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1
Filipova, Rumena Valentinova. « The differential Europeanisation of Central and Eastern Europe, 1989-2000 : a constructivist study of the foreign policy identities of Poland, Bulgaria and Russia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:430c07fc-8979-4ce0-9340-f20ac9c3c30a.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.
2
Jarmoszko, Andrzej Tomasz. « Transformation of the telecommunication environment in Poland, 1989-1991 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the two years 1989-1991 the environment of Poland's telecommunications was fundamentally transformed. This dissertation is an exploratory case study addressing four principal aspects of that country's changing telecommunications: (1) telecommunication regime or the structure of rules in which telecommunication systems function; (2) telecommunication services, defined as the means and methods of communicating from a distance by processing and relaying an electro-magnetic signal (categorized into telephone, mobile, data-messaging, information, data-carrier, and entertainment); (3) telecommunication equipment, or markets for switching, transmission and terminal equipment; and (4) telecommunication subscribers, or principal characteristics of the customer-base in the residential, professional, rural and urban market segments. Each aspect is examined for the purpose of capturing the on-going change. The dissertation identifies the principal agents of change and maps the new conditions onto the models developed by Cowhey and Aronson. Institutional pluralism, market competition, shortage alleviation and market restructuring have transformed Poland's telecommunication environment from the scarcity model to a version of the boutique model.
3
Gorska, Joanna Agnieszka. « Dealing with a juggernaut : analysing Poland's policy towards Russia, 1989-2004 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670075.
Texte intégral
4
O'Hagan, Patrick. « EU agricultural policy making towards Poland, 1989-1995, and its applications for policy network theory ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361953.
Texte intégral
5
De, Witt Douglas L. « Polish foreign and security policy : dilemmas of multi-national integration and alliance cohesion, 1989-2005 ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FDeWitt.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, John Leslie. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-73). Also available online.
6
Paczkowski, Rafal. « Poland after 1989 : a shift to postmaterialism or a rise of the underclass ? / ». Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-07102009-040409/.
Texte intégral
7
Seibert, Anita 1969. « From Matka Polka to new Polish woman : women and restructuring in Poland ». Monash University, School of Geography and Environmental Science, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7642.
Texte intégral
8
Parker, Christine Susan. « History education reform in post-communist Poland, 1989-1999 historical and contemporary effects on educational transition / ». Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054534962.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 272 p.; also includes graphics, col. map Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-254). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
9
Bednarski, Marek, et Piotr Kurowski. « Industrial policy and social strategy at the corporate level in Poland : questionnaire results ». Universität Potsdam, 1999. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/4887/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper presents results from a survey of industrial policy of the state and the social security system at the corporate level in Poland. Previous reports in this area indicated preferable directions of research to be taken in order to prove various hypotheses of the purposefulness of an integral approach to industrial policy and social security in the analysis of economic processes in transition (see Weikard 1997). This paper summarises the results and draws conclusions from a questionnaire study on subsidies, social benefits and economic policy in Polish firms during the process of transformation. Our results and conclusions show the scope and character of the processes in the area of industrial and social policy in the period 1994 to 1997.
The paper is divided into five parts. The first part concerns the aims and methodology of the questionnaire; it also gives a brief description of the sample. The second part shows how enterprises dealt with the issues of employment and wages in this period. The third part characterises industrial policy at the corporate level, while the next presents results from the survey of various social schemes pursued. The final part aims at an integral approach in the analysis of various processes taking place in Polish enterprises.
The survey was conducted in the period April to June 1998. Its aim was to observe certain phenomena occurring at the corporate level. The questionnaire was distributed among the managers, directors and presidents of large-size enterprises, which had been selected to satisfy the following three criteria. Firstly, the number of employees had to be considerable (over 300 workers). This criterion was applied following the consideration that certain social phenomena are more conspicuous in enterprises with large manpower. Secondly, only operating enterprises were selected, the enterprises which closed down were disregarded. Finally, for the purposes of the survey the units differed as regards their legal situation and form of ownership.
Out of over 1800 enterprises 370 units were drawn where we sent the questionnaire. Unfortunately, as many as 51.9% of the respondents refused co-operation, questions to a certain extent puts the representativeness of the sample in question. Finally, 178 questionnaires were subsequently completed and returned for analysis. However, not all of these questionnaires included full answers to all of the 75 questions; therefore, while discussing the results of the survey we have indicated the number of relevant answers we have received.
10
Mikulova, Kristina. « 'Missionary zeal of recent converts' : norms and norm entrepreneurs in the foreign policy of the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia 1989-2011 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00b71d7-c54c-44e5-9368-293226d6e62e.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The following dissertation discusses the role of norms and norm entrepreneurs in the foreign policy-making of the Czech Republic, Poland and Bratislava after the downfall of communism. In at attempt to unpack the mechanics and appliance of “soft power” in foreign policy practice in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, it identifies conditions and analyzes processes via which norms come to play the role of intermediary variable in the articulation and enactment of national interest. Capitalizing on the agency-oriented strand of norm diffusion theory in international relations and discursive institutionalism scholarship in comparative politics, the dissertation argues that normative frameworks advocated by value-bound networks of so-called norm entrepreneurs can play a regulative function in foreign policy-making by setting boundaries for discourse and sustaining logics of appropriateness that constrain the pool of available foreign policy choices at critical junctures. In the first part, “the mission and conversion” (1989-1999), the dissertation focuses on the early stages of norm emergence and habituation in the three states in the 1990s, asserting that ideational influence incurred by American “missionaries” on Czech, Polish and Slovak “converts” to democracy via a range of socialization processes related to NATO enlargement and Western democracy promotion efforts in the region gave rise to norm entrepreneur groups bound by a shared commitment to a normative framework dubbed “dissident geopolitics”. In part two, “the zeal”, the dissertation concentrates on the later stages of norm internalisation, demonstrated by norm enforcement in foreign policy. Using case studies of Czech, Polish and Slovak foreign policy during the Iraq War (2002-2003), the Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004-2005) and the Russia Reset (2009-2011), the dissertation shows how sustained advocacy by norm entrepreneurs with or without structural power, who skillfully use framing to push their normative agendas in discursive competition with other norm entrepreneurs, factors “dissident geopolitics” in the decision-making process that produces activist and value-laden foreign policy outcomes that might not have been expected of “weak” states. Ultimately, the dissertation argues that dominant norms and norm entrepreneur networks can thrive in transition settings when they are less disputed, but they tend to lose coherence and unity, respectively, as the foreign policy landscape diversifies upon completion of democratic consolidation.
11
Lee, Sunju. « Women and transition : a case study of social policy effects in Hungary (1989-1996) ». Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285851.
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12
Sobis, Iwona. « Employment service in transition : adaptation of a socialist employment agency to a market economy : a case study of Lodz, Poland 1989-1998 / ». Göteborg : Göteborg university, department of sociology, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39089602s.
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13
Mirescu, Alexander. « Communism and Communion Religious Policy, Church-Based Opposition and Free Space Development : A Comparative Study of East Germany, Poland and Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1989 ». NEW SCHOOL UNIVERSITY, 2012. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3461657.
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14
Congress, Policy Unit of the African National. « ANC policy guidelines for a democratic South Africa : draft for discussion ». African National Congress, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66055.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.
15
Chen, Lijian. « Urban housing policy and housing commercialization in socialist countries : China and Hungary ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28343.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Housing was considered a public good rather than a marketable commodity at the early stage in the development of most socialist countries. Governments in those countries assumed full responsibility for urban housing finance, construction, allocation, management, maintenance and rehabilitation. A policy of low official rents and high subsidies was adopted as the method to ensure that all urban residents would have access to the state built housing stock. Success in solving the housing problem was to be a showpiece for the socialist countries. However, after approximately forty years of development of the socialist housing economy, many urban residents in countries such as China and Hungary still face severe housing problems. The governments in these two countries have initiated a variety of new efforts in recent years in an attempt to improve the living conditions of their urban residents. In spite of this, many urban housing problems persist and some are even becoming worse. In view of this situation, both governments have introduced new housing policies which recognize certain aspects of housing as a commodity within the socialist economy. A major aim of these new policies is to encourage individual financial participation in residential construction. This approach, commonly referred to as the policy of housing commercialization, is considered by government to be a feasible approach to resolving the tenacious urban housing problem and an effective means to significantly improve living conditions for all urban residents. By undertaking a comparative study of China's and Hungary's urban housing policies, housing delivery systems and housing problems, this research endeavours to describe and assess the rationale and other associated factors behind this housing policy transformation in both China and Hungary. In addition, this research examines the lessons of Hungary's housing policy reform and concludes with a set of policy recommendations for China's future urban housing efforts.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
16
Baschieri, Elena. « The Effectiveness of the EU Cohesion Policy in Poland : The Role of Institutional Factors : A comparative case study analysis between Dolnośląskie and Śląskie ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193905.
