Thèses sur le sujet « Pierre de Montrouge (Church) »

Oggetto della presente tesi è la chiesa di Saint-Pierre a Beaulieu-sur-Dordogne, costruita nel XII secolo nel Limosino meridionale. Grazie alla sua vicinanza con le vie di pellegrinaggio giacobine, la struttura viene indagata non solo come associata ad un monastero a dipendenza cluniacense e ad una comunità urbana agli albori del proprio sviluppo, ma soprattutto come polo di attrazione della venerazione dei pellegrini, quali co-protagonisti nell'utilizzo della chiesa. Si è cercato, quindi, di comprendere come l'elemento del pellegrinaggio abbia caratterizzato ed influenzato la ricostruzione e la fruizione della chiesa di Beaulieu, sia nelle sue architetture che nel portale scolpito, e del suo tesoro.

The sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries witnessed a revival of spirituality throughout Europe. Positive theology emerged as both an instigation to and instrument for Christian humanists in their endeavor to redress the Church's fundamental relationship to the laity. The early efforts for reform in France were discouraged by Gallicanist sympathies. Further, growing numbers of Calvinists combined with the possibility of a Protestant king led to thirty-five years of sporadic civil war. From the 1580's and 90's, French spirituality began a period of renewal and growth. At the heart of the French experience was the famous Acarie circle among whose members was Pierre de Bérulle. Bérulle eventually rejected the abstract mysticism of the Acarie circle and elaborated his own spiritual doctrine. synthesis of theocentrism, Bérulle's achievement was a inherently opposed to humanism's anthropocentrism, and Christian humanism. Bérullian spirituality was the culmination of the Reformation of the French Church. This achievement, however, is largely ignored by historians of Christianity. The object of this thesis, therefore, is to describe the historical context of Bérullian spirituality and to examine the spirituality itself so as to confirm or deny the claims of the handful of French historians who have resurrected the memory of Bérulle. At the end of this process of description and examination, causes for the disparagement of Bérulle, of his spirituality and of his congregation will be suggested.

Le Corbusier's project for the French parish church of Saint-Pierre at Firminy-Vert is an architectural work which embodies the modern concern for individual accessibility. The following thesis examines Saint-Pierre in this light, showing how it was created as a reaction against the imposing and manipulative natures of both a reductive perspective manifestation of art, and a dogmatic form of ritual. These themes, being particular to modern art, may be seen as a desire for a more accessible and individual participation. The reading of Saint-Pierre proceeds on three levels, addressing divergent aspects of the work's nature, ranging from its formal character, to its symbolism split between the natural and cultural realms. Each level contributes to the image of an open place of worship, that is, an accessible architectural setting intended to frame an individual and inward form of worship. This reading also reveals the inherent conflict involved in attempting to reconcile a monumental disposition--evident at Saint-Pierre and understood as forming part of the poetic integrity of the work--with the accessibility that tends to compromise such integrity. This points to the problematic nature of monumental architecture in modern society.

Durant la papauté d'Avignon,si la plupart des cardinaux sont inhumés soit dans la cité pontificale, soit dans leur pays d'origine, certains d'entre eux choisissent au contraire de fonder dans leur lieu d'origine non seulement une communauté religieuse mais également des bâtiments pour accueillir leur tombeau. Ils imitent en cela les papes successifs, notamment Clément V et Clément VI. En parallèle, se développe au XIVe siècle, sous l’impulsion de Jean XXII, la création de nouvelles collégiales séculières dans le Midi de la France. Pierre des Prés (1280-1361), quercynois, est un proche de Jean XXII. Juriste, il gagne la confiance du pape qui le créé cardinal en 1321, puis l’investit de la charge de vice-chancelier de l’Église en 1325. La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à une biographie de ce personnage et montre également son désir d’élever socialement les membres de sa famille. Le cardinal des Prés est aussi, tout comme d’autres cardinaux parmi ses contemporains, le fondateur d’une communauté religieuse, chargée de veiller sur sa dépouille. S’il a choisi des chanoines séculiers, d’autres ont privilégié les ordres Mendiants. C’est ce choix qui est examiné et étudié dans la seconde partie. Pour abriter ces religieux, Pierre des Prés a fait édifier une église dans son village natal, Montpezat-de-Quercy. Classée au titre des Monuments Historiques dès 1840, cet édifice s’avérait peu connu. Notre étude replace la collégiale Saint-Martin dans son contexte de construction, entre 1337 et 1343, mais présente également les matériaux utilisés, les techniques employées, l’organisation du chantier et les hommes qui ont oeuvré sur le projet. Enfin, la dernière partie aborde la question de la mémoire du cardinal, construite grâce à son tombeau et aux nombreux objets offerts par lui à son chapitre collégial. Grâce à ces derniers, le souvenir de Pierre des Prés s’est transmis de siècle en siècle, donnant ainsi raison aux vers de Pétrarque : la renommée vainc la mort
