Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Police administration – European Union countries – International cooperation »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Police administration – European Union countries – International cooperation"
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Gaona Prieto, Rodrigo, Andrés De Castro et José-Ignacio Antón. « Evaluation of a training program of African gendarmes' in Spain under the European Union GAR-SI Sahel project ». Policing : An International Journal 45, no 2 (2 février 2022) : 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-06-2021-0082.
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PurposeThis article provides the first assessment of the training program of African gendarmes from the so-called Sahel countries in the Special Training Center of the Spanish Civil Guard in Spain. This action is part of the European Union GAR-SI Sahel project, embedded in the framework of the international cooperation of the European Union with Africa and aims to create effective counter-terrorism police tactical units in the area.Design/methodology/approachThe study exploits instructors' assessment on the evolution of the 167 participants over the program from 2017 to 2019 and the satisfaction of attendants with the training action, using 22 Likert-type items and an open question. It employs both quantitative tools (descriptive and inferential statistical methods and multivariate techniques) and qualitative methods (content analysis of participants' comments).FindingsThe research finds evidence of a high participants' performance according to trainers and large levels of satisfaction among participants. The authors also discuss the differences found by country of origin and rank of the gendarmes who participated in the trainings.Originality/valueThis study is the first to provide an evaluation of the police training actions embedded GAR-SI Sahel project, part of much larger initiative of cooperation of the European Union with Africa.
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Gänzle, Stefan, Dominic Stead, Franziska Sielker et Tobias Chilla. « Macro-regional Strategies, Cohesion Policy and Regional Cooperation in the European Union : Towards a Research Agenda ». Political Studies Review 17, no 2 (13 juin 2018) : 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918781982.
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Since 2009, the European Union has developed strategies for the Baltic Sea, Danube, Adriatic-Ionian and Alpine macro-regions. These macro-regional strategies represent a new tool of European Union governance that seeks to combine the community’s territorial cooperation and cohesion policy repertoire with intergovernmental ‘regional cooperation’ involving European Union member and partner countries. By establishing comprehensive governance architectures for cross-sectoral and trans-boundary policy coordination in areas such as transport infrastructure and environmental protection, macro-regional strategies seek to mobilise European Union member and non-member states alike in promoting and harmonising territorial and trans-governmental cooperation. Both the macro-regional strategies and the macro-regions themselves have been met with increasing interest across several disciplines, including geography, regional planning, political science and public administration, triggering questions and debates on issues such as their impacts on existing practices of territorial cooperation and their relation to previously established forms of regional cooperation. Authored by scholars based in the above-mentioned fields of study, this contribution seeks to take stock of research on the subject to date, reflect on conceptual starting points and highlight new directions for future research in the political sciences.
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Glushchenko, A. A. « Overview of international COVID-19 vaccines development and administration programs ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 1 (2022) : 58–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.03.
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The pandemic caused by the spread of the novel coronavirus has presented challenges to the international community that it has never faced before. The high rate of spread of the infection and the economic, social and political challenges associated with it have pushed individual states and international organisations to the limit in proposing the most effective methods to combat the pandemic. The article examines various examples of government support for vaccine development programs in the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, China and Russia, as well as the specifics of using COVID-19 vaccination programs in these countries. Based on the data presented in the article, it is concluded that government support for these programs become one of the most effective ways to increase the availability of vaccines for large-scale vaccination of citizens. Particular attention is paid to aspects of the regulatory environment for vaccine approval in a time of pandemic, the financing of vaccination programs, and international cooperation at WHO and UN level to counter the novel coronavirus pandemic. Additionally, the article analyzes contracts for the supply of vaccines in the United States, the European Union and the United Kingdom. Based on the data presented in the article, a conclusion is drawn about the possible reasons for the delays in the supply of vaccines under contracts concluded by the countries of the European Union. The results of this study can be used in the future to plan other vaccine development programs and strengthen government policy in the field of combating infectious diseases, strengthening public and private partnerships in the health sector.
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Fjær, Svanaug. « Article ». Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 15, no 5-6 (octobre 1998) : 262–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1455072598015005-604.
