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1
Giuli, Matteo. « Le contrôle par les listes en Italie ». Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez Tome 44, no 2 (12 décembre 2014) : 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mcv.442.0015.
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?Fondé en 1371, deux ans après la fin de la domination de Pise, le Magistrato dei Segretari fut l’institution qui, pour toute l’époque moderne, se chargea de garantir la paix et la sécurité au sein de la république de Lucques, fonctionnant comme appareil de services secrets, instrument de police politique et inquisition d’État. Son domaine de compétences, très hétérogène, touchait toute la société locale : cette institution contrôlait ainsi les grands problèmes politiques mais gérait aussi l’ordre public, s’occupant même parfois les aspects les plus intimes du comportement privé de chaque individu au quotidien. Pour mener de façon efficace son activité de surveillance en expansion, cette institution arriva à dresser entre le xvi e et le xviii e siècle quatorze volumes de listes dont la conservation, en plus d’avoir été fonctionnelle au niveau administratif, fut marquée par une volonté politique de revendication, légitimation et production de continuité historique.?
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Lilienthal, Georg. « The illegitimacy question in Germany, 1900–1945 : Areas of tension in social and population policy ». Continuity and Change 5, no 2 (août 1990) : 249–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000004008.
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Trois points emmergent des discussions sur les problèmes d'illégitimité en Allemagne pendant la première moitié du vingtième siècle: la définition légale de la femme non mariée et de son enfant, leur intégration dans des programmes d'assistance sociale et le rapport avec la politique démographique. Ces trois points ont constamment déterminé la vie de la femme non mariée et de son enfant. Les changements de systèmes politiques ont seulement eu pour effet de donner plus d'importance à l'une ou l'autre de ces questions. Pendant le Reich de Guillaume III, une loi sur l'illégitimité a été vot)ée, qui pour la première fois, était applicable dans l'Allemagne entière. Cependant, la loi était discriminatoire contre les mères et leurs enfants. Les objectifs démographiques et de préservation de la paix sociale ont seulement pu se réaliser lors de la première guerre mondiale avec l'amélioration générale des conditions de vie. La République de Weimar a essayé d'abolir la discrimination légale et de renforcer la justice sociale. Mais sous le troisième Reich, le problème de l'illégitimité a été dominé par des aspects de politique raciale et démographique.
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Ciobanu, Veniamin. « Aspects of the Eastern Question found in Swedish diplomatic reports (1813) ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no 2 (15 décembre 2010) : 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_3.
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The documents selected by the editor from the National Archives of Sweden offer information reflecting the preoccupation of the Swedish diplomacy to be well informed with regard to the Eastern Question developments. In 1813 such information was necessary in order to guide the Swedish government’s policy in reaching its essential goal, the integration of Norway in the Swedish political system. In order to have a broader perspective on the international events and circumstances of the period marking the end of the Napoleonean Empire is necessary that these documents shall be corroborated with other documentary sources, such as, for instance, the ones included in the seventh volume of the foreign policy documents collection entitled “Europe and the Porte. New Documents on the Eastern Question”. Résumé: Les documents sélectés par l’éditeur des Archives Nationales de la Suède offrent des informations qui reflètent la préoccupation de la diplomatie suédoise d’être bien informée sur le cours du développement de la question orientale. Pendant l’année 1813 ces informations ont été nécessaires pour l’orientation de la politique du Cabinet de Stockholm en vue d’accomplir son but essentiel d’alors, c’est-à-dire l’intégration de la Norvège dans le système politique suédois. Mais pour avoir une perspective plus large sur les événements et les circonstances politiques internationales de la période qui a marqué la fin de l’Empire Napoléonien il est nécessaire que ces documents soient corroborés avec d’autre sources documentaires, comme par exemple celles incorporées dans le tome VII de la Collection de documents extérieurs intitulée „Europe and the Porte. New Documents on the Eastern Question”.
4
Henry, Marion. « The social welfare policy of the nationalised British coalmining industry at work : the financial support of brass bands, 1947-1960 ». Entreprises et histoire 113, no 4 (14 février 2024) : 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.113.0044.
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En 1947, avec la nationalisation des houillères, le National Coal Board (NCB) devient responsable de la santé, de la sécurité et du bien-être des employés de l’industrie charbonnière britannique. Mais l’implication de l’État dans les politiques sociales de l’industrie minière, ainsi que la mise en place d’un système de gestion paritaire entre employeurs et syndicats, ne datent pas de la nationalisation et remontent à l’entre-deux-guerres. En se concentrant sur l’étude du financement par l’industrie minière nationalisée des brass bands , ensembles musicaux amateurs reliés à l’industrie, cet article analyse les conséquences de ce passage du secteur privé au secteur public sur les aspects culturels de ces politiques sociales. Il montre que si la nationalisation n’a pas marqué de véritable rupture en termes de gestion des activités culturelles, et s’il existe des continuités importantes avec l’entre-deux-guerres, la distinction entre deux types d’action sociale : colliery welfare et social welfare introduite par le Miners’ Welfare Act de 1952 constitue une étape importante dans la mise en œuvre d’une politique culturelle ambitieuse à l’échelle nationale.
5
Cutler, Fred. « Whodunnit ? Voters and Responsibility in Canadian Federalism ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no 3 (septembre 2008) : 627–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080761.
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Abstract. Government accountability in Canada depends on Canadian voters' attributing responsibility to multiple levels of government for policy outcomes. This study presents the first comprehensive account of these responsibility judgments. The data are from panel surveys of voters in Ontario and Saskatchewan as they faced provincial elections in the fall of 2003 and then the federal election of 2004. Voters were asked about conditions in a number of policy areas and then asked to separately attribute responsibility to the two senior levels of government. Voters do not strongly differentiate the governments' roles and there is little variation across issues. Attentiveness to politics only very slightly improves the quality of responsibility attributions, and only on issues where responsibility is objectively clearer. The results suggest that federalism is a major challenge for Canadian voters wishing to reward or punish their governments for policy outcomes.Résumé. La responsabilisation gouvernementale au Canada dépend de la capacité du citoyen à différencier clairement les sphères d'activité des divers paliers de gouvernement. Cette étude offre, pour la première fois, un portrait exhaustif des mécanismes d'attribution de la responsabilité dans le système fédéral canadien. Les données sont tirées de deux enquêtes en panel réalisées durant les campagnes électorales provinciales de l'Ontario et de la Saskatchewan à l'automne 2003, puis durant la campagne fédérale de 2004. Deux aspects principaux de ces enquêtes ont été retenus pour cette étude. Tout d'abord, les répondants ont été interrogés sur leur perception de l'état des choses quant à une série d'enjeux de politique publique (économie, système de santé, et ainsi de suite). Ils ont ensuite dû attribuer la responsabilité de ces politiques aux deux paliers supérieurs de gouvernement au Canada. Il s'avère que les électeurs ne différencient que faiblement le rôle de chaque palier de gouvernement et ce, quel que soit l'enjeu. La capacité d'attribution de la responsabilité n'est que légèrement affectée par le niveau d'attention à la politique de l'électeur. Les résultats de l'analyse suggèrent que la nature fédérale du système politique canadien demeure un défi important à surmonter pour l'électeur qui désire récompenser ou punir ses gouvernements pour une politique publique donnée.
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Grangeia, Mario Luis. « Images of Social Policy in Brazil ». Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo 12, no 1 (27 juin 2023) : 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/slj.v12.n1.2023.518.