During the papacy of Avignon, so most cardinals are buried either in the pontifical city, or in their country of origin, some of them choose contrary to founding in their place of origin not only one religious community but also of the buildings to accommodate their tomb. They imitate in that the successive popes, in particular Clement V and Clement VI. In parallel, develops at the 14th century, under the impulse of John XXII, the creation of secular collegial news in the South of France.Pierre des Prés (1280-1361), quercynois, is a close relation of John XXII. Lawyer, it gains the confidence of the pope who created it cardinal in 1321, then invests it in 1325 load of vice-chancellor of the Church. The first part of this work is devoted to a biography of this character and also shows his desire to socially raise the members of its family.The cardinal des Prés is also, just like of other cardinals among his contemporaries, the founder of a religious community, charged to take care on his skin. If it chose secular canons, others privileged the orders Beggars. These is the choice which is examined and studied in the second part. To shelter these monks, Pierre des Prés made build a church in his native village, Montpezat-of-Quercy. Classified with the title as of Historic buildings by 1840, this building proved little known. Our study replaces collegial church Saint Martin in her context of construction, between 1337 and 1343, but also presents the materials used, the techniques employed, the job management and the men who have work on the project. Lastly, the last part tackles the question of the memory of the cardinal, built thanks to his tomb and with the many objects offered by him to its collegial chapter. Thanks to the latter, the memory of Pierre des Prés was transmitted of century in century, thus agreeing with the worms of Pétrarque: the fame overcomes death

In the seventeenth century, many refugees saw the United Provinces of the Netherlands as a promised land—a gathering ark, or in French, arche. In fact, Pierre Bayle called it, "la grande arche des fugitifs." This thesis shows the reception of one particular group of Protestant refugees, the Huguenots, who migrated to the Netherlands because of Catholic confessionalization in France, especially after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The thesis offers two case studies—one of the acceptance of Huguenot clergymen and one of the mixed reception of refugee radical and philosopher Pierre Bayle—in order to add nuance to existing knowledge and understanding of the Huguenot diaspora, and of the nature of tolerance in the Dutch Republic, especially in regard to the Dutch Reformed Church. Dutch society, and especially the Reformed Church, welcomed the Huguenot refugees because of their similar religious beliefs and the economic and cultural benefits they brought with them. Particularly following the 1685 Revocation, refugees fleeing France settled securely in the Republic amongst the Walloons, descendants of refugees already settled there, and worshiped in prosperity and peace within the Walloon Church, a French-speaking arm of the Dutch Reformed Church. Using synodal records, this thesis examines the relationships between refugee pastors and the established Walloon leaders and finds that there was a bond of acceptance between the two groups of clergy, motivated by the desire for orthodoxy in religious belief, or in other words, by a Reformed desire for confessionalization"”more Reformed adherents also made Dutch society more Reformed. Huguenots were also able to maintain a measure of French identity while still being integrated into Dutch society. The second chapter shows the limits of Dutch tolerance by examining the Netherlandish experience of Pierre Bayle, a Huguenot refugee and philosopher. His experience was typical for a controversial philosopher and refugee in the Netherlands because he endured intolerance from certain religious authorities, but also received protection from other moderate religious officials and university and civic authorities. Bayle expressed sentiments that the Netherlands was a safe haven, or ark, for refugees, even though he endured censure from church officials. Their aims were to make the community's religious convictions more uniform, and some leaders of the Dutch Reformed Church saw Bayle's ideas as threats to that—to confessionalization. In the same vein as Benjamin Kaplan's Divided By Faith, this thesis shows that tolerance certainly existed in the Republic, but was more complicated than Bayle and others suggested. Indeed, efforts that thwarted confessionalization were met with intolerance by the Dutch Reformed Church. This thesis also contributes to Huguenot studies by discussing the relationships of refugees to their host community in the Dutch Republic.