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Svanaug Fjær: The European Union and Drug Policy. Integration through control and production of knowledge In this article the influence of EU initiatives on national drug policies is discussed with special attention paid to the separation between control and prevention in drug policy. At national levels, policy administration is separated between the ministries responsible for treatment and prevention and the ministries responsible for control and punishment. This separation is parallel to the division established by the pillar structure of the Treaty of the European Union. A study of the Europeanization processes at the central administration level in Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands showed that the growth in co-operative activity in the EU has been largest in the Ministries of Justice, while, due to establishment of focal points in the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), the growth in the health sector has happened in administrative bodies outside of the ministries. The networks which are developed and the means available are different in the justice and health sectors. In the third pillar (justice), practical and technical cooperation have developed in the form of EUROPOL and the Early Warning System on Synthetic Drugs. Sharing of information and the development of a common knowledge-base seems to be the basis of first-pillar (health) cooperation. In the three countries studied the Ministries of Health, which traditionally have had a central position at the national level, seem to have been allotted a less important role in the international co-operation. It is, however, argued that the impact of co-operation in the EM-CDDA should not be underestimated. Both common control and the development of a European base of knowledge contribute to the integration process in the drug field, but the premises for the process are set by the demand for control.
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Czech, Mirosław. « Współpraca samorządu terytorialnego z organami administracji rządowej w zakresie realizacji inwestycji drogowych ». Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no 2 (2022) : 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.2.3.
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With Poland's accession to the European Union in 2004, the visible institutional and legal differences between our country and Western Europe began to blur. The establishment of the European Administrative Space, as a general model of public administration aiming at similar or common administrative solutions, influenced the development of public administration and its organisational structures. In Poland, as in most European countries, the system of local government is based on the principle of dualism, i.e.: some local tasks are performed directly by the government administration subordinated to the relevant ministers, while the remaining tasks are performed by the local government representing the interests of a particular local community. The aim of the article is to discuss the issue of mutual cooperation between the government administration with representatives of local governments on the example of realization of investments. The aim of the article is to discuss the issue of mutual cooperation of the government administration with the representatives of local self-governments, on the example of implementation of investments of international and national importance, such as key linear road investments planned to be carried out, which run through the territory of Poland and to present the conflicts of interests of the local society with the global benefits of the state, which are often fundamentally different and not always properly understood. The intensive development of road transport infrastructure currently taking place in Poland, with the participation of EU policy, has a significant impact on the economic development of micro-regions managed by local self-governments.
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Prikhodko, Oleg. « US – EU : new priorities in the transatlantic relations ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, no 4 (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017913-1.
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The European Union is an important player in the U.S. policies aimed at maintaining liberal world order. The US-EU interaction has been shaped by a number of key variables, including international environment, specific goals of the U.S. administrations, institutional maturing of the EU, and a complex interplay of American and European diverging and overlapping interests. President D. Trump’s tenure was the most strained period in the US-EU relations, with an erosion of mutual trust and a ghost of trade war looming large. The Biden administration has reversed the U.S. policy towards the European Union. The US-EU summit held last June signified a return of normality in the relations of the transatlantic partners. Washington and Brussels outlined a broad agenda that embraces security, trade and economic issues, coordination in international affairs (concerning, in particular, Russia, China, and Iran), cooperation in decarbonizing of the world economy and promotion of a climate-friendly environment. A broad web of links between the United States and Europe facilitates their joining efforts in addressing global and regional challenges. Although, the US and the EU reached a series of compromises to mitigate their most acrimonious disagreements (Boeing–Airbus subsidies dispute is a vivid example in this regard), there are still unsettled major issues like a comprehensive free trade treaty unsuccessfully negotiated since the Obama presidency. The “Chinese factor” may turn out to be the most divisive one in the transatlantic relations, since the U.S. tough policy towards Beijing makes the EU countries to take hard decisions they prefer to avoid. While it is premature to predict precise implications of the Biden administration’s policy, one can reasonably expect the EU to become a more helpful partner to Washington in diplomatic and economic affairs.
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Kryvonos, Roman. « What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 704–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46.
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The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option. It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states. Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.
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Postuła, Marta, et Jacek Tomkiewicz. « Consequences of Fiscal Adjustment and Public Finance Management. The Costs of Limiting the Fiscal Imbalance in Eurozone Countries ». Central European Journal of Public Policy 13, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cejpp-2019-0001.
