector-specific media ownership regulation, and the failure to reform public service broadcasting.
21
Brighi, Elisabetta. « Foreign policy and the international / domestic nexus : the case of Italy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417384.
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Vo, Ha An. « Immigration policy review and comparison of Germany, Italy and the Netherlands ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-262301.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis reviews and provides comparison of immigration policies of Germany, Italy and the Netherlands from post-WW2 years to the late 1990s. With regards to the different historical, cultural and social background of each country the dissertation thesis defines the unique approach to immigration and perception of immigrants in each country. The ultimate aim of the thesis is to explain the circumstances that lead to the specific events in the history of immigration policies of the countries in question and bring comprehension in this often overlooked matter.
23
Faro, Jeremy. « EU regional policy and contemporary borderland relations between Italy, Slovenia, and Austria ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426622.
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Di, Feliciantonio Susanna. « The Europeanisation of foreign policy : Germany, Italy and the Balkans, 1991-1999 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616004.
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Testore, Gaia. « In vogue and versatile : the spread of the civic integration policies to Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the end of 1990s, a growing number of countries in Europe have introduced a new kind of integration measures, the so-called civic integration policies. Formulated for the first time in the Netherlands in order to deal with the persistence of integration difficulties and the social cohesion concerns, these policies demand migrants to fulfill mandatory integration requirements in order to obtain the residence permit, its renewal, or the citizenship.
Among the other countries, Italy introduced a similar policy in 2009, the Integration Agreement (IA). The Italian example appears particular interesting, since this country looked like the less probable one that could choose a similar solution.
Examining the dynamics behind the adoption of the IA represents, therefore, a valuable opportunity not only to understand the Italian case, but also to highlight the mechanisms that have facilitated the diffusion of these policies in Europe.
The research highlights two main aspects. On the one hand, several politicians in different countries have proposed these solutions because they represent quite useful political resources in dealing with the “democratic impatience” of our political systems (Vermeulen and Penninx 1994). On the other hand, the building up of the EU and the growing interconnections of the national policy communities in this policy sector have played an indirect but not residual role in facilitating the convergence of the European countries towards similar solutions.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
26
Karandaeva, Ekaterina. « Irregular Migration : A case study of Italy ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-67269.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the concerns of the current study is to analyse empirically and theoretically the economic and political causes of irregular migration to Italy in order to proceed with the critical estimation of the national, international and partly supranational migration policies. Since several theories will be applied during the study it will enable me to fully describe the phenomena of the irregular migration and modern enslavement of the irregular immigrants on Italian territory. I will disregard the fact that each theory is criticised on the grounds of being too concentrated on a few aspects of the phenomena and lacking the focus on all of its aspects due to the fact that the joint use of several theories provides a broader outlook. However, one crucial critique will be taken into closer consideration. Thus, the closer study of the phenomenon of modern slavery, strongly interconnected with the irregularity of migration, the duality of the Italian economy and the restrictive migration policies will bring together both the political and economic approaches to migration, whose split appears as the central critique for a great number of IR theories.12 In the normative part of the study I will focus on the critical analysis of the criminal status of the irregular immigrants assigned to them by the Italian migration policies and the Schengen Treaty of the EU in order to prove that instead of a criminal status, a victim status should be given to all immigrants, regardless of whether they were trafficked into Italian territory or crossed the border on their own free will. Additionally, in the normative part of the thesis I will compare and analyse scholars’ previous findings related to the possible amendments to the existing policies and propose my own conclusions and suggestions of how the laws, policies and governmental focuses “ought to be” changed.
27
Mariotti, Ilaria. « Firm relocation and regional policy : a focus on Italy, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom / ». Utrecht [u.a.] : Royal Dutch Geographical Society [u.a.], 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0707/2007385398.html.
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Quaglia, Lucia. « Italy and economic and monetary union : domestic politics and European union policy-making ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390828.
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Riall, Lucy. « Sicily and the unification of Italy : liberal policy and local power, 1859-1866 / ». Oxford : Clarendon press, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36712548g.