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17
Bodur, Kadriye. « Impact Of Polish Memberships In Nato And The Eu On Polish Foreign Policy Towards Russia ». Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610062/index.pdf.
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This thesis examines the impact of Poland&rsquos NATO and EU memberships on Polish foreign policy towards Russia by taking the historical background of Poland&rsquo
s relations with Russia into account. The main objective of the thesis is to examine the change in Polish foreign policy towards Russia in the aftermath of its memberships in NATO and the EU in 1999 and 2004 respectively. The thesis argues that Poland has changed its accommodative approach towards Russia and started to pursue a more assertive foreign policy after its NATO and the EU memberships due to its decreasing dependency on this country. In this thesis, the concept of interdependence is employed to explain Polish foreign policy on Russia. The thesis has six chapters, including Introduction and Conclusion chapters. The second chapter explores the historical background of Polish-Russian relations. The third chapter analyzes the main characteristics of Polish foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. The fourth chapter examines the impact of Poland&rsquo
s NATO membership on Polish foreign policy towards Russia. The fifth chapter discusses the impact of Poland&rsquo
s EU membership on its foreign policy towards Russia.
18
Silva, Milena de Lima e. « A gestão Luiza Erundina (1989-1992) : participação popular nas políticas de transporte ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/102/102132/tde-17042018-152926/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A pesquisa se cerca de teses sobre o direito urbano, para tratar do objeto principal desta dissertação: as inovadoras políticas urbanas de transporte elaboradas pela administração Luiza Erundina (1989-1992), como a Tarifa Zero e a Municipalização dos transportes coletivos por ônibus, na cidade de São Paulo. O caminho das políticas públicas de transporte foi tortuoso no entremeio à democracia (1978-1988), em parte foi inicialmente abordado por uma construção coletiva de movimentos sociais (como o Movimento Nacional pela Reforma Urbana-MNRU) e de grupos de trabalho com a temática dos transportes criados por partidos do campo democrático-popular. Em outra parte, configura-se um marco que tem as figuras do secretário de transportes Lúcio Gregori, e da prefeita Luiza Erundina como centrais para o desenvolvimento e articulação dos projetos políticos, esses que hoje (na contemporaneidade) alcançaram o devido debate público no país. As conclusões da pesquisa apontam para uma realidade de esforços administrativos, conjunta à falta de engajamento populacional na participação das políticas de transporte. Expõem também os limites metodológicos das diferentes propostas participativas conduzidas pela administração quando comparadas às ações de diferentes secretarias, sendo essas ações: conselhos ou fóruns de negociação. Contudo apresenta que a não efetivação das políticas urbanas elaboradas pela administração Luiza Erundina não é um resultado direto da simples existência ou não de movimento social prévio à gestão. Tratase sim (no presente) do efetivo poder popular de modificar o estado do urbano, desde a sua forma prática à sua forma sensível, desde sua forma econômica, à forma de partilhar o poder entre todo o conjunto social.The research focuses on theses about urban law, to deal with the main object of this dissertation: the innovative urban transport policies elaborated by the Luiza Erundina administration (1989-1992), such as the Zero tariff and the Municipalization of collective bus transportation, in Sao Paulo City. The path of public transport policies was tortuous in the midst of democracy (1978-1988), in part was initially approached by a collective construction of social movements (such as the National Movement for Urban Reform-MNRU) and working groups on the theme of transports created by parties of the democratic-popular field. In another part, there is a milestone that has the figures of transport secretary Lúcio Gregori and the mayor Luiza Erundina as central for the development and articulation of political projects, which today (in the contemporary world) have reached the due public debate in the country. The conclusions of the research point to a reality of administrative efforts, together with the lack of populations engagement in the transportation policies. They also expose the methodological limits of the different participatory proposals conducted by the administration when compared to the actions of different secretariats, being these actions: councils or forums of negotiation. However, it argues that the failure to implement the urban policies developed by the Luiza Erundina administration is not a direct result of the mere existence or absence of a social movement prior to management. It is a question of the actual power of the people to change the "state of the urban", from its practical form to its sensible form, from its economic form, to the way of sharing power among the whole social set.
19
Horbyk, Roman. « Mediated Europes : Discourse and Power in Ukraine, Russia and Poland During Euromaidan ». Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33726.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault’s discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, Jacques Derrida’s hauntology and Ernesto Laclau’s concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff’s interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice.Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas ”hauntology” och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp ”empty signifier”. Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt.
Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев’яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв’ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П’єра Бурдьє, “hauntology” Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об’єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.
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Santos, Rosângela Marques dos. « Saúde, participação e controle social : lutas e ações estratégicas do Mops/SE pela efetivação dos direitos à saúde em Aracaju/SE (1989-2008) ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/18018.
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This research presents an analysis of the struggles and strategic actions developed by the Movement Popular for Health in Sergipe Mops/SE in the period 1989/2008. The object of study highlighted the participation and social control aiming at the realization of rights to health. It appeared in Aracaju in the 1980 Mops/SE in the figure since then socio-political scenario with the work of building and strengthening of actions for the development of a social policy of public health and quality. To do so, acts in connection with the Popular Education and invests in training its militant policy of bringing articulate scientific knowledge and popular knowledge in order to recover and popular cultural practices. The theoretical frameworks used for the analysis of interviews and testimony were based on Gramscian and the privileged categories in the study were social movements, participation and social control. Qualitative research took place from bibliographical an documentary research, enriched with empirical observations during the course of events. She has produced a video documentary entitled Mops/SE 20 Years Expanding Achievements , this feature can be used with educational purposes, in addition to being an instrument to contribute to the historical memory of the movement. The study about the struggles and strategic actions of Mops/SE it highlighted the defense of a political project in a wider perspective of health and its contribution to expand the political space for the exercise of participation and social control and the struggles to build democratic processes participation and confrontation of social contradictions are given in the struggles between different political forces in which collective interests are not always included as a priority in government agendas
Esta pesquisa realiza uma análise das lutas e ações estratégicas desenvolvidas pelo Movimento Popular de Saúde de Sergipe - Mops/SE no período 1989/2008. O objeto de estudo destacou a participação e o controle social com vistas à efetivação dos direitos à saúde. Surgido em Aracaju na década de 1980 o Mops/SE desde então figura no cenário político com um trabalho de construção e fortalecimento das ações voltadas para a construção de uma política social de saúde pública e com qualidade. Para tanto, atua na perspectiva da Educação Popular e investe na formação política de seu militante intentando articular saber científico e saber popular com o objetivo de resgatar e valorizar as práticas culturais populares. Os referenciais teóricos utilizados para a análise das entrevistas e depoimentos foram de base gramsciana e as categorias privilegiadas no estudo foram movimentos sociais, participação e controle social. A pesquisa qualitativa se deu a partir de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica, enriquecida com as observações empíricas durante a realização dos eventos. Foi produzido um Vídeo-Documentário intitulado Mops/Se - 20 Anos Ampliando Conquistas , esse recurso pode ser utilizado com finalidades educativas, além de se constituir num instrumento para garantir a memória histórica do movimento. O estudo sobre as lutas e ações estratégicas do Mops/SE evidenciou a defesa de um projeto político numa perspectiva ampliada de saúde e a sua contribuição na ampliação dos espaços políticos para o exercício da participação e do controle social; as lutas para a construção de processos democráticos de participação e enfrentamento das contradições sociais se dão nos embates entre distintas forças políticas no qual os interesses coletivos nem sempre figuravam como prioridades nas agendas governamentais
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Santos, Nilton Magalhães. « O saneamento e a questão social em Periperi (Salvador/Ba) : um olhar sob o enfoque da drenagem urbana -1989 a 2013 ». Universidade Catolica de Salvador, 2014. http://ri.ucsal.br:8080/jspui/handle/prefix/449.