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Abstract This article focuses on the effects of corrections to the budgetary policy in eurozone economies. The goal of the text is to check if advancement in implementing modern tools of public management is helpful in the time of fiscal adjustment. We assume that the most important role of a performance approach in conducting fiscal policy is the ability of government to implement active policy meant as structural changes in the composition of public expenditures. In the case of the need to cut general levels of public spending, public sector managers who have knowledge of performance effects of public policies should be able to conduct fiscal adjustment in such a way as to minimise negative outcomes of spending correction on society. The structure of the text is as follows. First, we present some insights on the economic effects of fiscal adjustment. Then, we discuss the concept of performance management presented in the theory and policy agendas of international institutions such as the European Union or the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). Finally, we present the result of an empirical exercise that is designed to combine the level of advancement in implementing performance budgeting (PB) and the social cost of fiscal adjustment in eurozone economies. The most important finding of the research is that PB tools seem to have very limited usefulness in a time of fiscal adjustment. There is no statistical evidence that countries advanced in utilisation of PB tools conduct more active fiscal policy – approach of cutting all expenditures across the border by given percentage rather than looking at priorities and social outcomes of fiscal adjustment dominates in all cases.
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IEFYMENKO, Tetiana, Svitlana VOROBEI et Ljudmyla LOVINSKA. « Global guidelines for reporting on sustainability of enterprises in transition countries : martial law and reconstruction in Ukraine ». Fìnansi Ukraïni 2022, no 3 (21 juin 2022) : 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2022.03.008.
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Introduction. The most important task of the sovereign state of Ukraine nowadays is the victory in the war with the Russian aggressor, as well as ensuring sustainable innovation development in close cooperation with the international community. Problem Statement. In countries with economies in transition in the preparation of non-financial reporting we can notice the following : lack of institutional levers of impact and motivation for the disclosure of environmental, social and other indicators; lack of standard approaches to the content of non-financial reporting and procedures for its administration, etc Purpose. The aim of the study is: to substantiate the improvement to Ukraine’s public policy in Ukraine on non-financial reporting on sustainable development; to study contradictions of the new reality and directions to overcome them for the countries with transition economies while preparing non-financial reporting and applying indicators of sustainable development; to develop proposals on the content of such reporting in emergency situations, in particular during hostilities, as well as post-war reconstruction. Materials and methods. The following methods: institutional, systemic, empirical, structural and functional and others have been applied while using UNCTAD guidelines and factual data., Results. The authors suggest ways to overcome these obstacles and to supplement the “Guidance on core indicators for entity reporting on contribution to the implementation of SDGs” (GCI) with a block of indicators on crisis management trends in conditions of uncertainty and post-war overcoming of the effects of destabilization. Conclusions. The martial law in the country, the consequences of hostilities have a profound impact on the activities of companies and should be shown in the reports. On the basis of regulatory initiatives of the European Union on non-financial reporting in the electronic format in Ukraine it is necessary: to regulate the Taxonomy of non-financial reporting (EU Regulation 2020/852); to show in the management report the disclosure of basic performance indicators of enterprises in various fields (economic, environmental, social, institutional); to implement the concept of sustainable development in the national non-financial reporting infrastructure.
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Jaworski, Bogdan. « Administrative and legal dimension of the Police cooperation with international entities ». Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Prawnicza. Prawo 31 (2020) : 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurprawo.2020.31.7.
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The modern police formation to which the Police in Poland aspires cannot be limited only to independent execution of tasks. Performing statutory tasks by the Police is related to undertaking various forms of cooperation and interaction with legally and organizationally diverse entities. Apart from national cooperation, legal regulations impose an obligation to cooperate with police forces of other countries and their international organizations, as well as with European Union bodies and institutions. The subject of deliberations is widely understood international cooperation of the Police and the role of entities responsible for its conduct. The areas of cooperation and forms in which it is undertaken have been investigated. Special research attention was also paid to legal regulations relating to police activity on the international arena. In the study attempts were made to assess the current system of international police cooperation.
Thèses sur le sujet "Police administration – European Union countries – International cooperation"
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Noordijk, Peter Andrew. « Building Bridges with Social Capital in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1091.
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A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals.
This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.
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MARKERT, Marat. « Striving for autonomy ? : preferences and strategies of governments in the EU’s police and criminal justice cooperation ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29639.
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Defence date: 10 January 2014Examining Board: Professor Adrienne Héritier (Supervisor), European University Institute Professor Brigid Laffan, European University Institute Professor Sandra Lavenex, Universität Luzern Professor Wolfgang Wagner, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam.