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EN. The analysis of official representations of social policy in Brazil illustrates the relevance of the concept of framing, as used by cultural sociologists, in comparative studies. The article focuses on the discourse of federal governments subsequent to the restoration of democracy (1985-2016) and the mandates of Getúlio Vargas, once called "father of the poor" in the 1930’s-1950’s. Two challenges in framing research are discussed: the nature of the concept (what is framing) and its operationalization (where is it). Having clarified the theoretical and methodological use of the concept, we move on to recognize and compare framings in 12 inaugural speeches and 39 annual accountability reports of the Executive Branch. Government understandings of four aspects of social policy are more closely analyzed: diagnoses, prognoses, goals, and framing devices. Significance attributed to social policy (such as justice, modernization, and redistribution) undergoes major changes, however continuities also appear, such as the correlation between social development and economic development. Additionally, the paper highlights the advantages of this lens, such as addressing processes in the change of framing, and some of its difficulties, such as minimizing the relational aspect of discourses and reducing framings to more traceable and measurable themes. Intersecting culture and politics enable the identification of the political effects of framings on the evolution of social policy and inequality in Brazil – as demonstrates the representations given of inequality in governmental plans and annual reports. Relevant variables are highlighted in the relations between government priorities (e.g., containing inflation and improving public education) and the agenda of reducing inequality. Some choices of this framing analysis - such as linking diagnoses and prognoses, highlighting secondary framing, and paying attention to framing devices rather than textual details - have added to the effectiveness of the concept. This analytical perspective, still little used by scholars working on these topics, contributes to the research agenda on social policy and inequality. *** FR. L’analyse des images officielles des politiques sociales au Brésil illustre la pertinence, pour les études comparatives, du concept de cadrage tel qu’il est utilisé en sociologie de la culture. Cet article se penche sur les discours des gouvernements fédéraux après la restauration de la démocratie (1985-2016) et dans les années 1930-1950, sous les présidences de Getúlio Vargas, alors surnommé « père des pauvres ». Nous nous intéressons ici à deux enjeux des études sur le cadrage : la nature du concept (qu›est-ce que le cadrage) et son opérationnalisation (où se trouve-t-il). Après quelques précisions sur l›utilisation théorique et méthodologique de ce concept, nous identifions et comparons les cadrages utilisés au sein de 12 discours d’investiture et de 39 rapports annuels du pouvoir exécutif. Nous examinons les visions gouvernementales concernant quatre aspects des politiques sociales : les diagnostics, les prévisions, les objectifs et les dispositifs de cadrage. Nous constatons des changements notables dans les significations attribuées aux politiques sociales (sur des sujets comme la justice, la modernisation et la redistribution), mais également des continuités, telles que le lien entre développement social et développement économique. Nous soulignons aussi les avantages de cette approche, comme de pouvoir aborder les processus de changement de cadrage, et certaines de ses difficultés, dont le fait de minimiser l’aspect relationnel des discours et de limiter les cadrages à des thèmes facilement traçables et mesurables. Établir un lien entre culture et politique permet d’appréhender les effets politiques des cadrages au fil de l’évolution des politiques sociales et des inégalités au Brésil – comme en témoignent les références aux inégalités dans les plans gouvernementaux et les bilans annuels. Nous identifions plusieurs variables pertinentes concernant les rapports entre les priorités gouvernementales (maîtriser l’inflation ou améliorer l’enseignement public, par exemple) et l’agenda de réduction des inégalités. Certains choix opérés pour cette analyse de cadrage – tels que relier les diagnostics aux prévisions, faire ressortir les cadrages secondaires et être attentif aux mécanismes de cadrage plutôt qu’aux détails textuels – ont permis au concept de gagner en efficacité. Le recours à cette approche analytique, encore peu fréquent chez les spécialistes du domaine, contribue ainsi à l’agenda de recherche sur les politiques sociales et les inégalités. *** PT. A análise de imagens oficiais da política social no Brasil ilustra a utilidade do conceito de enquadramento, conforme usado por sociólogos culturais, em estudos comparativos. O artigo focaliza o discurso de governos federais posteriores à restauração da democracia (1985-2016) e dos mandatos de Getúlio Vargas, outrora chamado “pai dos pobres”, nos anos 1930-1950. Dois desafios na pesquisa de enquadramento são discutidos: natureza do conceito (o que é enquadramento) e sua operacionalização (onde está). Esclarecido o uso teórico e metodológico do conceito, passa-se a reconhecer e comparar enquadramentos em 12 discursos de posse e 39 relatórios anuais de prestação de contas do Executivo. Os entendimentos governamentais de quatro aspectos da política social são analisados mais de perto: diagnósticos, prognósticos, metas e dispositivos de enquadramento. Houve mudanças importantes nos significados atribuídos à política social (como justiça, modernização e redistribuição) e continuidades, como a correlação entre desenvolvimento social e desenvolvimento econômico. O texto também destaca prós dessa perspectiva, como a abordagem dos processos de mudança de enquadramento, e algumas de suas dificuldades, como minimizar o aspecto relacional dos discursos e reduzir os enquadramentos a temas mais rastreáveis e mensuráveis. Ao interrelacionar cultura e política, abordaram-se efeitos políticos dos enquadramentos em trajetos da política social e desigualdade no Brasil – vide as menções à desigualdade nos planos de governos e nos respectivos balanços anuais. São apontadas variáveis relevantes nas relações entre prioridades governamentais (p. ex., contenção da inflação e melhoria da educação pública) e a agenda de redução da desigualdade. Certas opções desta análise de enquadramento – tais como ligar diagnósticos e prognósticos, realçar enquadramentos secundários e atentar a dispositivos de enquadramento sem frisar minúcias textuais – deram eficácia ao uso do conceito. Uma contribuição à agenda de pesquisa da política social e desigualdade foi recorrer a essa perspectiva analítica ainda pouco usada por estudiosos desses temas. ***
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Viallet, Martine. « La politique pénitentiaire, un défi pour l’administration ». Revue française d'administration publique 99, no 1 (2001) : 441–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.2001.3606.
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Detention Policy — a Challenge for the Administration The specificity of detention policy has led the legislature and the administration to experiment and be creative in adopting original solutions. Thus, french detention policy is marked by both its precursory aspects and its occasional archaic remnants.
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Bernier, Ivan. « L’économie québécoise face à la concurrence extérieure : les fondements scientifiques de la politique d’achat préférentiel du Québec ». Études internationales 15, no 1 (12 avril 2005) : 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701619ar.
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The literature on the decision-making process s of governments in the field of trade has developped in recent years a number of models that stress different aspects of the subject. One aspect, however, that has rarely been examined closely is the exact role played by studies in this decision-making process. How serious are they, scientifically speaking? How are they considered by governments? What is their impacts? Such questions remain largely unanswered. In this paper, an effort is made to shed some light on this aspect of the decision-making process, the chosen field of enquiry being the Quebec Government's procurement policy. After considering various studies directly related to the implementation of this policy, the conclusion is reached that in general they were not very thorough and had a rather limited role in the final decision to implement the policy. More fundamentally, one is left with the impression that scientific research, as a tool for reaching decision in the field of international trade, is seen by governments with some degree of suspicion.
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Devetakovic, Stevan. « Razvoj i perspektive regionalne politike Evropske Unije ». Ekonomski anali 43, no 155 (2002) : 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0205129d.
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EU regional policy is interesting to be studied from several aspects and this paper deals with the basic elements of its development so far, current solutions and perspectives. First of all, we have in mind that it is implemented in market economies, which is the setting favored by the former socialist countries, including ours. This policy is also carried out at an above-national level and is complementary to regional policies of individual member countries, having been designed to help their efforts to improve the territorial aspect of development, increase efficiency of using limited available resources, achieve standardization of their planning procedures and evaluate all phases of the project execution. In addition, EU regional policy is not limited only to member countries of this economic integration, but it also, at the present stage, refers in part to candidate countries for EU membership, thereby soon concerning our country as well. .