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Totaro, Genevois Mariella. « Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia ». Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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31
Puzey, Guy Edward Michael. « Wars of position : language policy, counter-hegemonies and cultural cleavages in Italy and Norway ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7544.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the development of the present-day linguistic hegemonies within Italy and Norway as products of ongoing linguistic ‘wars of position’. Language activist movements have been key actors in these struggles, and this study seeks to address how such movements have operated in attempts to translate their linguistic ideologies into de facto language policy through mechanisms such as political agitation, propaganda and the use of language in public spaces. It also reveals which other extra-linguistic values and ideologies have become associated with or allied to these linguistic causes in recent years, how these ideologies have affected language policy, and whether such ideological alliances have been representative of language users’ ideologies. The study is informed by an innovative methodological framework combining the theories and metaphors of Antonio Gramsci (including hegemony and wars of position as well as his linguistic writings) with the theories of Stein Rokkan on cultural-political cleavage structures and the relationships between centres and peripheries. These constructs and relationships are thereafter documented as ideologically defining strands running through the history of the movements studied, through reference to activist periodicals and party newspapers. In Italy, the focus of the research is on the Lega Nord (Northern League), a far-right populist autonomist political movement. The Lega has sought to legitimise its imagination of a northern nation (‘Padania’) by portraying the dialects of northern Italy as minority languages, emphasising the hegemonic relationship between the Italian national language and northern dialects. The movement has also used this perception of northern dialects as peripheral and suppressed by Italian to bolster its depiction of ‘Padania’ as a wealthy periphery allegedly held back by central and southern Italy. Although this campaign has achieved some successes in increased visibility of dialects in public spaces, dialects largely remain restricted to ‘low’-status domains. In Norway, the thesis devotes special attention to the post-war efforts of the counter-hegemonic campaign for the Nynorsk standard of Norwegian, which was devised as a common denominator for Norwegian dialects, as opposed to the hegemonic standard Bokmål, which is a Norwegianisation of written Danish. In opposing the challenges of globalisation and centralisation, the Nynorsk movement has retained a radical character and is generally associated with a left-wing variant of nationalism, a key part of the Norwegian cultural cleavage structure. The social argumentation of the Nynorsk movement was instrumental in its successful promotion of dialects, now seen as an unstigmatised means of spoken communication in all social contexts.
32
Zenonos, Maria. « The dividend policy in Europe : the cases of the UK, Germany, France and Italy ». Thesis, City University London, 2003. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/8404/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis attempts to provide a comparative and comprehensive understanding of corporate dividend policy in European Countries. I examine the dividend policy of the firm in the UK, Germany, France and Italy. The thesis is motivated by the importance of dividend policy theory in the area of finance, the mixed theoretical and empirical evidence, the predominately US based literature and by the financial, institutional and corporate governance differences between European countries. The thesis examines the "big three imperfections" of the dividend policy: taxation, asymmetric information and agency costs. The uniqueness of the thesis is its European character. The main argument is that differences in taxation and corporate governance systems between European countries can prove a useful tool for providing some answers to the dividend puzzle. With respect to dividend taxation systems the UK operates a partial imputation system while Germany, France and Italy operate full imputation systems. With respect to the corporate governance systems the UK is characterised as a market-based country while Germany, France and Italy are characterised as bank-based systems. In general results show that there are significant differences between dividend taxation systems in European countries that result in variations of the tax discrimination variable. In all countries ex-day returns are positive and significant suggesting that ex-day prices fall by less than the amount of dividends. Results confirm that in countries where the differential taxation between dividends and capital gains is high, ex-day returns are high. Also, I find that changes in the tax systems that affect taxes on dividend and/or capital gains alter significantly ex-day returns. Furthermore, the corporate governance differences between market-based and bank-based countries result in different levels of information asymmetries and/or agency conflicts. Results in all the countries show significant share price reaction on the dividend announcement days. Evidence provides support to the information content of dividend hypothesis. Moreover, I do not find evidence to reject the signalling hypothesis over the over investment hypothesis.