S’appuyant sur les acquis des travaux en histoire de l’art sur le bâti roman lorrain, cette thèse revisite un certain nombre de sites à l’aune de problématiques archéologiques liées à l’art de bâtir. Quatorze monographies d’églises, abbatiales ou châteaux, et une centaine de sites explorés dans l’ancien diocèse de Toul, permettent d’appréhender l’exploitation des matériaux, essentiellement la pierre et le bois, et leur mise en œuvre à travers neuf thématiques inhérentes au chantier de construction : implanter, proportionner, extraire, tailler, assembler, maçonner, voûter, échafauder, couvrir. Ce travail met ainsi en valeur les savoir-faire des architectes, des carriers, des tailleurs de pierre, des maçons ou encore des charpentiers sur un patrimoine trop modeste pour avoir jusque-là attiré la réelle attention des chercheurs.Ce sujet n’a pas fait l’objet d’études conséquentes, pour le périmètre géographique et la période chronologique retenus. Nous avons mis en lumière des bâtiments dont le plan et la volumétrie, s’ils s’accordent bien avec les canons romans connus, peuvent varier d’un endroit à l’autre du territoire, avec des spécificités inhérentes aux pays du Toulois, du Saintois et du Vallage. Ces pays se distinguent par la densité des vestiges, ce qui témoigne de leur vitalité au cours du XIIe notamment, et par la qualité des ressources lithiques disponibles.L’examen des matériaux et de leurs lieux d’exploitation met en valeur une économie basée sur une économie souvent restreinte à un rayon de cinq kilomètres autour du chantier, à l’exception peut-être du sapin et de la chaux. Le recours aux analyses physico-chimiques complète le dispositif de recherche mis en place. Elles ont souvent permis de reconsidérer les datations proposées par les historiens de l’art, en vieillissant les édifices, quelquefois de plusieurs dizaines d’années.Il s’agit ici bien souvent des premières observations en archéologie du bâti menées sur ces édifices ruraux de faible volume ou sur des parties difficiles d’accès, qu’ils soient en ruine ou en fonction. À la lumière de ces explorations, un nouveau champ de recherche régional émerge, celui des usages du bois dans les maçonneries et les charpentes, dont il reste bien davantage de traces que supposé au début de l’enquête. D’une manière plus générale, nous constatons une évolution dans la technicité des chantiers, et leur rationalisation, qui touche en premier lieu les édifices religieux réguliers dès la fin du XIe siècle, avant de s’étendre à la construction castrale au cours du XIIe siècle, puis aux petites églises de campagne à la fin de la période. Dans une perspective identique, nous démontrons que les savoir-faire locaux sont plus facilement utilisés que les grandes notions de l’architecture développées sur des bâtiments plus prestigieux et dans des régions de centralité politique importante.Nous avons également voulu remettre l’Homme et son geste au centre du processus de construction. Sans délaisser les motivations et les conséquences dans le domaine édilitaire, nous avons travaillé essentiellement sur la technicité. Comment passe-t-on de la motivation (volonté édilitaire) à la conséquence (réception de l’ouvrage terminé) ? Plus que le point d’arrivée, c’est donc le chemin pour y parvenir qui a été au centre de nos préoccupations. Ainsi nous imaginons la position du tailleur de pierre, celle de sa main, le mouvement insufflé à l’outil percutant la matière ; comment s’organise une assise de parement et comment différentier la première pierre posée de la dernière ; comment répondre aux contraintes architectoniques ; comment développer l’échafaudage. Les particularismes locaux montrent un déplacement, plutôt contraint géographiquement, des ouvriers sur les chantiers au gré de l’ouverture de ceux-ci
Thanks to steps forward on art history regarding the Romanesque architecture in the Lorraine region, this thesis revisits a number of sites in terms of archaeological issues related to the art of building. Fourteen monographs of churches, abbeys or castles, plus a hundred or so sites explored in the ancient diocese of Toul, make it possible to understand the use of building materials, primarily stone and wood. This can be done along nine themes related to construction: how to define location, proportionate, extract, cut, assemble, build, vault, scaffold, cover. This work highlights the know-how of architects, quarrymen, stonecutters, masons or carpenters involved in projects that have been neglected as they are often too modest to attract the attention of researchers.In fact, this topic has not been so far the subject of substantial studies for the geographical area and the chronological period involved. We have highlighted buildings for which plan and volume vary from one place to the other, although they all fit well with the known Romanesque canons. Specificities are prevalent in the Toul area, the Saintois or the Vallage. They are distinguished first by the density of remains in comparison with the rest of the Lorraine. This testifies to the vitality of these three entities during the 12th century in particular. It seems also related to the lithic resources available in these sectors.Examination of the materials and locations of available resources in the area highlights an economy based on short distribution channels, whereas materials rarely come from more than five kilometers away from the construction site, with the possible exception of pine wood and mortar. Physico-chemical analyzes have completed the research. They have often made it possible to reconsider the datings proposed by art historians, aging the buildings by several tens of years.On the