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Pavlović, Radica. « The effects of economic policy on the foreign trade in the Republic of Serbia : Trade law and economic aspect : Future and perspectives ». Megatrend revija 18, no 4 (2021) : 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104147p.
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Foreign trade of economic entities is determined by the instrument "Contract of Sale", which is one of the most common, frequent and numerous contracts in the economy without a clear distinction between seller and buyer. The Republic of Serbia has accepted the imposed international imperative rules in cooperation with the political influence of the domicile political economic policy. In such business conditions, and due to the process of globalization, deregulation and market liberalization, international dominance has several significant aspects, primarily given the turbulence, complexity and uncertainty of business and the application of regulations subject to change, which has significant negative implications for all economic policies domicile countries but also indirectly the dominant influence of international institutions. As an economic policy through price and exchange rate policy, it has a significant impact on foreign trade agreements in legal transactions through positioning, competitiveness, growth and development of the Republic of Serbia in both the domestic and international markets, where the so-calle. the principle of "victory of the stronger", the influences of imperialist forces, political influence and the world oligarchy should be considered in the context of the future and perspective and future of business of domestic companies. The aim of this paper is to connect knowledge from the legal and economic domain, focus on the effect of economic policy and its impact on foreign trade as challenges facing legal science, bearing in mind all the implications that are crucial for the future of business.
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Raspopović, Radoslav. « Montenegro in the Russian Balkan policy of the Emperor Peter the Great at the beginning of the 18th century ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no 6-2 (1 juin 2022) : 04–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202206statyi46.
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In addition to seeking resolution to the twenty-year Northern War with Sweden (1700-1721), another important aspect defining the Russian foreign policy were its relations with the Ottoman Empire. Russian Balkan policy had a decisive role in continuing the fight for liberation of the Balkan peoples. The nature of such policy can be analysed from the example of Montenegro.
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Hadžović, Jasmina. « The European Union and the development of agricultural policy ». Ekonomski izazovi 11, no 22 (2022) : 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekoizazov2221138h.
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Relevant financial literature has for decades recorded debates about the choice between active and passive portfolio management strategy. In order to enrich domestic literature in this field, the paper presents the basic characteristics of these strategies, at the same time pointing to their positive and negative aspects. The aim of the research is to answer the question of which of these portfolio management strategies is superior. By putting forward arguments in favor of and against the choice of active and passive portfolio strategy, it is concluded that neither strategy is perfect and that it is impossible to talk about the superiority of active or passive portfolio management, as both strategies and both portfolio management models contain equally serious shortcomings that prevent them from achieving superiority. Problem solution should be sought in the implementation of a hybrid portfolio strategy that simultaneously integrates benefits and alleviates the disadvantages of these strategies.
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Pavlović, Radica, et Rajko Bukvić. « The influence of the exchange rate policy on the trade of the Republic of Serbia in the conditions of the crisis : Trade legal and economic aspect ». Megatrend revija 17, no 4 (2020) : 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2004077p.
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Exchange of goods and services between the economic entities is determined by the instrument "Contract of Sale", which is one of the most common, most frequent and most numerous contracts in the economy. In the modern business conditions, and due to the process of globalization, deregulation and market liberalization, international trade has many significant aspects, first of all, having in mind the turbulence, complexity and uncertainty of business as well as the application of regulations that are subject to change. In addition, it can be significantly influenced by all kinds of the economic policy of the domicile country, but also indirectly by the dominant impact of international institutions. One of the elements of economic policy is the exchange rate, which, through the price and the exchange rate policy, has significant implications for trade agreements in legal transactions through positioning, competitiveness, growth and development of the Republic of Serbia in both the domestic and international markets. Therefore, when conducting trade relations, especially at the international level, it is necessary to have top experts in the field of law and economics in order to avoid the so-called principle of "victory of the stronger" in knowledge in this area, because in that case they would certainly make a much higher profit than usual. The aim of this paper is to link knowledge in the legal and economic domain, to focus on the effect of exchange rate policy and its impact on trade law and trade, bearing in mind all the implications listed and crucial in a crisis circumstances.
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Kessler, Marie-Christine. « La politique française, des symboles aux faits ». Revue française d'administration publique 50, no 1 (1989) : 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1989.2193.
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French policy : from symbols to facts «French administrative co-operation» consists mainly of exports. In the developing countries it touches every aspect of administrative activity : training, public administration and institutional reform. It has two contradictory traits : a fairly strong politico-administrative will accompanied by relatively well-defined projects on the one hand ; and a certain cumbersomeness resulting from overlapping sources of finance and, above all, from increasing diversification and the multiplicity of often ill-matched supply and demand operations, on the other. The future of this co-operation appears to be rather finely balanced, coming as it does within the scope of foreign policy which is as much a question of symbols as of facts.
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Marie, Alain. « Politique urbaine : une révolution au service de l’État ». Politique africaine 33, no 1 (1989) : 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1989.5245.
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Urban policy : a revolution in the service of the state. The implementation of the NCR’s urban policy in Ouagadougou has two principal aspects : the allotment of the peripheral quarters and the renovation of the city centre. Beyond ideological proclamations, this policy constitutes an excellent «analyser» of Sankara’s Revolution and reveals it’s real objectives : the construction of a strong and centralised state, based, among other things, on the reorganisation of the old urban territorial divisions, towards a new bureaucratic and aggregative logic.
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Cohen, Samy. « La politique étrangère dans les institutions de la Vème République ». Revue française d'administration publique 77, no 1 (1996) : 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1996.3496.
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Study of the institutional aspects of foreign policy in France reveals certain weaknesses and malfunctioning. The preponderant role of the President of the Republic, who conducts and determines foreign policy, raises numerous questions. Of particular note is the incompatibility between presidential powers and existing structures concerned with international relations.
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Stajić, Ljubomir, Nenad Radivojević et Vladan Mirković. « Some aspects of internal security policy as an element of the national security strategy of the Republic of Serbia ». Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 51, no 4 (2017) : 1325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns51-16569.
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Colombi Ciacchi, Aurelia. « Public Policy Exceptions in European Private Law : A New Research Project ». European Review of Private Law 22, Issue 5 (1 octobre 2014) : 605–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2014051.
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Abstract: Public policy exceptions arguably exist in all fields of private and commerciallaw, not only in private international law but also in substantive law. In substantive private law, the term 'public policy exception' could be used to indicate general illegality rules that make an act of private autonomy (a contract, a testament, etc.) invalid when it conflicts with public policy or good morals. In primary EU law, one may call 'public policy exceptions' the derogations from the four freedoms for reasons of public morality, public policy, public security, or public health. Like the ordre public exceptions in private international law, the public policy exceptions in substantive private and commercial laws can also be seen as conflict rules. In fact, the public policy exceptions in substantive private law address the conflict between state regulation and policy, on the one hand, and private (self-)regulation and policy, on the other hand. Moreover, the public policy derogations from the four freedoms regulate the conflict between EU and national law and policy. A long-term research project initiated in Groningen aims at a cross-cutting comparison of interpretations and applications of concepts that function as public policy exceptions in different branches of substantive, international, and EU private and commerciallaw. In particular, this project aims at discovering and comparing the governance aspects, the fundamental rights based aspects, and the social justice aspects of these interpretations and applications. Resumé: On trouve sans aucun doute des exceptions d'ordre public dans tous les domaines du droit privé et commercial, non seulement en droit international privé mais aussi en droit matériel. En droit privé matériel, le terme 'exception d'ordre public' pourrait être utilisé pour indiquer des règles générales d'illicéité invalidant un acte d'autonomie privée (un contrat, un testament etc.) lorsqu'il est contraire à l'ordre public ou aux bonnes mœurs. Dans le droit primaire de l'UE, on peut appeler 'les exceptions d'ordre public' les dérogations aux 'quatre libertés' pour des raisons de morale publique, d'ordre public, de sécurité publique ou de santé publique. Comme les exceptions d'ordre public en droit international privé, les exceptions d'ordre public en droit privé matériel et commercial peuvent aussi être considérées comme des règles de conflit. En fait, les exceptions d'ordre public en droit privé matériel traitent le conflit entre la réglementation et la politique publiques d'une part et l'(auto-)réglementation et la politique privées d'autre part. De plus, les derogations d'ordre public aux 'quatre libertés' règlementent le conflit entre le droit et la politique au niveau national et au niveau de l'UE. Un projet de recherche à long terme lancé à Groningen vise à établir une comparaison transversale d'interprétations et d'applications de concepts fonctionnant comme exceptions d'ordre public dans différentes branches de droit matériel, international et de droit commercial et privé de l'UE. Ce projet tente en particulier de découvrir et de comparer les aspects de gouvernance, les aspects basés sur les droits fondamentaux et les aspects de justice sociale de ces interprétations et applications.