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Crowhurst, Isabel. « The 'foreign prostitute' in contemporary Italy : gender, sexuality and migration in policy and practice ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1973/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines discourses, policies and practices underpinning the response to, and governance of, prostitution-related migrations of women in contemporary Italy. It analyzes how Italian socio-political factors, such as national identity construction and political opportunism, and normative values and cultural practices (including historical stigmatization of prostitutes, racialization of the 'ethnic Other' and inferiorization of women) contribute to different understandings of, and responses to, the new presence of migrant women operating in the sex industry in Italy. The study adopts a feminist qualitative research methodology and is primarily based on in-depth interviews and participant observation with a number of diverse third sector organizations that operate in the provision of support services to migrant women in the Italian sex industry, as well as on the investigation of relevant documentary sources. Taking as one of its focal points the analysis of the legal measure that since 1998 has regulated the provision of assistance to women trafficked for sexual purposes, the thesis explores the strategies enacted by the bodies that are in charge of implementing such regulation and the motivations informing them. Furthermore, the complexity and often controversial meanings attached to the phenomenon of 'foreign prostitution' - as it is often described in both public and legal discourse - is explored in relation to discourses invoked in debates initiated in 2002 over the change of the current legislation regulating prostitution in the country. The analysis of these issues shows how dominant historical prejudices against prostitutes and migrants have coalesced in the construction of the image of 'foreign prostitutes' who are subjected to a variety of forms of discipline on the basis of gendered, racialized and sexualized identities ascribed to them. The production and reproduction of socially constructed representations of migrant women who operate in the sex industry in Italy and the political and ideological forces underlying such processes are issues that have received little attention in the literature. In this sense, it is hoped that this research will fill a gap in the existing sociological literature, and allow for a more comprehensive understanding of these issues.
34
Budden, Michael John. « British policy towards Fascist Italy in the early stages of the Second World War ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1999. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-policy-towards-fascist-italy-in-the-early-stages-of-the-second-world-war(b0b9cb23-fc13-491d-b466-309c0cf49ee4).html.
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Razetti, F. « POLITICS, PUBLIC POLICY AND INTERGOVERNMENTAL ARRANGEMENTS : THE CASE OF HEALTHCARE IN ITALY AND SPAIN ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/240304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Under the effect of both exogenous and endogenous pressures, the territorial organization of political power has been deeply transformed in many Western States. In such a context, intergovernmental relations (IGR) have become increasingly salient, adding (or redefining) a new dimension of politics within multi-tiered domestic arenas. Different institutional tools for managing transformed intergovernmental relations (Intergovernmental Arrangements) are both theoretically possible and empirically observable. In this dissertation, the causes and the consequences of these institutional structures are investigated in two neo-regional countries – Spain and Italy – in one of the public policy sectors most affected by the process of territorial re-scaling: health care. Grounded on a historical new-institutional perspective and based on the adoption of a Most Similar System research Design (MSSD), the comparative analysis explores firstly why, in spite of similar levels of health care decentralization, Intergovernmental Arrangements at work in this policy field in these two countries differ on many respects; and, secondly, whether these differences can account for variations in the processes of intergovernmental policy-making channeled through them. The analysis shows the relevance, for understanding IGAs’ differences, of a set of factors at play in the early stages of decentralization: the degree of symmetry in the allocation of healthcare competences among subnational units as well as the kind of intragovernmental relations within the constitutive arenas; moreover, it suggests that the timing by which causal conditions come into play is a
relevant question to be considered. By assessing the impact exerted by Intergovernmental Arrangements on IGR, and particularly on the kind of coalitions emerging in IGR processes, the analysis shows that, in line with previous studies in the field, the general
question "do intergovernmental institutions matter?" can be positively answered.
36
Pala, Elena. « Polynomia : a new model for the revitalisation of Sardinian ? » Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607816.
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Meroni, Elena Claudia. « Average and quantile effects of more instruction time in low achieving schools : evidence from Southern Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3423018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is composed by two main chapters. Both study the effectiveness of a program funded by the European Union, which was implemented during the academic year 2010/11 in low achieving lower secondary schools located in four Southern Italian regions . The intervention's aim was to increase student performances in mathematics and Italian language through the provision of extra instruction time, to be held in the afternoon, thus outside regular school time.
The first chapter focuses on average treatment effects.
I control for sorting across classes using the fact that student are divided into groups distinguished by letters, they remain in the same group across grades and the composition of teachers in the school assigned to each group is substantially stable over time. I implement a difference-in-differences strategy, and compare two contiguous cohorts of sixth grade students enrolled in the same group. I contrast groups with and without additional instruction time in participating schools, to groups in non-participating schools that I selected to be similar with respect to a long list of pre-programme indicators. I find that the programme raised test scores in mathematics in schools characterised by students from less advantaged backgrounds, while no effect is found on Italian language test scores. In particular the gain is higher for the mathematical reasoning dimensions, while the knowledge of mathematics concepts is not affected.