sites themselves, we often provide the first observations in the archeology of buildings carried out so far, especially for rural buildings of low volume or for parts of buildings which are difficult to access, either in ruin or still in use. In light of these explorations, a new field of research is emerging and has to extended: the use of wood in the masonry and the carpentry. More traces remain than thought of at the beginning of the investigation. In a more general way, we notice an evolution in the technicality of the building sites, and their rationalization, which encompasses first the religious buildings at the end of the 11th century, before extending to the castle construction during the 12th century, and later to the small country churches. From a similar perspective, we demonstrate that local know-how is more often used than grand architectural concepts developed on more prestigious buildings and in regions of more political importance.We have also taken special care to put the Man and his gesture back in the center of the construction process. Most of the time, studies in this area are concerned with motivations and consequences of an action, be it political, artistic or editorial. We have focused more on technicality. How to go from motivation (the will to build) to realization (reception of the finished work) ? More than the point of arrival, it is the process that has been at the center of our concerns. Thus, we can imagine the position of the stonecutter in front of his stone, the position of his hand, the movement he infuses to the tool. How to organize the facings and how to differentiate the first stone laid from the last? How to respond to architectural constraints ? How to develop the scaffolding ? Here again, certain local peculiarities have appeared, probably showing a movement of workers to the various sites according to the opening of the construction works. Finally, our work brings new heuristic tools to the attention of researchers making the reading of the wall facings less tedious and more rational

On conserve un nombre inhabituellement élevé de manuscrits ayant appartenu à la bibliothèque du chapitre cathédral de Lyon au IXe siècle, dont bon nombre ont été personnellement utilisés ou produits par le principal acteur de la vie intellectuelle lyonnaise de l’époque, le diacre Florus (floruit v. 825–855). Comme on connaît par ailleurs plusieurs grandes compilations rassemblées également par lui, Florus représente pour nous une double occasion particulièrement rare d’étudier la bibliothèque d’une école cathédrale carolingienne et les méthodes de travail d’un intellectuel de ce temps. Les comparaisons et les nombreux recoupements que permet cette situation étayent et alimentent notre connaissance des livres qu’on utilisait et qui circulaient à l’époque, mais aussi des hommes qui les lisaient et les échangeaient, et des conditions dans lesquelles le travail de Florus a pu passer dans la tradition manuscrite des Pères (première partie). Ces analyses nous peignent Florus un homme de son temps, formé dans un certain milieu à de certaines méthodes, mais que son expérience et ses goûts poussèrent à faire évoluer, tout au long de sa carrière, ses propres méthodes au service de ses propres projets (seconde partie). Un travail d’historiographie est aussi proposé, qui n’avait pas encore été entrepris, et qui fait apparaître les voies de la redécouverte de Florus au cours du XVIIe siècle, puis au XXe. La place de Florus et de sa bibliothèque d’usage, dans l’histoire intellectuelle et dans l’histoire de la transmission des textes antiques, en ressort mieux circonscrite et qualifiée plus précisément, en même temps que se dévoile le cours de sa propre évolution intellectuelle
An unusual amount of manuscripts that belonged to the Cathedral library of Lyons in the IXth century has been preserved, among which a number were firsthand used or produced by its prominent intellectual figure, the deacon Florus (floruit ca. 825—855). As we also know several large compilations that were gathered by the very same, Florus represents a rare double opportunity to investigate both a Carolingian cathedral library and the work methods of a Carolingian scholar. Numerous comparisons and crosscheckings can strengthen and supply informations regarding the books that were used and circulated at the time, but also regarding the men that read and circulated them, and clarify how Florus’s work on the Fathers has spread in the manuscript tradition (first part). Such analyses depict Florus as a man of his time, who was educated in a certain environment and to use certain methods; but who was then driven, all along his career, by his own experience and taste, to evolve his own methods in the pursuing of his own projects (second part). A historiography study is also held, which was never undertaken before, and reveals the how and why of Florus’s rediscovery in the XVIIth century, and then again in the XXth. Florus’s part and his work library’s, in the intellectual history and in the history of ancient texts transmission, is thus better circumscribed and more precisely described, as is unvailed the course of his own intellectual evolution