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Vukićević-Petković, Milica, et Jasmina Šmigić-Miladinović. « Business entities and local self-government as important actors of environmental policy ». Ekonomski signali 17, no 1 (2022) : 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekonsig2201085v.
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Within a society, not only citizens but also economic entities, social organizations and the state as a complex legal organization can play an important role in achieving common interests. Environmental policy cannot be implemented by just one ministry, one city, one company, environmental protection requires joint work. Today, Serbia is mature enough to take into account every aspect of the life of its citizens and establish harmony between the increase of people's living standards and the preservation of social peace with minimal environmental pollution. The paper analyzes the importance of both the private and public sectors in terms of implementing environmental policy and establishing a balance between economic progress and environmental protection. On the other hand, it is pointed out that the adoption and implementation of environmental legislation entails high costs and significant investments, which can be an insurmountable obstacle for countries with poor economic opportunities.
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Yuhan, Sergey Popov, Olga Nesterchuk, Oleg Grishin et Su Shuai. « The implementation of “smart power” of China and Russia by the means of education and culture in foreign policy ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2024, no 1 (1 janvier 2024) : 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202401statyi07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article discusses the actual aspects of the implementation of the “smartpower”policy in the foreign policy strategies of Russia and China. The concept of “smart power” is considered in the article as a result of the development of the research ideas about the instruments of foreign policy influence of modern states. Using the example of concrete steps taken by Russia and China to form a positive image of the countries to international community, the “smartpower”policy is demonstrated.
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Kucharczyk, Radosław. « La politique du multilinguisme dans le système éducatif polonais ». Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics 48, no 2 (30 décembre 2021) : 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/gl.2021.48.2.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this article is to reflect on the implementation modalities of educational policy promoting multilingualism in Poland, a country where linguistic and cultural variety remains relatively low. The article begins with a definition of the concept of “language policy”. Subsequently, the European Union’s directives promoting the policy of multilingualism in the educational context are presented. In this part, the focus is on the following aspects: modern foreign languages, regional and minority languages, certification of language skills and teaching of a curriculum subject integrated into foreign language instruction. The last part of the article concentrates on the implementation of the said directives in Poland. In the research, the author relies on statistical data from various sources to demonstrate that - even if Poland is considered a country where linguistic and cultural variety remains low - foreign (in a broad sense of the term), regional and minority languages are regaining their rightful place in the functioning of the state, including in the Polish education system.
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Benavides Cortes, María Mayela. « Reconfiguración socioterritorial resultado de la política turística en Tlayacapan, Morelos ». Ateliê Geográfico 11, no 3 (30 mai 2018) : 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ag.v11i3.45011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ResumenEn México los procesos de turistificación son promovidos desde la política pública a través de los diferentes planes de desarrollo y turísticos, elaborados por los diferentes niveles de gobiernos. Promueven y presentan el turismo como una actividad que proporciona desarrollo económico, y bajo esta premisa los gobiernos conceden libertad a los inversionistas turísticos sobre el territorio y la cultura, bienes tangibles e intangibles considerados atractivos al turismo. Con el objetivo evaluarlas se estudió la gestión realizada en Tlayacapan para declararlo Pueblo Mágico y se utilizó una metodología cualitativa basada en entrevistas analizadas estructuralmente para conocer la memoria de los actores locales respecto a las dinámicas sociales históricas en la localidad contraponiéndolas con las actuales, así como los procesos territoriales que contribuyen a la apropiación y exclusión del espacio local a los actores originarios. En este estudio se estableció que la política turística para el pueblo no fue adecuada porque contribuyo a una reconfiguración negativa del territorio. Tanto por el incremento de vehículos, basura y bares, como por la falta de participación social en las políticas. Aspectos en detrimento de los locales, sus ocupaciones y dinámicas socioterritoriales.Palabras clave: reconfiguración socioterritorial, política turística, Tlayacapan, Pueblos Mágicos. Abstract In Mexico touristification processes are promoted by public policy through different plans for tourism development and developed by the different levels of governments. Promote and present tourism as an activity that provides economic development, and under this premise government’s grant to tourism investors on the territory and culture, tangible and intangible goods considered attractive tourism freedom. In order evaluate the management carried out in Tlayacapan to declare Magic Town and a qualitative methodology based on interviews analyzed structurally to know the memory of local actors regarding the historical social dynamics in the counterpose locality with current used was studied as well as territorial processes that contribute to the appropriation and exclusion of local space to the original actors. This study established that tourism policy for the people was not suitable because I contribute to a negative reconfiguration of the territory. Thus increasing vehicles, garbage and bars, and the lack of social participation. Aspects to the detriment of local, their occupations and socio-territorial dynamics.Keywords: socioterritorial reconfiguration, tourism policy, Tlayacapan, Magic Town. RésuméAu Mexique processus de touristification sont promus par les politiques publiques par le biais des plans différents pour le développement du tourisme et développés par les différents niveaux de gouvernements. Promouvoir et le tourisme présente comme une activité qui fournit le développement économique, et Sous cette prémisse les gouvernements accordent aux investisseurs du tourisme sur le territoire et la culture, les biens corporels et incorporels considérés comme la liberté touristique attrayante. Afin d'évaluer la gestion effectuée en Tlayacapan à déclarer magique ville et une méthodologie qualitative basée sur des entretiens analysés structurellement à connaître la mémoire des acteurs locaux en ce qui concerne les dynamiques sociales historiques dans la localité avec contraponiéndolas courant utilisé a été étudiée ainsi que processus territoriaux qui contribuent à l'appropriation et à l'exclusion de l'espace local pour les acteurs originaux. Cette étude a établi que la politique du tourisme pour le peuple ne convenait pas parce que je contribue à une reconfiguration négative du territoire. Ainsi l'augmentation des véhicules, des ordures et des bars, et le manque de participation sociale dans la politique. Aspects au détriment des locaux, leurs occupations et de la dynamique socio-territoriales.Mots-clés: reconfiguration socioterritoriales, politique touristique, Tlayacapan, magique ville.
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Jeliazkova, Maria. « Poverty in Bulgaria : Dimensions, policies and analyses ». Socioloski pregled 55, no 1 (2021) : 130–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg55-30307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article discusses poverty in Bulgaria through the prism of the correspondence between the unfavorable wellbeing rates, the implemented policy's measures and the state of analyses in the field. By presenting existing national and EU comparative statistics, analyzing policy documents and outlining limits and prevailing bias in the scientific research on the subject, it argues that the three aspects are functionally consistent and that overcoming the high levels of poverty in the country needs reconsidered and mobilizing actions aimed at: a) better consistency among policies in different fields (economic, social, tax, insurance, labor market, environmental, etc.); and b) knowledge-based development focused on adequate addressing of structural generators of poverty.