In the second chapter, I go beyond average effects, using two non-linear methods (Threshold difference-in-differences and Changes-in-changes) which allow to recover the counterfactual distribution of the treated group had it not been treated and the quantile treatment effects of the intervention. Both methods suggest that the positive effect documented for mathematics is driven by larger effects for the best students in the group, while low achieving students seem not to benefit form the intervention.La tesi è composta principalmente da due capitoli. Entrambi studiano gli effetti sui risultati scolastici in Italiano e matematica di un programma finanziato dall'Unione Europea. L'intervento è stato implementato in alcune scuole medie di quattro regioni del Sud Italia durante l'anno scolastico 2010/11 e ha lo scopo di migliorare i risultati in italiano e matematica degli studenti coinvolti attraverso ore extra di lezione tenute nel pomeriggio, quindi in più rispetto al normale orario scolastico. Il primo capitolo si focalizza sull'average treatment effect dell'intervento. Attraverso un matchig di scuole simili e una strategia di difference-in-differences, che sfrutta osservazioni ripetute di studenti appartenenti alla stessa sezione in due coorti contigue, trovo che il programma ha effetti positivi sui punteggi in matematica, solo nel gruppo di scuole caratterizzate da un profilo socio-economico basso. In particolare l'effetto è maggiore nell'ambito cognitivo, cioè l'ambito che coinvolge il ragionamento e lo sviluppo del pensiero matematico, mentre l'aspetto di pura conoscenza dei concetti matematici rimane inalterato. Sui punteggi di italiano non si trova invece nessun effetto. Nel secondo capitolo invece identifico, attraverso due metodi diversi (il Threshold difference-in-difference e il Change-in-changes), l'intera distribuzione controfattuale del gruppo di classi trattate in assenza di trattamento, e ricavo quindi i quantile treatment effects. Con entrambi i metodi si trova che l'effetto positivo trovato nelle scuole caratterizzate da un profilo socio-economico basso, è influenzato da alti guadagni per gli studenti migliori, mentre gli studenti peggiori non sembrano beneficiare del programma.
38
Mele, Valentina. « Dynamics of policy change : three Italian cases ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/953/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The common research interest of this thesis’s chapters is the dynamics of policy change in the context of the Italian governmental system. The collection of three published papers each included as a chapter in the core of the thesis is preceded by an introduction explaining the theoretical approach and research strategy. The chapters are consistent in following a middle-range processual theory of the politics of public policy decisions in a country case, an event-centric approach to explaining policy choice and an elite-interviewing approach to data collection. The first two chapters, respectively entitled “Government Innovation Policy in Italy (1993-2002): Understanding the Invention and Persistence of a Public Management Reform” and “Dynamics of Electronic Government Policies: The case of Italy (1992-2003)”, examine the dynamics of public management policy change in Italy over the period of a decade, employing the case of the Policy for Government Innovation and the case of the Electronic-Government Policy. The analysis of these two newly reported cases of enduring public management reform is suited to question the argument set by previous literature; that the country’s legalistic administrative culture inevitably suppresses meaningful reform. In particular, the chapters set forth two significant reservations about this argument, namely that the outcomes of public management reform initiatives are more varied than the current literature shows and the theoretical approach in the established literature attributes exagerate causal influence to the governmental system’s legalistic traditions. The third chapter, entitled “Explaining the Unexpected Success of the Smoking Ban in Italy: Political Strategy and Transition to Practice”, analyzes the episode that unfolds in a domain that addresses a general interest reform, very visible to public opinion, unlike public management reform. The chapter follows the issue beyond the pre-decisional stage, uncovering the dynamics of transition to practice: a phase between the formal passage and the full application of a law. A concluding section compares the three chapters, explores the interactions between analytically significant features of the Italian context and the policy cycle, and distils analytical refinements to the notion of policy entrepreneurship.