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O presente trabalho trata da análise da implementação das políticas públicas de saneamento - com ênfase na drenagem urbana - no território de Periperi (Salvador/BA), e o papel desempenhado nesse processo pelo poder público municipal e a comunidade local. Tem como recorte espacial e temporal, respectivamente, o bairro de Periperi (Subúrbio Ferroviário), e o período de 1989 a 2013, o qual abrange o início das obras de drenagem do Rio Paraguari e o processo recente de elaboração do Plano Municipal de Saneamento Básico (PMSB). A metodologia utilizada constou de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa, mediante, no primeiro caso,o levantamento dos investimentos públicos realizados pela Prefeitura Municipal de Salvador/BA, nas respectivas gestões municipais, relativamente às obras de macrodrenagemno Subúrbio Ferroviário e nas demais áreas da cidade. No segundo caso, a pesquisa qualitativa abrangeu, em um primeiro momento, a análise acerca do processo de participação da comunidade local na implantação da drenagem do Rio Paraguari nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, e, no segundo momento, a formalização das atuais demandas no PMSB. Como resultado tem-se que, apesar dos investimentos públicos realizados, estes ficaram aquém das demandas. No tocante à participação, tem-se no primeiro momento a atuação da Associação de Moradores do Paraguari, enquantoimportante agente no processo de implementação das políticas públicas. No segundo momento, entretanto, no tocante à elaboração do Plano Municipal de Drenagem Urbana de Salvador/BA, registra-se o distanciamento da comunidade do Paraguari do seu contexto político inicial. Nesse sentido, pode-se concluir que o bairro de Periperi, enquanto território popular, ocupa uma posição não privilegiada no contexto da cidade, testemunhada pela carência de serviços básicos, principalmente no tocante à drenagem, em decorrência da escassez de investimentospúblicos municipais, comparativamente a outros bairros de média e alta renda da cidade, resultando em uma condição de exclusão social, demandando um aporte maior de investimentos públicos, com vistas à sua ascensão a uma estrutura urbanística, dotada da oferta de infra-estrutura e serviços, e à redução da desigualdade social
This paper deals with the analysis of the implementation of public sanitation policies - with an emphasis on urban drainage - the territory of Perivale (Salvador / BA), and the role played in this process by the municipal government and the local community. Its spatial and temporal clipping, respectively (Suburban Railway) neighborhood Perivale, and the period 1989-2013, which covers the beginning of the drainage works and the Rio Paraguari the recent drafting of the Municipal Sanitation Plan (PMSB). The methodology consisted of quantitative and qualitative research through in the first case, the survey of public investments by the Municipality of Salvador / BA, the respective municipal administrations in respect of works macrodrainage in the Suburbs Railway and in other areas of the city. In the second case, the qualitative research covered, at first, about the analysis of local community participation in the implementation of the drainage of the Rio Paraguari in the 1980s and 1990s, the process and the second time, the formalization of current demands in PMSB. As a result it follows that, despite public investments, fell short of these demands. Regarding participation, has been the first time the performance of the Association of Residents of Paraguari as an important agent in the implementation of public policies. On the second point, however, regarding the development of the Municipal Plan for Urban Drainage Salvador / BA, register the distance of the community Paraguari its initial political context. In this sense, it can be concluded that the district Perivale occupies a privileged position not in the context of the city, witnessed by the lack of basic services, particularly with regard to drainage resulting from the shortage of municipal investments, compared to other districts of average and high-income city, resulting in a condition of social exclusion, requiring a greater contribution of public investment, with a view to his rise to an urban structure, with the provision of infrastructure and services, and the reduction of social inequality.
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Behr, Valentin. « Science du passé et politique du présent en Pologne : l'histoire du temps présent (1939-1989), de la Genèse à l'Institut de la Mémoire Nationale ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAG023/document.
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La thèse étudie les relations entre science et politique, à partir de la production historiographique consacrée à l’histoire des passés dits totalitaires (nazi et communiste) en Pologne. Cette histoire du temps présent est étudiée depuis sa genèse, durant la période communiste (1945-1989), jusqu’à la période post-communiste, après 1989. Elle fait l’objet de luttes entre acteurs, savants et profanes, dont les prises de position antagonistes s’expliquent par les positions différenciées qu’ils occupent dans l’espace du débat historiographique. L’autonomie de cet espace est limitée par une contrainte politique externe, exercée par le pouvoir politique, mais aussi par les logiques, internes à cet espace, de réponse à la contrainte externe. La thèse invite à relativiser la pertinence, en matière de production historiographique, de la césure de 1989, et souligne les formes de continuité entre la République populaire de Pologne et la situation présenteBased on a study of the historiographical literature about the “totalitarian” pasts (nazi and communist) of Poland, this dissertation deals with the relationship between science and politics. The making of the history of these periods is studied from its genesis during the communist era (1945-1989) until the post-communist period started after 1989. Academic and non-academic actors are involved in the historiographical debate. Their stances can be explained by the various positions they occupy in the social space of this debate. The autonomy of this social space is not only limited by an external political constraint, applied by the political power, but also by this space’s internal logic elaborated in response to this outside pressure. The dissertation casts doubt the 1989 caesura in the historiographical literature, and underlines continuities between the Popular Republic of Poland and the current situation
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Bouiller, Sophie. « Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990) ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.
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Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemandeThis doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification
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Barbosa, Itaquê Santana. « O lugar do movimento de moradia na mudança da política pública paulistana para as favelas (1979-1989) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-13042015-165616/.
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O presente estudo procura discutir a validade, para um determinado caso, da principal tese da bibliografia dos anos 90 sobre os movimentos sociais brasileiros: a de que eles introduzem e ampliam direitos. O caso abordado é o da mudança da política habitacional da Prefeitura de São Paulo para as favelas (1979-1989): de uma política centrada na remoção para uma caracterizada pela urbanização. A pesquisa foi feita com base em um modelo desenvolvido no campo de estudo das políticas públicas (MSM3). Especificamente, a partir das proposições de Kingdon (1984). Desta forma, o estudo intenta verificar se, mesmo quando se parte de outra bibliografia, aquela tese se sustenta. Ou seja, se as conclusões a que se chega são similares, quanto ao lugar do movimento social na explicação dessa mudança da política pública.This study discusses the validity, for a particular case, the main thesis of the literature of the 90s on Brazilian social movements: that they introduce and expand rights. The case discussed is the change of the Municipality of São Paulo favelas to housing policy (1979-1989): a policy focused on removal for a characterized by urbanization. The research was based on a model developed in the field of study of public policy (MSM3). Specifically, from the propositions of Kingdon (1984). Thus, the study intends to verify whether, even when another part of the bibliography, that argument holds up. That is, if the conclusions now reached are similar to previous ones, about the place of social movements in explaining this change in public policy
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Boonzaier, Christiaan Nicolaas. « Flashing boobies and naughty no-no’s : a media-historiographical overview of the pornographic magazine in South Africa, 1939 to 1989 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86342.
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Thesis (MPhil)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Pornography in South Africa has only been legal for a mere 16 years, but is preceded by a 126-year history of inutile South African government attempts to suppress and curb it at its borders. To date, pornography as a research field has been largely overlooked by South African researchers, who have either mostly opted to choose fields that are socially more acceptable, or assumed that pornography was not present in the country before the 1980s and 1990s. This research, however, prefers to differ. The study investigates a minute part of a broader scope of pornography history in South Africa, by studying what international and domestic pornographic magazines were first seized and thereafter banned in the country between 1939 and 1989. By theoretically implementing an authoritative theoretical framework, the Annales’s functional structural approach, and applying the historical methodology to unearth unobtrusive historical data, the study compiles a narrative of events that ties a 50-year history of the pornographic magazine in South Africa together. The study eventually identifies 1 033 individual volumes, editions and issues of various pornographic magazine genres, including, among others, pulp and pin-up, naturist and nudist, soft-core, hard-core, male and female homosexual, bisexual, bondage, Asian, female impersonation and biker magazines, of which some, of course, are local South African pornographic magazines.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pornografie is nog net 16 jaar wettig in Suid-Afrika en word voorafgegaan deur ’n geskiedenis van 126 jaar se sensuur wat deur die regering afgekondig is om pornografie buite die land se grense te hou. Tot op hede is pornografie as ’n navorsingsveld deur Suid-Afrikaanse navorsers oorgesien omdat hulle óf studies aanpak wat sosiaal meer aanvaarbaar is, óf aanneem dat daar voor die 1980’s en 1990’s geen pornografie in die land was nie. In dié verband wil hierdie studie met dié aannames verskil. Die navorsing ondersoek ’n klein deeltjie van ’n groter geskiedenis van pornografie in Suid-Afrika deur te kyk na watter buitelandse en binnelandse pornografiese tydskrifte tussen 1939 en 1989 in die land gevind en kort daarna verban is. Teoreties is die outoritêre en die Annales se funksionalisties-strukturalistiese raamwerk ingespan, en die historiese metodologie is gebruik om historiese data na te vors om ’n narratief saam te stel wat 50 jaar se pornografiese tydskrifte in Suid-Afrika saamsnoer. Die studie identifiseer uiteindelik 1 033 uitgawes van verskeie porno-grafiese tydskrifte, wat, onder meer, pulp- en prikkelpop-, nudistiese, sagte, harde, manlike en vroulike homoseksuele, biseksuele, knegskap-, Asiër-, fopdosser- en motorfietstydskrifte insluit; sommige van dié genres is, natuurlik, ook plaaslik in Suid-Afrika gepubliseer.