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Merle, Marcel. « Les élections législatives de mars 1978 et la politique extérieure de la France ». Études internationales 9, no 4 (12 avril 2005) : 467–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700890ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The international aspect of electoral consultations is too often neglected by researchers. In the specific case of France, observation shows that international stakes have already played an important role in other circumstances (notably in 1973). In 1978, the confrontation opposing the majority in power and the leftist opposition was played out, in part, on international problems. The defeat of the left has certainly multiple causes ; but the rupture which weakened the opposition occurred, initially, because of questions of foreign policy ; as for the incumbent majority, it found in the continuity of foreign policy its best arguments with public opinion. Just as foreign policy was able to contribute, in a certain way, to electoral results, the latter could have a certain influence on the course of French foreign policy. This case study suggests the need for further comparative research in order to draw up a typology of electoral consultations, according to whether or not they involve an external stake, but also to define more precisely the ambiguous concept of foreign policy — which may not be reduced, as the French electoral campaign of 1978 proves, to problems of alliances and defense only.
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MIHAI, Nicoleta. « DES EMPRUNTS LEXICAUX ET SÉMANTIQUES DANS LE LANGAGE DE LA POLITIQUE EXTÉRIEURE ». Studii și cercetări de onomastică și lexicologie 28, no 1-2 (12 février 2022) : 280–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/scol.2021.1-2.18.
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"The research analyses some lexical and semantic aspects of the foreign policy and international politics vocabulary which is used in on-line media. Although we focus especially on the loans from English and French, we also analyse some words from other languages borrowed in Romanian through English."
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Tossutti, Livianna S. « Municipal Roles in Immigrant Settlement, Integration and Cultural Diversity ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no 3 (septembre 2012) : 607–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391200073x.
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Abstract. This article examines municipal government roles in immigrant settlement, integration and cultural diversity in six of Canada's most diverse cities. Drawing on documentary and interview evidence, the review of corporate initiatives in Vancouver, Abbotsford, Calgary, Edmonton, Toronto and Brampton addresses three areas: the position or profile of these issues on the municipal government agenda; diversity, human rights and anti-racism policies for city institutions and the broader community; and access and equity policies. The inventory provides the data for a proposed local-scale typology that classifies and distinguishes among cities according to the normative premises underlying the official recognition of cultural differences in the public sphere, the types and extent of initiatives and the locus of bureaucratic authority for these issues. The analysis identified distinct approaches at the sub-state level. Toronto was the only city that has fully embraced a multicultural approach recognizing cultural diversity in most or all aspects of its corporate policies and structures and which grants collective rights to members of disadvantaged groups. The intercultural or civic universalist approaches prevailed in most study sites. Just three cities have developed comprehensive and relatively centralized approaches to these issues. The results suggest that sub-state authorities will not necessarily adopt the discourse and policy responses associated with state-level multiculturalism.Résumé. Cet article examine les approches des gouvernements municipaux dans six municipalités diverses du canada en ce qui concerne l'établissement des immigrants, l'intégration et la diversité culturelle. L'inventaire des initiatives au niveau de l'entreprise à Vancouver, Abbotsford, Calgary, Edmonton, Toronto et Brampton s'adressent à trois secteurs : la position ou le profil d'établissement des immigrants, l'intégration/problèmes de diversité dans le programme du gouvernement municipal; la diversité, les droits de l'Homme et les politiques anti- racisme pour les institutions de la ville et la communauté dans son ensemble; et les politiques d'accès et d'équité. L'inventaire forme la base d'une typologie à échelle locale qui est structurée en trois parties : les prémisses normatives fondamentales soulignant la reconnaissance officielle des différences culturelles dans la sphère publique; les types et l'étendue des initiatives et le lieu d'autorité bureaucratique de ces problèmes. L'analyse de preuves documentaires et d'entrevues a identifié des approches distinctes à l'établissement des immigrants, l'intégration et la diversité culturelle. Toronto était la seule ville a approuver entièrement l'approche multiculturelle qui reconnaît la diversité culturelle et tous les aspects de ses politiques et de ses structures d'entreprise, tout en accordant des droits collectifs aux membres de groupes défavorisés. Les approches interculturelles ou universelles ont prévalu dans la plupart de sites d'études. Juste deux villes ont développé des approches complètes et relativement centralisées à ces problèmes. Les résultats suggèrent que les autorités de sous-état n'adopteront pas nécessairement les réponses de discours et politique qui sont associé avec le multiculturalisme d'état-niveau.
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Sheikh, Munir A., Patrick Grady et Paul H. Lapointe. « L’efficacité de la politique budgétaire en économie ouverte ». Articles 56, no 4 (21 janvier 2009) : 499–534. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/600944ar.
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Abstract The debate between keynesians and monetarists on the effectiveness of fiscal policy has been going for quite a long time, and all efforts to resolve it have met with little success. While everyone would agree that the controversy can only be resolved on empirical grounds, there is no agreement among the two schools as to what constitutes an appropriate test of their respective theories. In this paper, a small macroeconomic model has been developed which incorporates the major elements of the keynesian-monetarist debate and which can produce either keynesian or monetarist results, depending upon the values taken by the particular sets of coefficients. The model has not been estimated and is not designed, therefore, to evaluate the actual impact of fiscal policy measures in Canada. Rather the coefficients of the model have been either borrowed from existing models or set a priori, in order to identify those aspects or parameters of the model which are most important in determining the effectiveness of fiscal policy. Simulations performed with the model indicate a number of factors that are critical in producing either Keynesian or monetarist results. These are: 1) the expected—real—interest elasticity of private real investment; 2) the substitutability between government bonds, money and other assets; 3) the specification of wage behaviour and the degree of influence of price expectations; 4) the sensitivity of nominal interest rates to changes in the inflationary expectations; 5) the extent to which future taxes are anticipated by consumers and 6) the mechanism for determining the price of exports.
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Loyola, Maria Andréa. « Sida, santé publique et politique du médicament au Brésil : autonomie ou dépendance ? » Sciences sociales et santé 27, no 3 (2009) : 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/sosan.2009.1928.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Aids, public health and drug policy : autonomy or dependency ? Brazilian policy on Aids stands as a “ model” whose originality stems from the production of generic drugs for facilitating all patients’ access to treatments and therapies. This model, elaborated within state bureaucracies, has been inspired by the “ sanitary” movement which emerged in 1970’ s, with an aim at promoting health as a fundamental human right that must be guaranteed by the state. Brazilian policy on Aids has also been highlighted for the transformations it has brought about in the relations between national industry and large multinational pharmaceutical firms. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with various actors who have played strategic roles within Brazilian health system and economic bureaucracy from 1960’ s onwards, we will display the multiple interactions between public health policy, war on Aids, and drug policy. We will notably examine the complex configurations within which the issue of autonomy versus dependence of Brazilian pharmaceutical industry has been raised.
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Aubert-Marson, D. « L’eugénisme : une idéologie scientifique et politique ». Éthique & ; Santé 8, no 3 (septembre 2011) : 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.etiqe.2010.12.002.
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JUVAN, JELENA. « THE FUTURE OF THE COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY AND SMALL MEMBER STATES ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/3 (17 septembre 2021) : 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.3.5.