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BOLOGNINI, SARA. « Towards the evaluation of innovation procurement : The Pre-Commercial Procurement in Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Università Politecnica delle Marche, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11566/291095.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Negli ultimi due decenni, l'uso strategico degli appalti pubblici è diventato un tema sempre più centrale della politica europea dell'innovazione poiché può migliorare i servizi pubblici guidando il cambiamento tecnologico verso obiettivi socialmente condivisi. L'applicazione degli appalti pubblici in acquisti innovativi si basa su una triplice logica: (1) il miglioramento dei servizi pubblici; (2) l'incentivo delle aziende a essere più innovative; e (3) il perseguimento di obiettivi o missioni sociali più ampie. Il dibattito accademico ha affrontato, in diverse prospettive, il ruolo degli appalti pubblici come motore dell'innovazione. Dagli anni 90 ', diversi autori si sono interessati al ruolo degli appalti come strumento di politica dell'innovazione, hanno discusso degli appalti pubblici come uno degli elementi critici di una politica di innovazione orientata alla domanda e hanno sottolineato il ruolo dei policymakers nella promozione pratiche favorevoli all'innovazione in tutti i tipi di appalti. Nonostante la crescente consapevolezza che la domanda pubblica può stimolare l'innovazione, gli investimenti dedicati all'adozione di soluzioni innovative in Europa sono appena sopra la metà del livello atteso. uesta tesi affronta il tema degli appalti per l'innovazione concentrandosi sull'attuazione degli appalti Pre-commerciali (o Pre-Commercial Procurement-PCP), un approccio relativamente nuovo per l'approvvigionamento di servizi di ricerca e sviluppo, definito dalla Commissione Europea COM (2007) 799. La tesi considera i tre attori chiave coinvolti l'implementazione della politica di approvvigionamento di innovazione: il decisore politico, l'acquirente pubblico e il fornitore. Analizzando in parallelo (e in qualche modo anche congiuntamente) queste tre diverse prospettive sulle esperienze di appalto PCP, la dissertazione mira a valutare la politica degli appalti per l'innovazione nel quadro politico italiano. A questo proposito, la tesi si basa su tre studi originali: Studio 1- L'esperienza in italiano e nelle regioni italiane; Studio 2- Il punto di vista del procuratore; Studio 3-La prospettiva dei fornitori.L'approccio metodologico per l'intero lavoro si basa sul "Monitoraggio, valutazione e valutazione dell'impatto delle attività legate all'innovazione" (MLE- on Innovation Related Procurement), che incoraggia l'approccio multi-metodo di triangolazione nella valutazione delle politiche di appalti pubblici per l'innovazione. Lo studio 1. adotta principalmente: "analisi della legislazione", "ricerca documentale”. Lo studio 2. applica un approccio di mixed-method basato principalmente su "Survey" e "interviste One-to-one" con attori chiave dal lato del committente (coinvolgendo 12 delle 18 pubbliche amministrazioni che hanno gestito PCP in Italia). Lo studio 3. fa leva sulla metodologia del "caso studio" supportata dalla "osservazione partecipativa"; tale studio ha coinvolto Tech4Care Srl, una start up italiana particolarmente attiva nel campo degli appalti PCP. L'analisi dei tre studi ha portato a diverse considerazioni, che possono essere brevemente riassunte come segue. La politica sugli appalti per l'innovazione, sebbene fortemente promossa, è relativamente immatura per quanto riguarda l'attuazione e la valutazione sia a livello nazionale che regionale. L'appalto PCP potrebbe effettivamente rappresentare un'ottima opportunità di crescita dal lato per l’impresa. Il fornitore può sperimentare un notevole miglioramento riguardo lo sviluppo del business grazie all'esperienza dei PCP. Tuttavia, alcuni requisiti preliminari del fornitore potrebbero essere necessari per sfruttare appieno le opportunità del PCP. Anche l’Ente appaltante subisce generalmente impatti positivi diretti e indiretti. Tuttavia, quando un Appalto di Innovazione non segue l'esperienza del PCP, la conoscenza derivante dall'attività di ricerca e sviluppo rimane non sfruttata dal punto di vista dell’attore pubblico. Over the two past decades, the strategical use of public procurement has increasingly become a central theme of European innovation policy. Public Demand for Innovation can improve public services steering technological change towards socially shared objectives. The application of public procurement of goods and services to innovation has thus a triple rationale: (1) the improvement of public services; (2) the incentive of supplier firms to be more innovative; and (3) the pursuit of broader societal goals or missions. Academic debate has, in different perspectives, dealt with the role of public procurement as an innovation driver. From 90', authors interested on the role of procurement as an innovation policy tool or as a tool of industrial policy, have discussed public procurement as one of the critical elements of a demand-oriented innovation policy and have emphasised the role of policymakers in promoting innovation-friendly practices across all types of procurement. Despite the growing awareness of public demand to spur innovation, the