En 1857, Joseph d'Ortigue constatait que les maîtrises des cathédrales en France, en activité au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, ne pourraient jamais prétendre au rôle qu'elles avaient rempli pendant des siècles avant leur fermeture en 1791. Malgré le soutien dans un premier temps des pouvoirs publics, la tentative de refondation souhaitée pour chaque cathédrale, s'est en effet soldée par un échec : l'Église catholique n'a pas réussi à redonner au culte l'éclat musical et cantoral qu'il revêtait avant la Révolution. À travers l'étude de la maîtrise du Mans de 1801 à 1860, « une des premières rétablies et une des plus florissantes », cette thèse analyse les principales causes de cet échec inévitable : l'incertitude des ressources financières, l'évolution des mentalités en matière de religion, la formation incomplète des nouvelles générations de musiciens d'Église, le changement des goûts musicaux. Dans les années 1830-40, la liturgie et sa musique sont l'objet de vives polémiques où s’affrontent les partisans d'une musique expressive et les militants d'une restauration du plain-chant. Le renouveau musical dans les cathédrales, et notamment au Mans, ne trouve finalement son accomplissement qu'après une réforme de la liturgie qui définit la musique la plus appropriée au culte. Avec le retour de la liturgie romaine et du chant grégorien, plus de cinquante ans d’efforts auront été nécessaires pour que les cérémonies religieuses gagnent en cohérence ce qu’elles ont perdu en éclat
In 1857, Joseph d’Ortigue saw that the music schools attached to French cathedrals in the first half of the 19th century could never play the part they had had for centuries, until they were closed in 1791. Though they were at first officially aided, all the cathedrals failed when they tried to revive their musical activity : the catholic church did not succeed in giving back to their celebrations the brilliance of music and song that had been theirs before the Revolution. Studying the Le Mans music school from 1801 to 1860 – it was « one of the first to be re-estblished and one of the most flourishing » –, this thesis analyses the main causes of this inevitable failure: the uncertainty of financial resources, the evolution of habits of thought as regarded religion, the incomplete training of the new generation of church musicians, as well as the changes in musical tastes. In the years 1830-1840, the liturgy and its music are hotly argued about by those in favour of an expressive music and those advocating a restoration of plain chant. The musical revival in cathedrals – notably in Le Mans – was eventually achieved only after a reform of the liturgy defining which music is most suitable for divine worship. With the return of the Roman liturgy and Gregorian chant, over fifty years were necessary for religious ceremonies to gain in coherency what they had lost in brilliance

L’elaborato analizza la ricezione del pensiero di Origene di Alessandria (c. 184-c.253) nell’opera del teologo arminiano Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736), soffermandosi in particolare sulla concezione origeniana della libertà e sulle questioni che vi sono annesse. Tale analisi consente anche di chiarire alcune pratiche argomentative e dinamiche intellettuali, soprattutto riguardanti i dibattiti religiosi ed interconfessionali, nella seconda metà del XVII secolo. L’elaborato è diviso in tre sezioni. La prima, di carattere introduttivo, mira ad indagare le premesse epistemologiche di Le Clerc, nonché la sua relazione con le auctoritates religiose ed intellettuali del passato. La seconda sezione prende in esame le citazioni dirette di Origene presenti nella vasta produzione di Le Clerc, come pure i suoi rimandi all’opera dell’Alessandrino e al suo pensiero, consentendo in questo modo di delineare un quadro preciso dell’Origene letto e reinterpretato da Le Clerc. La terza sezione restringe infine il campo d’indagine allo sguardo che Le Clerc porta sulla dimensione più propriamente teologica di Origene ed in particolar modo su quel nodo di concetti che ruota attorno al tema della libertà umana (peccato originale, grazia e predestinazione, il problema del male). Questo studio mostra come, malgrado l’indubbia, e talvolta malcelata, simpatia per Origene, Le Clerc non possa essere definito tout court un ‘origenista’, dal momento che la sua visione epistemologica, scritturale e teologica lo distanzia da una acritica e piena adesione al pensiero dell’Alessandrino.
The present thesis analyses the reception of the thought of Origen of Alexandria (c. 184-c. 253) in Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736). Its particular focus is on Origen's conception of freedom and the theological doctrines related to it. The goal of this thesis is to uncover, through Le Clerc's use of Origen, some of the argumentative practices and the intellectual dynamics of the time, in particular in religious, especially inter-confessional, debates. This thesis is divided into three main parts. The first part has mainly an introductory character and looks at the epistemological assumptions of Le Clerc and his relationship with intellectual and religious authorities of the past. The second part reviews the various ways in which Le Clerc quoted, referred to or otherwise made use of the thought or the name of Origen in his vast production. This part provides a first result in that it frames, in general, Le Clerc's reception of Origen. This step is, at the same time, also preparatory for the material contained in part three. In the third part, only the material is considered which is strictly related to Origen's idea of freedom and the related theological doctrines of original sin, grace/predestination, and the problem of evil. The result of this analysis, as it appears form the examination of argumentative practices in the previous sections, is that Le Clerc was no simple "Origenist" but neither was he was fully uncommitted to the Origenian cause. A full commitment to Origen, despite this strong sympathy, was still hindered by Le Clerc's epistemological, scriptural and theological outlook.