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Povzetek Dvaindvajset let po srečanju na vrhu v Kölnu, ki velja za zgodovinsko za SVOP, danes še vedno ne moremo govoriti o popolnoma funkcionalni in operativni SVOP. Prispevek analizira PESCO, CARD, CDP in EDF ter nekatere najpomembnejše težave evropskega obrambnega prizorišča, ki mu primanjkuje skladnosti in ostaja razdrobljeno v številnih vidikih. Države članice še vedno namenjajo veliko več finančnih sredstev za druge varnostne okvire, ki niso del EU, kot je na primer Nato. Prav tako države članice ohranjajo nacionalni fokus na področju obrambnega načrtovanja in v resnici zelo slabo izpolnjujejo dane obljube. Vprašanje je, kaj in koliko v trenutni evropski arhitekturi majhna država članica sploh lahko doseže. Prispevek osvetli vlogo majhnih držav skozi institucijo predsedovanja Evropskemu svetu. Ključne besede SVOP, Slovenija, PESCO, CARD, EDF. Abstract Twenty-two years after the EC meeting in Cologne where the CSDP came to life, we still cannot talk about a fully functional and operational CSDP. This article reflects on PESCO, CARD, the CDP and the EDF, and on some of the main issues in the European defence landscape today, which continues to be fragmented and lacks coherence in several aspects. Member States are still investing more in non-EU frameworks such as NATO, and still retain a national focus in their defence planning, showing very little discipline in meeting the commitments that they have undertaken. The question arises of what a small state can achieve in the current European architecture, if anything. The role of the small state is reflected through the Presidency of the European Council. Key words CSDP, Slovenia, PESCO, CARD, EDF.
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Francesconi, Denis, Barbara Gross et Evi Agostini. « Facets of primary and secondary school students' wellbeing during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic : A qualitative analysis of Austrian and Italian educational policy ». Psiholoska istrazivanja 24, no 2 (2021) : 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/psistra24-32602.
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The coronavirus pandemic has revealed the limits of current social and educational structures. In most countries, COVID-19 has compromised the wellbeing of students, but also of their families and teachers. During the first wave of the pandemic, school systems all over the world had to respond quickly and appropriately to the systemic shock it represented, and countries put a variety of different policy measures in place to tackle its extensive impact. The theoretical framework adopted in this paper is a critical perspective and the policy framework is the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); it provides a qualitative analysis of selected educational policies deployed by Italy and Austria to support the wellbeing of school pupils. The two countries deployed different education governance and emergency management strategies, in particular during the first wave of the pandemic. We applied our theoretical and policy frameworks to qualitative content analysis of educational policy documents from February to the end of August 2020, aiming to evaluate the responses to crisis of different education systems and potentially to support their improvement. The overall research question was: How did educational policies in Italy and Austria support students' wellbeing during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic? The results confirm that the Italian and Austrian systems had different strategies to support wellbeing and put different initiatives in place. However, educational policies in both countries, and especially Italy, had a stronger focus on the physical wellbeing of individual students during the period under study, and tended to neglect social wellbeing. The paper concludes by reflecting on the opportunities presented by this emergency for school systems to position wellbeing (in the broader sense of eudaimonic wellbeing) at the centre of educational policy
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Seminatore, Irnerio. « Interdependance, linkage et système international : de l'analyse conceptuelle aux problèmes de politique étrangère ». Études internationales 18, no 2 (12 avril 2005) : 329–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702166ar.
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The emergence and evolution of the literature dealing with interdependence in the international System is looked into. An attempt is made to show its significance and main points as well as its implications. The debates on interdependence within the North-American political context are regarded as solutions to the preceding issues on dependence. Interesting passages are dedicated to the impact of the interdependence theory on the interpretation of the international system, as illustrated by two schools of thought in foreign policy (Kissinger-Brzezinski). Linkage of the tactical and strategic aspects to the economic and political interrelation of international relations, as put forward by policy makers, has brought to the fore the difficulties and limits of negotiation in the face of competition and in the aftermath of confrontation. This paper offers subtle, yet positive, conclusions on the use of the interdependance theory in international policy.
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Keenleyside, T. A., B. E. Burton et W. C. Soderlund. « La presse et la politique étrangère canadienne ». Études internationales 18, no 3 (12 avril 2005) : 501–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702208ar.
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This article reports on the findings of what appears to be the first content analysis of all aspects of Canadian press coverage of Canadian foreign relations. Six major/newspapers were chosen on the basis of national significance and linguistic and regional considerations: the Halifax Chronicle-Herald, Le Devoir (Montréal), La Presse (Montréal), the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto Globe and Mail and the Vancouver Sun. During the period studied (the last quarter of 1982), these newspapers averaged nearly nine items per issue on Canadian foreign relations and relied predominantly on Canadian sources for their material. However, there was a relative lack of analytic coverage and only a limited number of items that adopted supportive or critical positions on the various issues in Canadian foreign policy. Commercial matters received both the most extensive and the most sophisticated treatment, while the reporting of political subjects was generally less detailed and often superficial. In terms of relationships, that with the United States was arguably the only one to receive adequate coverage, while from the standpoint of issues there were several that received insufficient attention, such an environmental problems in relations with the United States, Canadian concerns at the United Nations, and international developmental matters. One of the most notable differences in coverage among the papers studied was the variation found in the attention paid to the international role of Quebec, which received only scant attention in the English-language press but was the single most frequently coded theme in the Quebec newspapers. While analytic coverage was found to be more extensive and profound in the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse than in the other three papers, the authors in general agree with De Montigny Marchand that Canadian newspapers are "an uncertain intellectual force in the definition and interpretation of Canadian foreign policy".
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Le Gall, Jean-Marc. « La France en mouvement ? » Études Tome 407, no 11 (1 novembre 2007) : 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.075.0463.
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Résumé La réussite du nouvel exécutif repose sur sa capacité à obtenir des résultats crédibles sur les deux sujets qui minent la confiance des Français en l’avenir : le dynamisme de l’emploi et la pérennité de la protection sociale ; faute de quoi les citoyens ne retiendraient de la politique menée que ses aspects les plus conservateurs et inégalitaires.
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Burrows, Mathew. « ‘Mission Civilisatrice’ : French Cultural Policy in the Middle East, 1860–1914 ». Historical Journal 29, no 1 (mars 1986) : 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018641.
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Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoirs du civilisé envers des populations plus arriérées.’ Since then academics both in France and outside have tended to concentrate (in what few works have been written on French colonialism) on the political and economic aspects of the French Empire to the detriment of its cultural components.
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Davis, Charles H. « L’UNESCO et la promotion des politiques scientifiques nationales en Afrique sub-saharienne, 1960-1979 ». Études internationales 14, no 4 (12 avril 2005) : 621–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701577ar.
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In the last two decades many African states established science policy institutions inspired, directly or indirectly, by the promotional activities of UNESCO. This paper examines certain aspects of UNESCO's science policy assistance activities in Africa and describes the science policy devices that are proposed to African states inapproximately 45 mission reports. While the principal function of science policy is supposed to be to increase the utility of national scientific and technical resources, science policy assistance takes place within contexts that lend other kinds of significance to it. Three factors that have contributed to the expansion of UNESCO-promoted science policy bodies in Africa are discussed: entrepreneurial initiatives on the part of UNESCO, the volontarist-managerial approach to domestic political decision-making offered by the UNESCO science policy paradigm, and assistance relations between donors and African clients.
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Jacquier, Claude. « Vingt ans de politique des quartiers aux États-Unis. Entre rêve et cauchemar ». Revue française d'administration publique 71, no 1 (1994) : 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1994.2835.
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Twenty Years of Urban Districts’ Policy in the United States -Between Dream and Nightmare The United States are undergoing a deep urban crisis. It has a strictly urban aspect as far as it hits the downtown centers and the first urbanised circle. It is also a social crisis, because of the remaining poverty and the difficulties of integrating minorities. Successive democrat and republican administrations have proposed different solutions during the last thirty years, sometimes stressing the budgetary means available for communities, sometimes the role of private actors in a market economy, without great success. At the heart of the crisis, it is nevertheless possible to find developing communities which show a quite remarkable dynamism.
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Wharton, Chris, et John Fenwick. « Real urban images : policy and culture in northern Britain ». Culture and Local Governance 4, no 1 (20 décembre 2012) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/clg-cgl.v4i1.824.