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Bonnet, Amélie. « Les effets des programmes du Fonds Social Européen pour les femmes dans le milieu rural polonais ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020059.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse porte sur la mise en oeuvre du Fonds Social Européen (FSE) en Pologne et son impact sur les femmes vivant en milieu rural. L’objectif est d’analyser l’intervention concrète de l’Union européenne au niveau local dans le domaine de l’emploi et du social ; d’identifier les spécificités ou particularités locales qu’elle rencontre dans les zones rurales polonaises, s’agissant des femmes ; d’observer la manière dont les différents acteurs mettant en oeuvre les programmes cofinancés parle FSE se mobilisent et à quelle fin, comment les bénéficiaires elles-mêmes y répondent et avec quels effets.Ce travail se situe dans le champ théorique de l’Européanisation des politiques publiques, considérée ici comme un processus d’ajustement des institutions, desidées et des intérêts, exprimés à un niveau régional et infrarégional et sous l’angle des interactions entre acteurs. Une dimension microsociologique est ajoutée en fin de thèse, destinée à questionner les limites de la dynamique d’ajustement. Après un retour historique permettant de saisir la spécificité du cas polonais en termes de situation des femmes, d’espace rural, de marché de l’emploi et d’équilibre territorial, nous adoptons une démarche comparative entre trois régions ayant des profils économiques, sociaux et ruraux bien différents : la région Podkarpackie, située au sud-est du pays, la région Łódzkie, au centre, et la région Zachodniopomorskie, au nord-ouest. Nous nous appuyons entre autres sur une recherche empirique de plusieurs mois effectuée dans chaque région, et sur un corpus de 152 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès d’acteurs du FSE et de leurs bénéficiairesThis research deals with the implementation of the European Social Fund (ESF) in Poland and its impact on women living in rural areas. Our aim is to study the concrete action of the European Union at the local level in the field of employment and social integration; to identify the specific aspects of Polish rural areas and rural women’s situation to which ESF programs are confronted; to analyze the way the different actors mobilize for implementing these programs, how female beneficiaries react to them and what the effects are.Our theoretical field is the Europeanization of public policy, who is considered hereas an adjustment process of institutions, ideas and interests, expressed at a regionaland sub-regional level and through actors’ interactions. We add a micro-sociologicaldimension to our work, in order to question the limits of this process.We begin with a historical return to understand the specificity of the Polish case regarding the situation of women, rural areas, the labor market and the territorialbalance; then we develop a comparative approach between three Polish regions presenting different economic, social and rural backgrounds: Podkarpackie, a region located in the southeast of the country, Łódzkie, in the center, and Zachodniopomorskie, in the northwest. The comparison is based inter alia on a several month empirical research, conducted in each region, and on 152 semistructured interviews with ESF actors and their beneficiaries
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Kozlova, Alexandra. « Family support for meeting the needs of families with children in Eastern Europe (Lithuania, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669818.
Texte intégral
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Harris, Stanley E. « Investment decisions in a changing South Africa from 1990 to 1999 (transition) : analysis of the decade of the 1990s ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53476.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an investment performance review covering the ten years from 1990 to 1999. To many investors the 1990s were a tough decade because of the political, economic and social changes, which caused investment uncertainty. The primary focus is to examine the implications of these changes during the 1990s on the investment strategies of South Africans. Furthermore, the aim is to provide insight into investment decision-making during the period of transition and transformation. The analyses specifically address the importance of the investment environment on portfolio construction and maintenance. The objective is to see how far the investors ventured in their efforts to 'beat" the South African share market under changing conditions. The structure of the portfolio was evaluated as well as the investor's preferences and beliefs during the period under review. It also looked at the investors' attitudes and philosophies. Effective portfolio management was important because changing conditions were becoming challenging. The investor's investment mix and the risk associated with each investment determined the effectiveness of managing the portfolio. Furthermore, this study examines the investors' objectives, constraints and strategies. In the final analysis, this study examines investment strategy and investment performance in retrospect. It presents a ten-year historical analysis of the South African environment which was affecting investment decisions. It was also found that investors were fulfilling their expectations, they were looking at medium and long-term investment opportunities. Furthermore, stock-picking was done with greater caution. The opening of global investment markets further enhanced the investment opportunities. Moreover the investors realised the importance of diversification in order to reduce risk. The investors will be presented with challenges and opportunities in the next decade (or century). Therefore this study also concludes with an assessment of possible future investment scenarios for the South African investors. Finally, investment decision was interpreted against the political, economical, social and other changes that took place during the period of transition. The key to investment success was the investor's ability to manage the changing South African environment.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is 'n oorsig van die beleggingsvaardighede gedurende die tydperk 1990 tot 1999. Vir baie beleggers was die negentigs 'n baie moeilike dekade as gevolg van die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderings. Hierdie veranderings het onsekerheid laat ontstaan by die beleggers. Die primêre fokus is om die implikasies van die veranderings op die beleggingsstrategieë van die Suid Afrikaanse belegger te ondersoek. Verder, is die doelook om insig te bekom oor die beleggingsbesluitneming gedurende die periode van verandering en transformasie. Hierdie analise salook in besonder aandag gee aan die belangrikheid van die gepaardgaande beleggingsomgewing en op die konstruksie en instandhouding van die beleggingsportefeulje. Die doel is om ook vas te stel hoe die beleggers gespekuleer het om die Suid Afrikaanse aandele mark te klop gedurende die periode van verandering. Die samestelling van die portefeulje is ge-evalueer sowel as die beleggers se voorkeure en menings. Daar is ook ondersoek ingestel na die belegger se houding en filosofie. Effektiewe beleggingsbestuur was belangrik gedurende die tydperk omdat die veranderde omstandighede uitdagend geword het. Die belegger se beleggingssamestelling en die gepaardgaande risiko het die doeltreffendheid van die bestuur van die portefeulje bepaal. Verder ondersoek hierdie studie ook die beleggers se doelwitte, beperkinge en strategieë. In die finale analise is dit hoofsaaklik 'n retrospektiewe ontleding van beleggingbestuursvaardighede gedurende die 1990s. Dit is n tienjaar historiese analise van die Suid Afrikaanse beleggingsomgewing wat 'n invloed gehad het op die beleggingsbesluitnemings. Die beleggers het hul verwagtings goed hanteer en het gesoek na medium- en langtermyn beleggingsmoontlikhede. Bowendien is die beleggings gedoen met groter omsigtigheid. Die opening van die wêreld markte het ook groter beleggingsmoontlikhede geskep. Verder het die beleggers ook besef dat diversifikasie belangrik is om risiko te verminder. Beleggers sal te staan kom voor uitdagings sovel as gunstige beleggingsmoontlikhede in die volgende dekade (of eeu). Daarom sluit hierdie studie af met toekomstige beleggingsmoontlikhede en die faktore wat sal bydra tot die toekomstige beleggingsaksie en besluitneming. Ten slotte, die beleggingsbesluit is geïnterpreteer teen die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderinge wat plaasgevind het. Die sleutel tot die beleggingssukses was die vermoë van die beleggers om die veranderde omstandighede te kan hanteer.