L’elaborato analizza la ricezione del pensiero di Origene di Alessandria (c. 184-c.253) nell’opera del teologo arminiano Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736), soffermandosi in particolare sulla concezione origeniana della libertà e sulle questioni che vi sono annesse. Tale analisi consente anche di chiarire alcune pratiche argomentative e dinamiche intellettuali, soprattutto riguardanti i dibattiti religiosi ed interconfessionali, nella seconda metà del XVII secolo. L’elaborato è diviso in tre sezioni. La prima, di carattere introduttivo, mira ad indagare le premesse epistemologiche di Le Clerc, nonché la sua relazione con le auctoritates religiose ed intellettuali del passato. La seconda sezione prende in esame le citazioni dirette di Origene presenti nella vasta produzione di Le Clerc, come pure i suoi rimandi all’opera dell’Alessandrino e al suo pensiero, consentendo in questo modo di delineare un quadro preciso dell’Origene letto e reinterpretato da Le Clerc. La terza sezione restringe infine il campo d’indagine allo sguardo che Le Clerc porta sulla dimensione più propriamente teologica di Origene ed in particolar modo su quel nodo di concetti che ruota attorno al tema della libertà umana (peccato originale, grazia e predestinazione, il problema del male). Questo studio mostra come, malgrado l’indubbia, e talvolta malcelata, simpatia per Origene, Le Clerc non possa essere definito tout court un ‘origenista’, dal momento che la sua visione epistemologica, scritturale e teologica lo distanzia da una acritica e piena adesione al pensiero dell’Alessandrino.
The present thesis analyses the reception of the thought of Origen of Alexandria (c. 184-c. 253) in Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736). Its particular focus is on Origen's conception of freedom and the theological doctrines related to it. The goal of this thesis is to uncover, through Le Clerc's use of Origen, some of the argumentative practices and the intellectual dynamics of the time, in particular in religious, especially inter-confessional, debates. This thesis is divided into three main parts. The first part has mainly an introductory character and looks at the epistemological assumptions of Le Clerc and his relationship with intellectual and religious authorities of the past. The second part reviews the various ways in which Le Clerc quoted, referred to or otherwise made use of the thought or the name of Origen in his vast production. This part provides a first result in that it frames, in general, Le Clerc's reception of Origen. This step is, at the same time, also preparatory for the material contained in part three. In the third part, only the material is considered which is strictly related to Origen's idea of freedom and the related theological doctrines of original sin, grace/predestination, and the problem of evil. The result of this analysis, as it appears form the examination of argumentative practices in the previous sections, is that Le Clerc was no simple "Origenist" but neither was he was fully uncommitted to the Origenian cause. A full commitment to Origen, despite this strong sympathy, was still hindered by Le Clerc's epistemological, scriptural and theological outlook.