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Abstract: This paper explores recent attempts to re-imagine and re-brand northern British cities through processes of economic and (mainly) cultural regeneration. It analyses the creation of new contemporary urban images and presentations and compares these with the economic, social and cultural life experiences of people living in the areas. It examines the process of recharacterising former industrial conurbations as being at the cutting edge of contemporary, postmodern culture. A range of features is identified here within similar political, economic and policy contexts: deindustrialisation and regeneration driven by local business and political elites; emphasis on culture as spectacle to the exclusion of other cultural configurations; reliance on tourism and advertising, hyper consumption and leisure as determining aspects of the local economy; and the reorganisation of city populations. Keywords: Visual culture; city; Britain; cultural policy; cultural regeneration Résumé: Cet article explore les tentatives récentes de ré-imaginer et de « re-brander » les villes du nord de la Grande-Bretagne par le biais de stratégies de régénération urbaine mettant principalement l’accent sur les interventions de nature culturelle. Cet article met en relief la recomposition du paysage visuel urbain des villes du nord pour les contraster avec les conditions économiques, sociales et culturelles qui caractérisent l’existence et l’expérience des citadins qui y vivent. En particulier, il s’agit notamment d’examiner les pratiques et le processus de redéfinition des espaces industriels en lieux qui incarnent le contemporain et l’avant-garde de la culture postmoderne. De ces observations, on constate des similitudes dans les moyens utilisés par les autorités dans des contextes qui partagent les mêmes conditions politiques et économiques, à savoir : la régénération entendue comme un projet porté par les élites politiques et économiques locales; un accent mis sur la culture « spectacle » au détriment d’une compréhension et d’un usage plus inclusif de cette dernière; un accent marqué sur les activités de promotion touristique; l’hyperconsommation et le loisir en tant que moyens de développement local; et la réorganisation et la recomposition de la population urbaine comme conséquence de ces mobilisations de la culture. Mots clé : Culture visuelle, ville; Grande-Bretagne; politiques culturelles; régénération urbaine
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Sandal, Nukhet A., Enyu Zhang, Carolyn C. James et Patrick James. « Poliheuristic Theory and Crisis Decision Making : A Comparative Analysis of Turkey with China ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no 1 (mars 2011) : 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910001083.
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Abstract.Poliheuristic theory (PH) is an innovative attempt to conceptualize decision making in a way that recognizes patterns deriving from both cognitive and rational schools of thought about how foreign policy is made. Crisis decision making, a setting in which the political aspects emphasized by PH can be expected to operate, is the subject of this article. The study focuses on Turkey and China, two important states that frequently are characterized as sui generis and possibly unsuited to comparative analysis in the context of any overarching theory. As will become apparent, PH is capable of explaining crisis decision making for China and Turkey and the common pattern we explore is perhaps only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to cross-national application of the theory within the crisis domain.Résumé.La théorie poliheuristique (PH) est une tentative novatrice de concevoir la prise de décision en reconnaissant l'apport des modes de comportement issus des écoles de pensée cognitive et rationnelle. Cet article porte sur la politique étrangère en temps de crise et offre un cadre politique au sein duquel les modes de comportement identifiés par la théorie poliheuristique devraient normalement opérer. Plus particulièrement, l'étude se concentre sur le cas de la Chine et de la Turquie, deux États souvent considérés comme singuliers et possiblement inadaptés à l'analyse théorique de la politique étrangère comparée. Toutefois, comme cet article le démontre, la PH est en mesure d'expliquer de manière comparée la prise de décision de la Chine et de la Turquie en temps de crise. Les conclusions de recherche laissent penser que cette étude pourrait bien être le prélude de nombreuses recherches employant la PH dans le domaine de la politique étrangère comparée en temps de crise.
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Aubry, Régis, Cynthia Fleury et Jean-François Delfraissy. « Les enjeux éthiques du vieillissement ». Études Juillet-Août, no 7 (21 juin 2018) : 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.4251.0043.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Un avis récent du Comité consultatif national d’éthique (CCNE) 1 éclaire les soubassements éthiques de la politique d’accompagnement du vieillissement. Le champ de son questionnement est vaste. Aussi, nous avons fait le choix de nous focaliser sur un des aspects : la « concentration » des personnes âgées entre elles dans des établissements dits d’hébergement qui sont devenus, souvent à leur corps défendant, leurs résidences définitives et jusqu’à la fin de leur vie.
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Vidal, Laurent. « La réduction du risque politique ». Sciences sociales et santé Vol. 27, no 4 (1 décembre 2009) : 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1684/sss.2009.0402.
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JABOT, Françoise, Jean TURGEON et Michel LEGROS. « L'évaluation des politiques de santé : Une analyse comparative de cas français, québécois et suisse ». Management international 10, no 2 (2006) : 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.59876/a-dbqk-2785.
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This article examines three evaluations of health policies adopted during the 1990s: the Politique des programmes regionaux de sante (policy on regional health programs) in Nord Pas-de-Calais (France), the Policy on Health and Well-Being in Quebec (Canada) and the Planification sanitaire (qualitative health planning) for the canton of Geneva (Switzerland). A comparison is carried out on three aspects: 1 ) the scope of the evaluative questioning, 2) the steering of the process, and 3) the methods chosen. Using a qualitative and participative approach, these evaluations focus on the implementation of the policies, leaving aside the question of effects on citizens' health. What might seem a weakness in the evaluation is very likely more of an adjustment between the evaluative procedure and the issues involved with these policies, the strategy of which is based on the involvement and adhesion of their actors. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]
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Chappell, Neena L. « Gerontological Research in the '90s : Strengths, Weaknesses and Contributions to Policy ». Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 14, S1 (1995) : 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0714980800005407.
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RÉSUMÉCet article discute en premier lieu de cinq aspects des années 1990 qui caractérisent le contexte social de la recherche gérontologique et distinguent cette décennie des précédentes. Ces aspects sont les suivants: la gérontologie a atteint sa maturité; une définition élargie de la santé est enfin acceptée; le rôle de la recherche en élaboration de politiques et de programmes est reconnu; la recherche appliquée est acceptée; et on est plus conscient des coûts dans divers secteurs, y compris dans celui de la recherche où les résultats doivent être précis et utilisables. On y traite ensuite de la redécouverte de la recherche qualitative qui, espère-t-on, répondra à bon nombre de questions. Cette forme de recherche comporte beaucoup de possibilités, même si celle-ci, n'étant pas un panachée, devrait complimenter et non remplacer les méthodes quantitatives traditionnelles. La section suivante aborde la question à savoir si l'on dispose de suffisamment de connaissances pour déterminer que des recherches ne sont pas nécessaires, et la sensibilisation des gens quant aux limitations de tout projet de recherche. Finalement, l'article traite des possibilités de la recherche en collaboration et des moyens pratiques pour la concrétiser.
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Vidal, Laurent. « La réduction du risque politique (Commentaire) ». Sciences sociales et santé 27, no 4 (2009) : 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/sosan.2009.1944.
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Dewachter, Wilfried. « Peilen naar de politieke kennis van de Belgische burgers ». Res Publica 35, no 2 (30 juin 1993) : 237–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v35i2.18804.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The available studies and opinion polls are examined for indications of the degree and the content of political knowledge of the Belgian citizens. Political knowledge differs strikingly depending on the components of decision making : political parties, office bolders and their competence, power relations, institutional settings, pressure groups, corporatism and policy measures. Proceeding from personification to content and from more important to less important aspects, the knowledge declines noticeably. A marked portion of the populationshows a lack of even the most elementary knowledge.