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Kulczyk, Marcin. « La naissance d'une diplomatie européenne : vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure : le regard polonais ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG026/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La présente étude est consacrée à la naissance d'une diplomatie européenne sous le regard polonais. À travers l'histoire de la construction européenne, il s'agit d'analyser la marche vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure (SEAE). Lancé en 2010 sous l'autorité du Haut Représentant de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, il devait réformer en profondeur les relations extérieures de l'Union européenne et lui permettre de s'affirmer en tant qu'acteur sur la scène internationale. Le regard de la Pologne permet de saisir plus concrètement les enjeux politiques et stratégiques liés à la création d'une diplomatie commune de l'UE. Deux aspects de cette diplomatie européenne sont étudiés : son visage et son appareil. Cette étude s'intéresse aux développements successifs de la représentation extérieure de l'UE dans la perspective de l'émergence d'une diplomatie européenne de réseaux. Elle démontre que la création du SEAE a provoqué des mouvements tectoniques dans l'architecture institutionnelle européenne et à l'intérieur des appareils diplomatiques nationauxThe present study deals with the birth of a European diplomacy from the Polish point of view. Throughout the history of the European construction, the aim is to analyze the progress towards the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS). Launched in 2010 under the authority of the High Représentative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and the Security Policy, it had to reform in depth the external relations of the European Union (EU) and allow it to assert itself as an actor on the international stage. The Polish approach enables to grasp more concretely the political and stratégie issues related to the création of a common EU diplomacy. Two aspects of this European diplomacy are studied : its face and its apparatus. This study examines the successive developments of the EU external représentation in the context of the emergence of European diplomacy networks. It demonstrates that the EEAS has caused tectonic movements in the European institutional architecture and within national diplomatie services
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Constantin, Pompiliu-Nicolae. « Identité, altérité et sport dans la Roumanie communiste : la star minoritaire comme héros national ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209403.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le régime communiste a redéfini le sport, imposant la pratique de cette activité pour la masse. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique du régime communiste roumain s’inspire du modèle soviétique. La these evidence la relation entre l’Etat roumain et les stars sportives issues des minorités nationales. On analyse un processus dynamique de transformation identitaire, qui dans un contexte socio-politique communiste favorise l’instrumentalisation du sport. Dans ce sens, le national-communisme cherche à intégrer les sportifs dans un système bien hiérarchisé. En dépit de la massification du sport et de l’implication importante des Roumains, les sportifs issus des minorités obtiennent de bons résultats et ils sont sélectionnés dans les équipes nationales. De cette perspective, le sport ne représente pas seulement un loisir, mais il devient un domaine plus influent du point de vue idéologique. La thèse regarde comment les stars sportives issues des minorités ont une influence dans la société roumaine, mais que l’Etat contrôle la médiatisation et la participation des sportifs dans les compétitions internationales, leurs contrats, et jusqu’à leurs noms. Nous parvenons par cet intermédiaire à expliquer la manière avec laquelle la société réagit aux performances de ces sportifs et avec laquelle le Parti Communiste impose l’image des héros nationaux pour de telles vedettes. Approfondir un tel sujet aide à la reconstruction d’un aspect important de la vie des minorités. This PhD thesis makes a radiography of a new problem for a society where the presence of minorities is a reality. Before the communism, Romania had an important number of minorities, and their athletes contributed to the development of sport, having a strong identity and local pride. In communism, the stars coming from the minorities (national or ethnical) had another statute. I propose an interdisciplinary study and I utilize concepts from history, sociology, human geography or anthropology. One of the important aspects in my PhD research is to propose a concept built by me, identity doping (fr. Dopage identitaire, rom. Dopaj identitar), represented by a series of actions designed to transform one or more athletes from an ethnic or national minority into a national hero, which means a complex process of identity change. The origin of this joint of words is very simple and means joining the notion of doping, particularly used first by totalitarian systems among athletes, to the term of identity. My methods cover analyses from mass-media, archives, polls and oral history, toidentify problems and images of national heroes who come from national minorities. For example, we assist to a politic of changing names, more than other countries from communist area. The ”name-nationalization” is an essential step for a new identity, more measurable and
prominent than interior feelings. The footballer Laszlo Boloni, with a Hungarian origin, is known like Ladislau Boloni, Katalin Szabo is named in communism Ecaterina Szabo or Hans Moser, a handballer with a German origin, is known like Ioan Moser. The internal realities of many countries with a nationalism-communist regime influenced the life of sport stars. In a state like Romania, where the groups of minorities had an important role in sport development, sport stars from this communisties are promoted like national heroes utilizing the mechanism of “identity doping”.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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SPIESER, Catherine. « Institutionalising market society in times of systemic change : the construction and reform of social and labour market policies in Poland in a comparative perspective (1989-2004) ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13295.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 13/11/2009Examining Board: Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, formerly EUI) (Supervisor); Virginie Guiraudon (CERAPS-CNRS); Francois Bafoil (CERI-Sciences-Po, External Co-Supervisor); Maurizio Ferrera (University of Milan)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In the face of an exogenous economic crisis or systemic political and economic transformations leading to multiple pressures for adaptation, social and labour market policies are the cornerstone of employment adjustment. Because they can pool and redistribute individual risks, these policies are likely to embody or facilitate a change of paradigm or economic system. However, the orientation of policies is also a matter of negotiation between the government and various interest groups. This is well illustrated in Poland, where post- 1989 transformations involved a redefinition of the relationship between the state and the community of citizens and provide an opportunity to observe the dynamics of large-scale change over a relatively condensed period. The thesis investigates three issues in this context: the nature of the emerging welfare system; the factors accounting for policy change, and the existence of a new socio-political compromise underlying the emerging work and welfare nexus. The analysis builds on a conceptual framework drawing on two streams of literature: the comparative studies of the welfare state in Western Europe and theories of public policy making. The first leads to a set of hypothesis that seek to explain change in the perspective of ‘regime politics’ while the second suggests on the contrary that conflicts and compromises are arising in different arenas defined by a configurations of actors and power relationships that are specific to each policy domain (employment regulation, labour market policies and pensions). The thesis uses original and secondary empirical material to assesses, on one hand, the validity of theories of the welfare state based on power resources, class cleavages and institutional pathdependence to explain the orientation of social policies in the post-communist context, and on the other, the idea that the representation of interests and the actors involved in the decisionmaking process are being shaped by the nature of the policy at stake. The analysis considers especially the role of pre-existing institutions, trade unions, employers associations and government, as well as specific categories of beneficiaries.
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Sung, Tso-Chun, et 宋作君. « Post-communist social and economic transition-Poland and Hungary,1989-1995 ». Thesis, 1998. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52170807219823565980.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士東海大學
政治研究所
86
Since 1989, eastern European countries had dramatic change. Suddenly the trade system had fallen apart for ex-Soviet Union no longer wanted to keep theleading role in communist world. The planned economy also influenced by the bad economic conditions. Most of the eastern European countries changed their poli-tical and economic institutions in order to overcome the problem which they were facing. Poland and Hungary reformed their economic system and anticipated to join European Union, which could bring them economic growth. Poland took a pro-gressive way, shock therapy, to reform, but Hungary took a gradual method.The differences came from their different historical background of reform and most important reason was the leaders' power and decisions. Both countriesprivatization, the very important part of marketization was delay for the institution reason. According to the new insnew institutionalist studies, institutions could not be changed quickly, it needs tume and has the path dependence character. From this point of view, it is not hard to realize whythe privatizations or institutions change could not be designed by limited rationality. Poland and Hungary's privatization after 1989 was a good example.-1 -aPost-communist social and economic transition-Poland and Hungary,1989-1995
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POPIC, Tamara. « Policy learning, fast and slow : market-oriented reforms of Czech and Polish healthcare policy, 1989-2009 ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/33886.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 24 November 2014Examining Board: Professor Sven Steinmo, EUI (Supervisor); Professor László Bruszt, EUI; Professor Ana Marta Guillén Rodríguez, University of Oviedo; Professor Ellen Immergut, Humboldt University Berlin.
What determines the pace of policy innovation and change? Why, in other words, do policy makers in some countries innovate faster than in others? This thesis challenges conventional explanations, according to which policy change occurs in response to class conflict, partisan preferences, power of professional groups, or institutional and policy legacies. The thesis instead argues that different paths of policy change can be best explained by the different learning processes by which policy makers develop ideas for new policies in reaction to old policies. The thesis draws upon both ideational and institutional streams of literature on policy change, and develops its argument that policy change, understood as a learning process, is a result of interactions between three different, yet interdependent factors – ideas, interests and institutions. The thesis explores this argument by investigating in detail two radical cases of policy innovation – the introduction of market-oriented elements in Czech and Polish healthcare policy during the first two post-communist decades. The selection of the two cases is based on the methodological rationale of the 'most similar system design', given that the healthcare systems of the two countries were both state-dominated under communism, while in the post-communist period the governments of the two countries introduced market-oriented reforms that followed rather divergent policy paths. While Czech reforms were relatively consistent and comprehensive, those in Poland were fragmented, delayed and beset with reversals. The thesis looks at these two cases of healthcare reforms from a long-term historical perspective, covering the inter-war, the communist and, most thoroughly, the post-communist period. It draws upon the official documents, secondary literature and more than 40 interviews with policy making elites, and compares the two policy paths using small-N research design, causal analysis and process tracing techniques. The main finding of the thesis is that the market-oriented ideas that occurred in healthcare policy circles during the 1970s and 1980s were crucial drivers of the post-communist reforms in the two countries. However, the capacity of these ideas to serve as a basis of policy change was dependent on two factors – on the existence of political actors who were willing to promote these ideas, and on the interaction of institutional veto points with the electoral and partisan dynamic. The findings of this thesis contribute to the better integration of the literatures on the role of ideational and institutional factors in policy change, and to the research on the causes and consequences of marketization in healthcare and, more broadly, in social policy.