Le monastère bénédictin de Baume-les-Messieurs, attesté dans les textes à la fin du IXe siècle, est avec celui de Gigny à l’origine de la fondation de l’abbaye de Cluny. Deux siècles plus tard, Balma figure parmi les plus importants établissements monastiques de l’actuelle Franche-Comté, et son église est considérée dans l’historiographie régionale comme un des édifices phares de la période romane. Pour autant, l’église abbatiale attendait toujours une étude monographique que nous avons souhaité développer par les méthodes, notamment, de l’archéologie du bâti. Les investigations archéologiques réalisées entre 2006 et 2012 ont renouvelé pleinement nos connaissances sur le parti architectural primitif de l'église romane et ont permis d’identifier différentes phases de construction. L’étude du bâti, conjuguée aux résultats de la fouille archéologique du chœur, a révélé une première phase constructive datée du début du XIe siècle qui se caractérise par un parti architectural ambitieux et insoupçonné jusqu’alors, où la monumentalité du chevet s’exprimait par cinq chapelles échelonnées, encadrées de deux puissantes tours de clocher érigées à l’extrémité des bras du transept. Une seconde phase romane est identifiée au moment du voûtement de l’ensemble de la nef. Cette solution est révélatrice des expériences précoces sur le voûtement qui se manifesta dans le Jura et, plus largement, dans la vallée de la Saône, dès les années 1020-1030. Cette seconde campagne de travaux se caractérise également par une recherche de nouveaux effets plastiques des parois extérieures, avec la présence d’un registre de lésènes et d’arcatures aveugles. Les choix constructifs et décoratifs adoptés au cours du XIe siècle pour l’abbatiale Saint-Pierre de Baume, placent l’édifice au cœur de cette nouvelle expression architecturale du « premier art roman » qui se diffusa, de manière plus ou moins concomitante, dans plusieurs foyers à travers l’Europe. La reconstruction d’une vaste église abbatiale à partir du début du XIe siècle traduit également les besoins d’une communauté monastique en pleine expansion et reflète la puissance, au moins temporelle, de l’établissement
The Benedictine monastery of Baume-les-Messiers, attested in the textual sources at the end of the ninth century, is, along with Gingy, at the origin of the foundation of the abbey of Cluny. Two centuries later Balma figures among the preeminent monastic establishments in modern day Franche-Comté, and its church appears in the regional historiography as one of the stand out buildings of the Romanesque period. In spite of this, however, until recently the abbatial church still lacked a monographic study of the type that it was our intention to carry out, through the use of methods such as building archaeology. The archaeological investigations carried out between 2006 and 2012 have completely reshaped our understanding of the architectural layout of the earliest phase of the Romanesque church and have allowed us to identify a number construction phases. The study of the upstanding building, allied with the results of the archaeological excavations of the chancel, have revealed an initial phase of construction dateable to the beginning of the 11th century, which is characterised by an ambitious and hitherto unexpected architectural layout, in which the monumentality of the chevet is expressed through a series of five staggered chapels, framed by two imposing bell towers positioned at either extreme of the transept. A second Romanesque phase is discernable at a point in which the nave ensemble undergoes alteration, becoming vaulted. This modification is indicative of the early experimentation with vaulting that came about in the Jura, and more generally in the Saône valley, during the years 1020-1030. This second building campaign is also characterised by a considerable amount of experimentation in new forms of decorative features on the external walls, expressed through the inclusion of a series of lesenes and blind arcades. The architectural and decorative choices adopted throughout the course of the 11th century for the abbatial church of Saint-Pierre of Baume place the building firmly at the forefront of the new architectural expression of early Romanesque art, which was expanding more or less concomitantly, appearing in numerous centres throughout Europe. Moreover, this reconstruction of a large abbatial church from the 11th century onwards, conveys the wishes of a flourishing monastic community and reflects the power, albeit temporary, of the establishment

Cette étude souhaite contribuer à une meilleure connaissance et compréhension de l’idée de simplicité divine, qui signifie l’absence en Dieu de toute composition. Pièce centrale de la pensée théologique médiévale, elle fut redécouverte il y a 35 ans par des philosophes de tendance analytique, qui en contestèrent la cohérence. Elle est depuis lors l’objet d’un débat philosophique fourni, mais le détour par l’histoire de la philosophie est nécessaire pour dégager le réseau de concepts, d’arguments et de problèmes qui lui donne sens. Après avoir étudié la première élaboration de cette idée dans les textes antiques et patristiques, puis son traitement par Pierre Lombard à la veille du IVe concile de Latran de 1215, qui intègre pour la première fois la simplicité divine dans une profession de foi authentique du magistère, nous nous concentrons sur les œuvres de Bonaventure de Bagnoregio et de Thomas d’Aquin, qui accordent à cet attribut divin un rôle fondateur dans leur étude du mystère de Dieu. L’idée de simplicité divine s’y trouve sans cesse prise dans la dialectique de la ressemblance et de la dissemblance entre Créateur et créature. Tandis que Thomas associe de façon unilatérale la simplicité absolue à la transcendance de l’incréé, Bonaventure propose également des similitudes créées de la simplicité divine qui en favorisent l’intuition. Loin d’apparaître comme incohérente, l’idée de simplicité divine est un outil puissant pour ouvrir notre intelligence à un plan de réalité supérieur, certes mystérieux, mais néanmoins lumineux