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Dierickx, Guido, Caroline Gijselinckx et Peter Thijssen. « Culturele deprivatie en politieke aliënatie : Een tussentijds rapport ». Res Publica 38, no 3-4 (31 décembre 1996) : 631–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i3-4.18615.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the distinctions proposed by Gamson and Easton the complex phenomenon of political alienation among the young was empirically subdivided in several dimensions. Within the 'input'dimension of political alienation we distinguished between the ability to process information and the ability to participate. Within the 'output'dimension we distinguished between two referents of distrust, political actors and authorities on the one hand, and the political (democratic) system on the other. We succeeded in constructing reliable scales for each of these dimensions which were then used as dependent variables in regression models. When turning to the explanation of the phenomenon our attention was focused first and foremost on the cultural factors. This was amply rewarded. Some of the normative aspects of culture, namely 'presenteism' and 'dionysianism', have a significant influence on various dimensions of political alienation. The impact of cognitive aspects appears to be even more significant. This means that an effective policy to counter the rise of political alienation wilt have to cope with a phenomenon solidly embedded in contemporary culture.
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Esposti, Roberto. « I biocarburanti tra mercati internazionali, politiche e Wto ». QA Rivista dell'Associazione Rossi-Doria, no 4 (décembre 2009) : 57–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qu2009-004003.
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- Much has been written on the alleged negative impact of rapidly growing biofuel production on agricultural markets and prices. Within a longer-term perspective one critical aspect in this respect is the limited development of biofuel international trade observed thus far. Due mainly to the combination of strong support for domestic production and trade barriers in most of the key-countries, this limited openness in trade not only reduces the growth potentials of the biofuel sector but may also aggravate its negative fallout on the agricultural markets. In this article we analyse the international biofuel trade starting from its implications for the associated markets (of agricultural and energy products) and focusing on the role of current promotion policies, the possible policy alternatives and the contribution that the Wto can make (as well as the problems it may come up against) to improve international biofuel trade. EconLit Classification: Q110, O130, Q420
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Jobin, Guy. « Le « spirituel », le biomédical et le politique ». Sciences Sociales et Santé 34, no 1 (mars 2016) : 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1684/sss.2016.0102.
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Jobin, Guy. « Le « spirituel », le biomédical et le politique ». Sciences sociales et santé 34, no 1 (2016) : 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sss.341.0031.
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BRANDáƒO, BEATRIZ, et JONATAS CARVALHO. « "PROGRAMA DE BRAá‡OS ABERTOS" E AS POLáTICAS DE DROGAS NA SOCIEDADE DE CONTROLE : um diálogo histórico-antropológico ». Outros Tempos : Pesquisa em Foco - História 14, no 24 (21 décembre 2017) : 184–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v14i24.606.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumo: O presente artigo tem por objetivo compreender alguns caminhos percorridos no contexto da polática de drogas dentro de uma sociedade do controle, apresentando e problematizando esses dois conceitos. Para tal, foi analisado um programa polático que foge das correntes definições e práticas encontradas até então: o Programa de Braços Abertos (DBA) implementado na gestão de Fernando Haddad, entre os anos de 2014 e 2016, na região da Cracolá¢ndia, em São Paulo. A região é reconhecida pelas intervenções poláticas com a prática higienista e compulsória, que vão de encontro á s liberdades individuais. A fim de compreender a nova visão e ação trazida pelo DBA frente a uma repetição histórica de gerências e operações, houve uma reflexão sobre a biopolática, a atuação dos programas pastores e o lugar do DBA dentro do conjunto de tecnologias do dispositivo droga. Nesse tocante, outro objetivo desenvolvido foi situar as novas ordenações dos modelos de tratamento, como a Redução de Danos e as Comunidades Terapêuticas. Palavras-chave: Polática de Drogas. Programas Pastores. Redução de Danos. Comunidades Terapêuticas. Cracolá¢ndia. De Braços Abertos.”THE OPEN ARMS PROGRAM” AND DRUGS POLITICS AT THE CONTROL SOCIETY”: a historical-anthropological dialogue. Abstract: The purpose of this article is to comprehend some of the directions taken in the context of drug policy within a control society, presenting and problematizing these two concepts. For that, a political program was analyzed that is distinct from the current definitions and practices found until now. The program to be analyzed is the ”Programa de Braços Abertos (DBA)”, which was implemented under the management of Fernando Haddad, between 2014 and 2016, in the region of ”Cracolá¢ndia”, in São Paulo. This region is recognized by the political interventions with the hygienist and compulsory practices that go against individual freedoms. In order to understand the new vision and action brought by the DBA against a historical repetition of managements and operations, there was a reflection on biopolitics, the work of pastoral programs and the place of DBA within the set of drug device technologies. At this point, another objective developed was to stablish the new ordinances of treatment models, such as Harm Reduction and Therapeutic Communities.Keywords: Drug Policy. Pastoral Programs. Harm Reduction. Therapeutic Communities. Cracolá¢ndia. De Braços Abertos. "PROGRAMA DE BRAZOS ABIERTOS" Y LAS POLáTICAS DE DROGAS EN LA SOCIEDAD DE CONTROL: un diálogo histórico-antropológico Resumen: El presente artáculo tiene por objetivo comprender algunos caminos recorridos en el contexto de la polática de drogas dentro de una sociedad del control, presentando y problematizando esos dos conceptos. Para ello, se analizó un programa polático que huye de las corrientes definiciones y prácticas encontradas hasta entonces: el Programa de Brazos Abiertos (DBA) implementado en la gestión de Fernando Haddad, entre los años 2014 y 2016, en la región de Cracolá¢ndia, en São Paulo. La región es reconocida por las intervenciones poláticas con la práctica higienista y obligatoria, que van en contra de las libertades individuales. A fin de comprender la nueva visión y acción traáda por el DBA frente a una repetición histórica de gerencias y operaciones, hubo una reflexión sobre la biopolática, la actuación de los programas pastores y el lugar del DBA dentro del conjunto de tecnologáas del dispositivo droga. En este contexto, otro objetivo desarrollado fue situar las nuevas ordenaciones de los modelos de tratamiento, como la Reducción de Daños y las Comunidades Terapéuticas.Palabras clave: Polática de Drogas. Programas Pastores. Reducción de Daños. Comunidades Terapéuticas. Cracolá¢ndia. De Brazos Abiertos. ”LE PROGRAMME ဠBRAS OUVERTS” ET LES POLITIQUES DE DROGUES DANS LA SOCIÉTÉ DE CONTRá”LE: un dialogue historico-anthropologiqueRésume: Cet article vise á étudier quelques cheminements empruntés par la politique des drogues dans le contexte d”™une société de contrôle, tout en présentant et en problématisant ces deux concepts. Pour cela, les auteurs se concentrent sur un programme politique qui échappe aux définitions courantes et aux pratiques identifiées jusqu”™á présent: le programme « ဠBras Ouverts (DBA) » implanté au cours du mandat du préfet Fernando Haddad, entre les années 2014 et 2016, dans la région de la cracolá¢ndia, á São Paulo. Cette région est réputée pour avoir fait l”™objet d”™interventions politiques inspirées par les pratiques hygiénistes, fondées sur la contrainte et qui vont á l”™encontre des libertés individuelles. Afin de comprendre la nouvelle vision et les nouvelles pratiques promues par le DBA, par contraste avec la répétition des programmes et actions antérieurs, les auteurs réfléchissent sur les formes de la biopolitique, le rôle des « programmes pastoraux », et la place du DBA á l”™intérieur d”™un ensemble de technologies propres aux dispositifs de gouvernement des drogues. Un autre aspect de leur travail consiste á examiner les nouveaux impératifs contenus dans ces modá¨les de traitement comme la Réduction des Risques et les Communautés thérapeutiques.Mots-clés: Politique des Drogues. Programmes Pastoraux. Réductions de Risques. Communautés thérapeutiques. Cracolá¢ndia. De Braços Abertos