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PAKIER, Malgorzata. « The Holocaust in German and Polish cinema after 1989 and European processes of remembrance ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14488.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 29 January 2010Examining Board: Prof. Bo Stråth, Supervisor (EUI, University of Helsinki); Prof. Philipp Ther (EUI); Prof. Wlodzimierz Borodziej (Warsaw University); Prof. Frank Stern (Vienna University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The dissertation examines the role of German and Polish feature films in the Europeanization of the construction of the Holocaust memory. The role of the global media representations in providing foundations for a 'transnational Holocaust memory' was highlighted by Natan Sznaider and Daniel Levy (2002; 2006). However, while the authors of Erinnerung im Globalen Zeitalter concentrated on the international resonance of such Holocaust representations as Steven Spielberg‘s 'Schindler‘s List', my aim is to view the Holocaust films selected here primarily from the perspective of the nationally specific historical debates to which they relate. Employing a comparative perspective, I hope to show a dynamic picture of the role of cinema in current public processes of remembrance in Europe, and examine the ways in which different visions of national and European past clash or interact. The conceptual framework of the dissertation is located at the crossroad of the following areas of intellectual debate: the question of possibility of representing the Holocaust in film and other media; the concept of collective memory and the discussion about film as a legitimate media for historical discourse; historical and public confrontation with World War II and the Holocaust in Germany and Poland since 1945, especially after 1989; finally, the debate about a European identity and the place of the Holocaust within it.
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Bartalová, Edina. « Azylová politika a integrace uprchlíků zemí V 4 1989-2015 ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-393043.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the political changes induced by the fall of the Communist regimes across Eastern Europe, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland embarked on the road of economic liberalization and democratization. This process was formally concluded with the so-called Visegrád countries' accession to the EU in 2004. However, in relation to the refugee crisis the Visegrád countries emerged within the EU united in their opposition to comply with the so- called mandatory refugee relocation scheme. The position of the Visegrád countries evoked not only significant media attention but also academic inquiry on the securitization of asylum policies in the Visegrád region. This research analyses the Europeanisation of the asylum policies in the Visegrád countries in three periods: 1. the early years of democratic development 2. The harmonization of policies leading up to EU accession and 3. The development of related policies after EU accession. The Europeanisation of asylum policies coincide with the development of the Common European Asylum System and the deepening of EU legislative powers in the field of asylum policy. The author concluded that the field of integration policy where Member States retain significant authority has become a strict control mechanism of limiting displaced person access to...
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WINN, Neil. « The limits of European influence in American crisis policy-making : the cases of Poland 1980-82, Grenada 1983 and Libya 1986 ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5436.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 May 1995Examining Board: Prof. Karl Cerny (Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.) ; Prof. Dr. Helga Haftendorn (Free University of Berlin) ; Prof. Christopher Hill (London School of Economics and Political Science) ; Prof. Roger Morgan (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Dr. William Wallace (St. Antony's College, Oxford)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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RYZNER, Janusz. « Legacies and incentives : a comparative analysis of post-communist minority policy in Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13300.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 24/11/2009Examining Board: Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Michael Keating (EUI) (Supervisor); Gwendolyn Sasse (University of Oxford); Mitja Zagar (University of Ljubljana)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The study attempts to fill a gap in the research on the legacies and incentives of minority policies in four Central Eastern European countries by comprehensively examining post-communist minority policy developments from the perspective of internal factors as well as external impacts. The main objective of the study, which encompasses four countries - the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia - is to identify policy incentives and historical legacies that influenced the current minority policies. In addition, it also aspires to adjust existing typological theories which aim to explain the development of minority policies in the four countries after 1989. By comparing minority policies in the light of three hypotheses on their main factors, namely the historical, international and domestic, it is argued that in spite of different initial policy directions, the minority policies in the four countries gradually converged. The early post-1989 minority polices were shaped primarily by historical legacies and domestically conceptualised strategies, which reflected the importance of both domestic minority issues and kin nationals in neighbouring states. Together with the appearance of stronger international incentives (particularly the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) and the European Union assessment during the accession processes), the countries gradually modified their positions, framing their policies around the norms provided by the FCNM. In the conclusion, the thesis argues that existing theories on the development of minority policies in CEE could partially explain the preference for particular policy directions in the four countries. However, in order to obtain a more comprehensive picture of the contemporary shape of the minority policies, any further explanatory attempts should also carefully address the legacies of previous policy choices and the role of international norms on minority protection.
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Malínek, Tomáš. « ČSSR ve východní politice SPD (1973 -1989) ». Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448631.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This doctoral thesis deals with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and its foreign policy towards Czechoslovakia during the 1970s and 1980s. It aims not only to analyse the relationship between SPD and KSČ (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) but also the communication and cooperation between SPD, Czechoslovak dissidents and Czechoslovak political emigration. The main goal of the dissertation is to answer three basic questions: What were the goals of social democratic eastern policy (Ostpolitik) towards ČSSR? Were they achieved? Does the party changed its attitude towards Czechoslovakia after 1982, when it became an opposition party?
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Kroner, Sabine. « Migration und Migrationspolitik im Zuge des Transformationsprozesses seit 1989 – am Beispiel Polen ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0023-9608-2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In der politikwissenschaftlichen Transformationsforschung ist Polen ein beliebtes Auswahlland in vergleichenden Untersuchungen oder Einzelfallstudien. Sehr viel seltener wird es Gegenstand von Migrationsstudien. Das liegt darin begründet, dass die polnische Migrationsforschung noch relativ am Beginn steht, die Quellen- und Datenlage zu Migrationsbewegungen und zur Migrationspolitik noch nicht sehr umfassend ist und das Thema „Einwanderung und Asyl“ in Polen, wie auch in anderen mittel- und osteuropäischen Ländern (MOE), erst seit wenigen Jahren in der Öffentlichkeit diskutiert wird. In der Transformationsforschung sind demgegenüber Wanderungsbewegungen bislang nur von untergeordneter Bedeutung. Die Forschung richtet sich überwiegend auf die Institutionen, Akteure und Akteurinnen von politischen Systemen sowie die Zivilgesellschaft. Eingewanderte werden in aller Regel nicht dazu gezählt, und das Feld der Migrationspolitik wird nicht zur Kenntnis genommen. In der Europaforschung werden die Auswirkungen des Integrationsprozesses auf den Handlungs- und Entscheidungsspielraum von Akteuren und Akteurinnen – auch in der Migrationspolitik – sowie auf Organe der politischen Systeme der EU-Mitglieder ebenso intensiv untersucht wie die Folgen des Beitritts zum Acqui Communautaire für Beitrittsstaaten. Ein Desiderat der Forschung ist nach wie vor, die Auswirkungen der europäischen Integration auf die Politik und das politische System von Transformationsländern zu analysieren. Mit der Studie „Migration und Migrationspolitik im Zuge des Transformationsprozesses seit 1989 – am Beispiel Polen“ liegt eine Untersuchung vor, die erstmals verschiedene Stränge aus der Migrations-, Transformations- und Europaforschung zusammenführt. Es wird gefragt, ob sich in Polen nach dem Zusammenbruch des staatssozialistischen Systems ein eigenständiges Migrationssystem und eine eigenständige Migrationspolitik entwickeln konnten, oder ob der Beitrittsprozess und dann der Beitritt zur EU im Jahr 2004 die Entwicklung des Migrationssystems maßgeblich beeinflusst haben. Die Auswahl Polens als Untersuchungsland ist gut begründet. Denn Polen grenzt an die Ukraine und Weißrussland, von denen Wanderungsbewegungen ausgehen oder die Transitländer für Migranten und Migrantinnen aus Russland einschließlich Tschetschenien, dem Kaukasus oder der MENA-Region und Süd- und Südostasien sind. Polen steht zudem vor dem Problem, die EU-Außengrenzen nach Dublin II absichern zu müssen.