investments devoted to adopting innovative solutions in Europe are just above half of the ambition level. This dissertation addresses the theme of innovation procurement by focusing on the implementation of Pre-commercial procurement, which is a relatively new approach to procuring R&D services, defined by the European Commission's COM (2007) 799. The dissertation considers the three key actors involved in the innovation procurement policy implementation: the policymaker, the procurer, and the supplier. By analysing in parallel (and somehow also jointly) these three different perspectives on the Pre-Commercial Procurement experiences, the dissertation aims to evaluate innovation procurement policy in the Italian policy framework. In this respect, the thesis is built upon three original studies: Study 1- The experience in Italian and in the Italian Regions; Study 2- The Procurer’s perspective; Study 3-The Suppliers perspective. The methodology approach for the whole dissertation draws on the "Monitoring, evaluation and impact assessment of innovation-related" (MLE- on Innovation Related Procurement), which encourages the triangulation multi-methods approach in Innovation public procurement policies evaluation. Study 1. primarily adopts: "Legislation analysis", "documentary desk research". Study 2. applies a mixed-method approach mainly based on "Survey" and "One-to-one interviews" with key actors from the procurer's side (involving 12 out of 18 public administration who has run PCP in Italy). Study 3. leverages the "case study" methodology supported by the "participatory observation"; this study involved Tech4Care Srl, an Italian start-up particularly active in the Pre-Commercial procurement field. The analysis of the three studies led to several considerations, which can be briefly picked up as follow. The Innovation procurement policy, although severely promoted, is relatively immature concerning the implementation and evaluation both at the national and regional level. The pre-commercial procurement could effectively represent an excellent opportunity for growing concerning the supply-side. The supplier can experience a strengthened improvement concerning business development due to the PCPs experience. However, some preliminary requirements of the supply-side may be necessary to exploit the PCP opportunities fully. Concerning the procurer-side, the Procuring Entity (PE) generally experiences either direct and indirect positive impacts. However, when a wider PPI does not follow the PCP experience, the knowledge arisen from R&D activity remains unexploited from the Procurer side.
40
Vasileiou, Ioannis. « The EU regional policy and its impact on two Mediterranean member states (Italy and Spain) ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1763/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.
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Chiattelli, Carlo. « Advocacy and diffusion of EU employment policy : the European Employment Strategy in France and Italy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2182/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to investigate the process through which discourses promoted by one level of governance are diffused and become accepted in another. It defines the European Employment Strategy (EES) as an attempt to set member states' employment policy agendas by imposing a specific policy discourse defining the problems of European labour markets and the appropriate solutions and it looks at how, by who and under what conditions this was adopted or refused at the national level. It argues that existing accounts of the effects of the EES, which emphasise mechanisms relying on incentives and sanctions, policy-oriented learning and socialisation, do not pay enough attention to whether and why different domestic actors and groups might support it in the domestic arena and to the role of domestic institutional settings. The thesis holds, first, that the diffusion of the Strategy's discourse at the national level depended on the presence or absence of national coalitions of actors willing to adopt and advocate it. The empirical evidence collected in the case studies on France and Italy suggests that the Strategy's discourse was limited to narrow communities composed of civil servants, experts and social partner representatives. The second contention is that these coalitions' success depended on the institutional resources and constraints facing them. In both countries studied meeting the Strategy's requirements stimulated a measure of administrative adaptation, which provided supporting coalitions with additional resources and facilitated norm diffusion. Yet the diffusion of information on the Strategy was limited even within the central administration, among the rank-and-file of the social partners and at the regional and local levels of government. Thus the last contention of this work is that the coalitions promoting the EU discourse remained weak due to the scarce diffusion of information beyond restricted circles and the limited institutional resources provided by the Strategy. Supporting coalitions have only been influential when directly involved in specific policy choices made at the centre and, even then, implementation has proved difficult if actors other than the central government were involved.