An intriguing proposition in the study of the EU’s area of Police and Judicial Cooperation Criminal Matters (PJCCM) has been that Member States’ (governments) institutional choices in this policy area reflect motives to enhance their autonomy/discretion vis-à-vis domestic and/or supranational actors. According to this argument, by cooperating in an intergovernmental setting governments can circumvent domestic institutional constraints, while at the same time keeping the influence of supranational actors at bay. What is the empirical basis of such claims? Do governments’ institutional preferences indeed reflect strategic attempts at increasing their autonomy vis-à-vis domestic actors in law enforcement policies, as suggested by some authors? Moreover, once institutional rules have been put in place, are governments able to use these rules so as to circumvent EU level constraints? To answer these questions this thesis examined institutional preferences and strategies of governments at Treaty negotiations and in the day-to-day policy-making process in the policy area of PJCCM. In the first part of the thesis, the alleged connection between institutional constraints governments face in their domestic arenas and their respective institutional preferences at Treaty negotiations was tested. In a second part, strategic interactions between governments in the EU Council and the European Commission with respect to institutional rules in the legislative process in PJCCM were examined. The empirical results of both parts suggest that while only a moderate connection between domestic constraints and governments’ institutional preference at Treaty negotiations could be identified, there seems to be a systematic relation between rising EU level constraints and strategic institutional choices of actors that reflect motives for autonomy/discretion. The driving factors behind these day-to-day strategic interactions are the ambiguity of and interstitial changes to institutional rules. More specifically, this thesis shows how ambiguous rules over EU competences in PJCCM and changes to these rules via rulings of the Court of Justice lead actors to deploy litigation strategies (Commission), as well as legislative pre-emption strategies (Member States). Furthermore, these conflicts continue to also characterize the policy-making process in PJCCM after formal institutional reforms (post-Lisbon). Going forward, this thesis suggests that more, rather than less, of these strategic interactions will take place in the near future.
Livres sur le sujet "Police administration – European Union countries – International cooperation"
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The politics of EU police cooperation : Toward a European FBI ? Boulder, Colo : L. Rienner, 2003.
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Block, Ludo. From politics to policing : The rationality gap in EU Council policy-making. The Hague, The Netherlands : Eleven International Publishing, 2011.
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1934-, Anderson Malcolm, dir. Policing the European Union. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1995.
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1946-, Fijnaut Cyrille, et Ouwerkerk Jannemieke, dir. The future of police and judicial cooperation in the European Union. Leiden, The Netherlands : Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2010.
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1946-, Fijnaut Cyrille, et Ouwerkerk Jannemieke, dir. The future of police and judicial cooperation in the European Union. Boston : Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2009.
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Elspeth, Guild, et Geyer Florian, dir. Security versus justice ? : Police and judicial cooperation in the European Union. Aldershot, Hants, England : Ashgate Pub. Company, 2008.
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European cooperation between financial supervisory authorities, tax authorities and judicial authorities. [Antwerp, Belgium] : Intersentia, 2008.
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Josef, Langer, dir. Euroregions : The Alps Adriatic context. Frankfurt, M : Lang, 2007.
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Bigo, Didier. Border regimes and security in an enlarged European community : Police co-operation with CEECs : between trust and obligation. San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy : European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre, 2000.
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The EU as international environmental negotiator. Burlington, VT : Ashgate, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Police administration – European Union countries – International cooperation"
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Dann, Philipp, et Martin Wortmann. « Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Aid ». Dans Specialized Administrative Law of the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198787433.003.0006.
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Development cooperation and humanitarian aid constitute central instruments of the European Union’s foreign policy. They help shape the Union’s relation with neighbouring countries, foster ties with traditional and new allies, and advance European interests in the world. They are also central for the Union’s position and visibility in the world, as they inject European ideas into developments around the globe. Ultimately, these policy areas are fundamental for the Union’s self-perception as an increasingly active, value-based, international actor.
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Lenaerts, Koen, Piet Van Nuffel et Tim Corthaut. « The Procedure for Concluding International Agreements ». Dans EU Constitutional Law, 604–15. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851592.003.0021.
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This chapter examines the procedure for the conclusion of international agreements. Article 218 TFEU sets out the internal procedure for negotiating and concluding 'agreements between the European Union and third countries or international organizations'. That Treaty provision does not itself confer any power on the Union to act internationally, but applies whenever the Union wishes to conclude an agreement. The Union is empowered to do so where the Treaties expressly so provide, where it is necessary in order to achieve one of the objectives of the Union, where it is provided for in a legally binding Union act, or where it is likely to affect common rules or alter their scope (Article 216 TFEU). This procedure of Article 218 TFEU applies in all fields of Union activity, including the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. The same procedural requirements apply to amendments of agreements and to additional or implementing protocols concluded together with or on the basis of the agreement itself. In principle, the denunciation of an agreement also comes under Article 218 TFEU.