Die Studie rekonstruiert die Entwicklung des polnischen Migrationssystems für den Zeitraum von 1989 bis 2007 mit Hilfe einer Inhaltsanalyse von Dokumenten nationaler und internationaler Institutionen, beispielsweise der polnischen Regierung, der EU-Kommission, des UNHCR sowie von insgesamt 34 Interviews mit Experten und Expertinnen, durch die sowohl Betriebs- als auch Erfahrungswissen über den Aufbau des Migrationssystems erfasst wurden. Es wurden Expertinnen und Experten interviewt, die in Ministerien, Gewerkschaften, NGO’s oder an Universitäten arbeiten und direkt in den Prozess eingebunden waren oder als Organisation von diesem betroffen sind. Die Ergebnisse aus diesem empirischen Material wurden trianguliert. Sie waren dann auch Grundlage für das Phasenmodell zur Entwicklung der Migrationspolitik und ihrer Institutionen, das im vierten Kapitel aufgezeigt wird.
Der Schwerpunkt der Studie liegt in der rechtspolitischen und strukturpolitischen Rekonstruktion, die dann kontextualisiert wird: in das Migrationsgeschehen, den Transformationsprozess und den europäischen Integrationsprozess. Im Fazit wird die Bedeutung der staatlichen Organe, des Transformationsprozesses, der EU als Akteurin, der innen- und außenpolitischen Interessen Polens sowie der Erfahrungen mit Migrationsprozessen gegeneinander ab gewogen. Mit der vorliegenden Studie ist eine Grundlage für weiterführende Migrationsforschung gelegt.
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Gogelashvili, Anna. « Social Policy in Eastern European Countries : A Study of Post-Socialist Welfare State Development in Poland and Hungary ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/handle/10216/116536.
Texte intégral
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Gogelashvili, Anna. « Social Policy in Eastern European Countries : A Study of Post-Socialist Welfare State Development in Poland and Hungary ». Tese, 2018. https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/handle/10216/116536.
Texte intégral
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Audycka-Zandberg, Barbara. « Warunki i strategie mobilizacji najemców lokali mieszkalnych w stowarzyszeniach lokatorskich ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Warunki i strategie mobilizacji najemców lokali mieszkalnych w stowarzyszeniach lokatorskich - streszczenie Podstawowym problemem badawczym postawionym w pracy są przyczyny, dla których lokatorskie gospodarstwa domowe dotknięte problemami mieszkaniowymi podejmują określone strategie ich rozwiązania. W etapie eksploracyjnym wyróżnione zostały trzy strategie: indywidualna, polegająca na samodzielnym radzeniu sobie z problemami, uczestnicząca, skutkująca członkostwem (jednego lub więcej przedstawicieli gospodarstwa domowego) w stowarzyszeniu lokatorskim oraz „kliencka” (nazwana tak w odróżnieniu od klientystycznej, by uniknąć obciążenia bagażem znaczeniowym pojęcia klientyzm), polegająca na regularnym korzystaniu z pomocy i kontakcie ze stowarzyszeniem bez zadeklarowania członkostwa.
Analiza przyczyn poprzedzona została nakreśleniem szerszego kontekstu badania mieszkalnictwa: zarysem historycznych i współczesnych stosunków mieszkaniowych ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem legislacji oraz gminnej polityki mieszkaniowej Miasta Stołecznego Warszawy, opisem historii powstawania i metod działania organizacji lokatorskich, szczegółową charakterystyką organizacji, których członkowie i klienci zostali poddani badaniu. Dokonano także rekapitulacji anglosaskiej tradycję badań nad ruchem lokatorskim jako możliwego punktu odniesienia.
Właściwe badanie składało się z dwóch części: ilościowej i jakościowej. W części ilościowej zebrano 254 ankiety wypełnione samodzielnie przez respondentów, którzy wymienili podejmowane działania na rzecz rozwiązania problemów lokatorskich i wskazywali na ich przyczyny; w uzupełniającej części jakościowej, skoncentrowanej na poszerzeniu wiedzy o procesie wytwarzania ram interpretacyjnych, przeprowadzono 19 wywiadów z uczestnikami i aktywistami ruchu lokatorskiego.
Konstruując hipotezy i narzędzia badawcze odwołano się do modelu aktywności obywatelskiej Almonda i Verby, teorii mobilizacji zasobów, teorii sieci społecznych w ujęciu Mario Dianiego, teorii racjonalnego (za Mancurem Olsonem) i „rozsądkowego” (za Pierrem Bourdieu) działania oraz teorii politycznego uczenia się zastosowanej do analizy korelacji między doświadczeniami wyniesionymi z kontaktów z urzędami a obraną strategią.
Główne wnioski wynikające z analizy:
- weryfikują pozytywnie tezę o ruchu lokatorskim jako ruchu społecznym w odniesieniu do modelu uczestnictwa i trajektorii zaangażowania
- definiują polski ruch lokatorski jako ruch oparty na wspólnej tożsamości a zarazem silnie powiązany z warunkami strukturalnymi
- wskazują na zależność między uczestnictwem w stowarzyszeniu i poczuciem skuteczności oraz między doświadczeniami z kontaktów z urzędami a poczuciem skuteczności
- dają wgląd w proces konstytuowania ramy interpretacyjne konfliktu przez uczestników
- wskazują na potrzebę analizy nie-uczestnictwa, jako zespołu zróżnicowanych, całościowych i uzasadnionych strategii, szczególnie w obszarze studiów nad partycypacją obywatelską (co wynika ze szczegółowej analizy postaw klientów i „indywidualistów”)
- wskazują na potrzebę integracji narzędzi badawczych wypracowanych w studiach nad ruchami społecznymi oraz „konwencjonalną” partycypacją.Political participation as a strategy of solving tenancy problems This dissertation undertakes the problem of tenancy which in past few years has become more universal and more urgent. Lack of housing policy led to ceaseless conflicts; recently some new matters, such as the marketization of tenure and uncontrolled privatization, have been added to the continued dispute on buy-out and complains on bad living conditions. Tenants participating in the conflict have worked out the methods of effective enforcement of their claims – from the lawsuit winning to eviction blocking. However, despite the long research tradition in Western Europe, tenants’ movement hasn’t yet been investigated by Polish social scientists. The aim of the research was to fulfill this gap with description and analysis of some of the features of tenants conflict. The theses have been based on examination of the work of Poland's tenants associations which organize numerous campaigns concerning legal and policy solutions of housing problems. Associations represent various groups of tenants – from the elderly workers living in the company- sponsored housing and fighting for enfranchisement via the inhabitants of the privatized and reprivatized tenements 'sold' together with the building and facing an overnight triplication of rents to the social-housing inhabitants trying to amend the conditions of their blocks. Though these groups differ economically and socially, the research proves that to some extent they constitute the social movement, or 'collective campaign movement' - at least in terms of the attitudes and opinions of their members. Civic action is of course not the only, and even not the most popular method of problem-solving. During the stage of exploration I have distinguished three groups of tenants depending on the strategies they decide to use: individuals contact administration representatives only in their case; clients ask for help tenants associations providing pro bono legal advice; and finally participants not only receive help but decide to take part in associations' consensual and direct actions. The main questions posed in the dissertation concerned the reasons of the ordinary tenant to engage in the civic activity of the association. The actual research included a qualitative and quanitative part. The final result consisted of 254 surveys taken by the individual tenants divided into three equal groups and 19 interviews with the associations activists and members. Both research tools were designed basing on classical and contemporary theories on political participation such as: - Civic Voluntarism Model (Almond and Verba 1952) - resource mobilization theory (McCarthy and Zald 1979) - theories on local communities and social networks (Della Porta, Diani 2011; Diani 2001) - rational choice (Olsen 1950) and doxa (Bourdieu 2005) analyses. Additionally, for the purpose of hypothesis construction, I have adapted the socio-psychological theory of ‘political learning’ (Soss 1999) in order to examine the influence of tenants’ previous experience with housing administration. It needs to be stressed that the mentioned theories refer to two sorts of political participation: ‘conventional’ or ‘consensual’, based on voting activity, political organization membership and other commonly approved influence methods, and ‘unconventional’ or ‘conflict’, focusing on direct actions, such as demonstrations, happenings and occupation. Both kinds of participation used to be investigated separately, yet in contemporary studies they start to be treated as equivalent forms of expression of civic attitude. Therefore in conclusion I call for integration of both paradigms in Polish sociology. Other conclusions of the dissertation include: - diagnosed proximity between Polish and Western European tenants’ movements as structurally determined but based on common identity, - definition of the main features of conflict framing worked out by members and activists of tenants associations, - diagnosed relation between previous experience with housing administration, participation in the movement and self-efficacy, - necessity to investigate the strategy of non-participation not simply as ‘lack of participation’, but as a group of differentiated and conscious choices. The whole dissertation consists of nine chapters. In the first the reader gets acquainted with the historical and contemporary problems of housing legislation and policy. The second describes main features of Poland's tenants associations and puts them in the context of social movements research. The third frames the research categories of participation and non-participation – the last treated as conscious and justified practice. The fourth chapter presents the results of Polish research concerning consensual and conflict participation. Chapter five and six present hypotheses and methodology of the research. Chapters seven and eight are devoted to description of the results – the first of the quantitative, the second – of qualitative research. The last chapter focuses on the conclusions and guidelines proposed for scholars and social movement animators.