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Condren, John. « Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Cihlářová, Renata. « Imigrační a azylová politika Itálie ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-75916.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Italian immigration policy is a sensitive topic on the Italian as well as on the European political scene. Due to its geographical location Italy is exposed to an enormous influx of immigrants coming to the country mainly from North Africa. Being a country that faces the immigration issue in the last decades and and has a relatively young legislation in this area Italy is often criticized for its awkward anti-immigration measures. Italian society has generally a negative attitude concerning the immigration issue that is often supported by the opinions of Italian politicians and the strict legislation. My thesis analyzes the development and the current situation of the Italian immigration and asylum policy and the weightiest problems that Italy faces. The thesis describes the situation of immigrants in Italy, development of legislation in the area and the most controversial point of the last law on immigration. Next the treating of immigrants by the state authorities and the integration policy is discussed. The last chapter focuses on the Italian policy connected with the European immigration policy, analyses their relation and possibilities for a better cooperation in the future.
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Faherty, Douglas M. « Italian foreign policy : trends for the twenty-first century / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFaherty.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available online.
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Fenoglio, Luca. « Resisting the 'final solution' ? : ordinary fascists and Jewish policy in Italian-occupied southeastern France, 1942-1943 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates fascist Jewish policy in Italian-occupied southeastern France between November 1942 and August 1943. The fascist government repeatedly refused to hand over to its Nazi ally or to its French enemy foreign Jewish refugees in the Italian occupation zone. This decision, which was tantamount to a refusal to collaborate in the extermination of the Jews, was partially overturned in mid-July 1943. This thesis seeks to explain the rationale for the fascist government’s decisions concerning the fates of foreign Jewish refugees in southeastern France. Current scholarship justifies the fascist government’s decisions as a manifestation either of humanitarianism or political expediency. This thesis argues instead that the Italian refusal to partake in the extermination of the Jews was ideological. As the fascist and Nazi leaderships attributed different relevance to the ‘Jewish question’, they consequently prescribed different methods to ‘solve’ it, in the context of their common military effort to win the war. Through the in-depth reconstruction of fascist Jewish policy in southern France, this thesis argues that although the fascist rulers acknowledged the existence of a ‘Jewish problem’, they never considered its solution as vital to their effort to win the war. Unlike the Nazis who considered their war against the Jew as the pivotal issue, thus rendering the physical eradication of all Jews as a conceivable action in the context of a total war, the Italians considered Jews as a secondary threat compared to communists or enemy aliens residing in their occupation zone. In turn, by analysing fascist Jewish policy in the broader geopolitical, diplomatic and military context of the occupation of southeastern France, this thesis demonstrates how, and to what extent, other ethical and practical considerations interacted with the larger ideology in operation. The overall result was a policy in which the murder of Jews was considered politically inexpedient and morally unacceptable, but which was, nevertheless, still persecutory (the Italian authorities interned foreign Jewish refugees in southern France and took measures to prevent their arrival in the Italian occupation zone). At the same time, this thesis reveals that, although the Jewish policy was consistent with the regime’s declared goal to ‘discriminate, but not persecute’ the Jews, it was not a necessary consequence of that goal. Instead, this policy could be negotiated and adjusted should the political need arise, as proved by the decision (ultimately without consequences) to surrender German Jews in mid-July 1943.
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Suo, Desirée M. Stephens John D. « The formation of immigration law in Italy between policy, parties, press and public opinion in 2007 / ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1334.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Apr. 25, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Napolitano, Paul. « International football and international relations football as foreign policy between Italy and England, 1933, 1934, 1939 / ». Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23243.
Texte intégral
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Wells, Naomi Amelia Stewart. « Language policy and politics : the central state and linguistic minorities in Spain and Italy, 1992-2010 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5240/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Linguistic minorities are playing a crucial role in determining how states are reimagining themselves in more plural and inclusive ways. Pressure from both supranational and sub-state levels of government has meant that the repression of linguistic minorities by state institutions is no longer acceptable and even attitudes of neglect are widely condemned. However, while there has been a noticeable change in attitudes towards linguistic minorities in many European states, the specific role of the central state in relation to these groups remains ambiguous and merits further study. This thesis thus compares the language policies of the central states of Spain and Italy between 1992 and 2010, concerning two specific linguistic minorities in each country. These include Catalan-speakers in Catalonia and the German-speaking minority in Alto Adige/Südtirol, which have received considerable recognition and find themselves in a comparable situation within their respective states. In contrast, the Asturian- and Sardinian-speaking minorities have received the most minimal recognition at both the regional and state levels. Three sources of primary data were identified for the purposes of this study: official state documentation and legislation, elite interviews with political and institutional representatives, and state-wide newspapers. The research reveals the rationales, ideologies and motivations behind the actions of the central states of Spain and Italy in their approaches towards these distinct groups. New insight is provided by considering cases which have not previously been compared, as well as focusing on the typically hidden language policies of the state in contrast to the visible and widely studied policies implemented at the regional or provincial levels. This approach allows conclusions to be drawn on the extent to which both states may be moving away from the traditional monolingual nation-state model and provides recommendations for future approaches to linguistic minorities at the state and European levels.
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ACCIAI, Claudia. « Road to (k)nowhere : policy instrument selection in complex governance arrangements : the case of research and innovation policy in France and Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/85604.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research and innovation (R & I) are increasingly understood as essential assets in national, and supranational, strategies for economic, social, industrial and technological development. Public engagement in these activities dates back to the pre-WWII period. Nowadays, its relevance has been revitalised as a powerful strategy to respond to major social, economic and environmental challenges (e.g. Grand Challenges). On the other hand, also the private sector has gained greater prominence within the field of scientific, engineering and technological activities employed for economic development (Arnold, Boekholt, 2003). Starting from these evolutions, the present research investigates the politics of policy instrument selection in the R&I sector. This study sheds light on the political dynamics that can explain how (and why) public actors decided to intervene (or not) in governing the field of scientific and technological innovation. Through a comparative analysis between France and Italy, the research investigates how the interplay between institutional characteristics, different policy styles and interest intermediation patterns influence actors’ interactions, their preferences for various instrument mixes and ultimately the evolution of national R&I policy mixes. By adopting policy instruments as a proxy for analysing actors’ preferences, it has been possible to understand different patterns of interaction taking place between governing, and non- governing, actors along the policy design process. In order to disentangle these dynamics a multi-method approach based on the triangulation of different sources (semi-structured interviews, document analysis and national statistics) has been adopted. Then, through a methodological approach to qualitative data analysis inspired by within and cross-case analysis (Miles, Huberman, 1994), thematic (Boyatzis, 1998) and content analysis (Schreier, 2012), national policy instrument selection process have been investigated. The comparative analysis ultimately shows that when we focus only on how governments have used their power to steer target population towards their intended behaviours (e.g. the inducement embedded in instrument action) our two cases share many similarities in their aggregate R&I policy mix features. But if we look at the characteristics of how different instruments exercise social control (e.g. instrument shapes) and the relationship between policy makers and target population (e.g. delivery structure) our results display a greater variety. These differences reflect the alternative approaches the two countries have undertaken to interact with target population, as well as in the political entrepreneurship and organizational capacity of national R&I performers.
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Signorile, Jacopo. « The impact of regionalisation and europeanization on regional development policies in Italy : policy innovation and path dependence ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/313/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Scholars have proposed and investigated a view of social relations as social networks and therefore the role of public policy in creating new networks and new social and economic relations. Are different incumbent institutional settings a relevant variable to explain different regional policies responses to Regionalization and Europeanization? I will address this question with regard to the regional policy that was initiated in Italy in 1950 and that represented the country’s attempt to improve its economic and geographic cohesion. The hypothesis is that, within a devolution process, different adaptation to regionalization and Europeanization pressures are correlated to “path dependence” from incumbent institutional settings. Specific attention is dedicated to the role of “paradigms” in the processes analysed. This, in turn could generate different devolution outcomes, in terms of discrepancy between formal and effective outcomes. Devolution is analysed in terms of institutional change and policy (regional policy) change. Institutional change is operationalized in terms of changes in polity and administrative variables, and policy change is investigated through variables representing formal (policy issues, i.e. design and responsibility) and effective (financial, i.e. uses and sources) dynamics under the two different pressures for change identified: regionalization and Europeanization of regional policies. The research proposed is pertinent and important in the context of European integration where national policies have been restructured due to, on the one hand, regionalization—i.e., the transfer downward to the sub-national level—of policies formerly handled at the national level and, on the other, “Europeanization” or the transfer of policies upwards to the European level. This thesis investigates the dynamics of the “paradigm and policy shift” that took place within Italian regional policy between 1950 when the policy began and 1992 when the policy was officially terminated due to a dual transfer of the policy upward to the European level with the co-financing of cohesion policy and the transfer downward to the role of the regions as management authorities for the operational programmes that were responsible for the bulk of Italian regional funds.