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Jabeen, Tahira. « Child protection policy in Pakistan ». Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109585.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the concept of child protection from a policy perspective. I argue that concepts matter in the formulation of policies because the way an issue is thought about affects policy responses. The concept of child protection has come a long way from its origin in the 'child rescue movement' of the 1870s; however, the socially constructed nature of child protection has only been gradually realised. The uncritical acceptance of child protection imperatives stemming from the concepts of 'child rescue' and 'battered baby syndrome' has resulted in system-wide failures. The adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child has significantly changed the social context in which children and child protection problems are viewed and child protection policies are formulated. Such continuously evolving understandings of issues relating to children and their safety and well-being have given rise to a scholarly debate on the need of a fundamental reconceptualisation of child protection. This thesis argues that there is a need to reconceptualise child protection in a way that recognises the complexity and fluidity of issues around child protection as well as of the importance of context. This thesis establishes that such a reconceptualisation is necessary to develop effective and relevant child protection policies in varying contexts around the world. By using Pakistan as the context, this research examines the ways in which policymakers conceptualise child protection and the ways in which these conceptions translate into policies. The research uses an interpretive- constructivist methodology and mix methods for data gathering. The analysis shows that child protection problems in Pakistan include incidents of individual abuse and exploitation, but, more commonly, collective abuse and exploitation caused by broader socioeconomic and structural factors. Child protection policy-making involves a range of individual and institutional actors in the absence of a specialised national institution to cater to all children-related issues. The policy process is characterised by personalistic decision-making which highlights the importance of individual policymakers' conceptions of child protection in the policy process. The analysis reveals three major conceptions of child protection among Pakistani policymakers: 1) child protection a socioeconomic issue, 2) child protection as a religious and cultural issue and 3) child protection as a human rights issue. These findings have special significance for conceptualising child protection and formulating child protection policy not only in Pakistan, but also in similar contexts elsewhere, for global child protection policy and for theoretical debates on the concept of child protection. The analysis shows that child protection is not a neutral and/or technical activity. Rather it highlights the relative and contextual nature of the concept of child protection and the ways these relative concepts ultimately translate into concrete policies and practices. The findings of this thesis suggest that to have an effective and locally relevant policy, it is necessary to reconceptualise child protection in ways that take account of children's individual needs and rights, familial and societal values as well as national and international standards around care and protection of children.
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DE, DEKEN Johan Jeroen. « The politics of solidarity and the structuration of social policy regimes in postwar Europe : The development of old-age pensions and housing policies in Belgium, Czechoslovakia, and Sweden (1939-1989) ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5164.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 October 1995Examining board: Colin Crouch, European University Institute, Florence ; Klaus Eder, European University Institute, Florence, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin ; Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Supervisor, European University Institute, Florence, Università di Trento ; Franz-Xaver Kaufmann, Universität Bielefeld ; Ivan Szelenyi, University of California at Los Angeles
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Chorvátovičová, Iva. « Alternativní kultura v České republice po roce 1989 ». Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298513.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis describes the phenomenon of alternative culture in public policy. The first part seeks to define what alternative culture means and builds on the research mainly from sociology and cultural studies. Very useful are then specific theory of social deviance, the theory of subcultures and postsubcultures. At the same time, the paper looks into the past, before 1989, when the alternative culture phenomenon was clearly defined, standing outside the mainstream culture and the alternative culture was illegal. Through the analysis of some events and political cases from the recent past, there could be seen both differences between alternative culture and an attitude to it before 1989, but also some important parallels with the current situation of alternative culture. Alternative culture is later specified by current alternative underground subcultures: freetekno - DIY, squatting and street art. In the case of these three controversial subcultures, the paper deals with an attitude of public policy to these subcultures through the extremism policy. The next part the paper deals with the contemporary cultural politics in the country. Briefly, it describes and outlines the current situation and possible areas for innovation in the context of alternative culture. In the last phase this thesis deals...
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Larivière, Marianne. « Une souffrance silencieuse : analyse critique des représentations gouvernementales institutionnelles de la souffrance psychique au Québec (1989-2015) ». Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25154.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Plusieurs auteurs se sont penchés sur les conceptions sociales de la maladie mentale et des interinfluences entre la société et la construction des problèmes de santé mentale. Dans une perspective critique, la présente étude exploratoire qualitative porte sur les représentations de la souffrance associée aux problèmes de santé mentale au sein d’un corpus institutionnel, soit la Politique de santé mentale de 1989 et les plans d’action en santé mentale de 1998, 2005 et 2015 du gouvernement du Québec. Au terme d’une analyse de discours thématique, nos résultats s’organisent en deux grands axes : la façon dont la souffrance est appréhendée et présentée au sein du corpus et la façon dont on prévoit y répondre. L’analyse transversale du corpus met en évidence l’influence croissante de perspectives normalisantes et médicalisantes et un prisme de valeurs néolibérales (notamment gestionnaires et économiques). Une responsabilisation de l’individu par une évacuation des dimensions sociales des problèmes de santé mentale est aussi observable.Several authors have worked on social conceptions of mental illness and the inter-influences between society and the construction of mental health problems. In a critic perspective, the present qualitative exploratory study concerns the representations of suffering related to mental health issues, in an institutional corpus, namely the Politique de santé mentale de 1989 and the three mental health policies of 1998, 2005 and 2015, of Quebec government. At the end of a thematic discourse analysis, our results are organized in two areas: the way suffering is comprehended and presented in the corpus and the way they outlook to response to it. The cross-sectional analysis of the corpus shows the growing influence of some normalizing, medicalizing and neoliberalism (in particular, managing and economics) perspectives. An accountability of the individual, by an evacuation of social dimensions of mental health problems is also observable.
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Marcoci, Gabriela. « La transition postcommuniste en Roumanie (entre 1989 et 2004) : une étude à partir de la structuration de la famille ». Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10204.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse propose une analyse des transformations postcommunistes en Roumanie à partir d’une étude de la structuration de trajectoires familiales. La réflexion sur les itinéraires très variés de ces trajectoires familiales met en valeur les pratiques développées par les familles dans la construction de leur mode de vie quotidienne après la chute du communisme. L’approche utilisée privilégie deux axes d’analyse. Le premier vise les aspects socio-structurels concernant les cadres de la vie incluant les aspects matériels, alors que le deuxième, l’axe socio-symbolique, concerne les aspects subjectifs liés au vécu des acteurs en corrélation avec le contexte social en mutation. L’analyse est fondée sur des éléments issus de la théorie de la structuration qui ont contribué à la construction du cadre conceptuel. Elle s’appuie aussi sur la méthodologie qualitative qui comprend des récits de vie obtenus à partir des entretiens semi-dirigés réalisés avec les membres de 11 familles. Les thématiques retenues après l’analyse du corpus de données nous ont permis d’identifier des stratégies que les familles ont mises en place et les projets familiaux qui ont orienté leur parcours de vie durant la période de transition postcommuniste. Ces deux concepts révèlent des éléments liés à l’ordre général permettant ainsi la mise en évidence des tendances structurelles de la société postcommuniste.This thesis presents an analysis of the process of post-communist transformation in Romania, through a study of the structure of family trajectories. An examination of the wide variety of family trajectories highlights the practices developed by families in rebuilding their way of life after the fall of communism. The approach adopts two axes of analysis. The first is the socio-structural framework for life including material aspects, while the second axis, the socio-symbolic axis addresses subjective aspects related to the experiences of actors within their changing social context. The analysis draws on the theory of structuration in its conceptual framework. It is also based on qualitative methodology which includes life stories obtained from semi-structured interviews conducted with members of 11 families. The themes selected after analysis of the data corpus allows us to identify strategies that families have put in place and family plans that have shaped their life course during the post-communist transition. These two concepts reveal elements related to the general order allowing the identification of structural trends of post-communist society in Romania.