This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding and comprehension of the idea of divine simplicity, which means the absence in God of any composition. Cornerstone of medieval theological thinking, divine simplicity was rediscovered 35 years ago by philosophers of analytical leanings, who challenged its coherence. It has since formed the subject of abundant philosophical debate, however, the detour via the history of philosophy is necessary in order to draw out the network of concepts, arguments and issues, from where divine simplicity derives its meaning. After the study of the first development of this idea in ancient and patristic texts, and its treatment by Peter Lombard on the eve of the 4th Council of Lateran in 1215, which integrates for the first time divine simplicity in a genuin profession of faith of the magisterium, we shall focus on the works of Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and Thomas Aquinas, who grant this divine attribute a founding role in the study of the mystery of God. The idea of divine simplicity keeps being comprised in the dialectics of similarity and dissimilarity between Creator and creature. While Aquinas associates in an unilateral way absolute simplicity and transcendence of the uncreated, Bonaventure offers also created resemblances of divine simplicity which favour its intuition. Far from appearing incoherent, the idea of divine simplicity is a powerful means to open our minds to a level of superior reality, indeed mysterious, but nevertheless radiant

[Truncated abstract] In this thesis I examine the poetics of Thomas Traherne’s often over-looked Christology through a reading of The Kingdom of God. This work, probably written in the early 1670s, was not discovered until 1997, and not published until 2005. To date, no extended studies of the work have been published. It is my argument that Traherne develops an expansive and energetic poetic expressive of the theme of the ‘Cosmic Christ’ in which Christ is understood to be the source, the sustaining life, cohesive bond, and redemptive goal, of the universe, and his body to encompass all things. While the term ‘Cosmic Christ’ is largely of 20th century origin, its application to Traherne is defended on the grounds that it describes not so much a modern theology, as an ancient theology rediscovered in the context of an expanding cosmology. Cosmic Christology lies, according to Joseph Sittler,“tightly enfolded in the Church’s innermost heart and memory,” and its unfolding in Traherne’s Kingdom of God is accomplished through the knitting together of an essentially Patristic and Pauline Christology with the discoveries and speculations of seventeenth century science: from the infinity of the universe to the workings of atoms. … The thesis concludes with a distillation of Traherne’s Christic poetic The Word Incarnate. The terms put forward by Cosmic Christology are used to explicate Traherne’s intrepid poetic. In his most remarkable passages, Traherne employs language not only as a rhetorical tool at the service of theological reasoning, but to directly body forth his sense of Christ at the centre of world and self. He promises to “rend the Vail” and to reveal “the secrets of the most holy place.” Scorning more “Timorous Spirits,” he undertakes to communicate and “consider it all.”

This thesis focuses on a transformational but disregarded period in New Zealand’s twentieth century history, the era from the arrival of the Marines in 1942 to the arrival of Rock Around the Clock in 1956. It examines one of the chief agents in this metamorphosis: the impact of American culture. During this era the crucial conduits of that culture were movies, music and comics. The aims of my thesis are threefold: to explore how New Zealanders responded to this cultural trinity, determine the key features of their reactions and assess their significance. The perceived modernity and alterity of Hollywood movies, musical genres such as swing, and the content and presentation of American comics and ‘pulps’, became the sources of heated debate during the midcentury. Many New Zealanders admired what they perceived as the exuberance, variety and style of such American media. They also applauded the willingness of the cultural triptych to appropriate visual, textual and musical forms and styles without respect for the traditional classifications of cultural merit. Such perceived standards were based on the privileged judgements of cultural arbiters drawn from members of New Zealand’s educational and civic elites. Key figures within these elites insisted that American culture was ‘low’, inferior and commodified, threatening the dominance of a sacrosanct, traditional ‘high’culture. Many of them also maintained that these American cultural imports endangered both the traditionally British nature of our cultural heritage, and New Zealand’s distinctively ‘British’ identity. Many of these complaints enfolded deeper objections to American movies, music and literary forms exemplified by comics and pulps. Significant intellectual and civic figures portrayed these cultural modes as pernicious and malignant, because they were allegedly the product of malignant African-American, Jewish and capitalist sources, which threatened to poison the cultural and social values of New Zealanders, especially the young. In order to justify such attitudes, these influential cultural guardians portrayed the general public as an essentially immature, susceptible, unthinking and puritanical mass. Accordingly, this public, supposedly ignorant of the dangers posed by American culture, required the intervention and protection of members of this elite. Responses to these potent expressions of American culture provide focal points which both illuminate and reflect wider social, political and ideological controversies within midcentury New Zealand. Not only were these reactions part of a process of comprehension and negotiation of new aesthetic styles and media modes. They also represent an arena of public and intellectual contention whose significance has been neglected or under-valued. New Zealanders’ attitudes towards the new cinematic, literary and musical elements of American culture occurred within a rich and revealing socio-political and ideological context. When we comment on that culture we reveal significant features of our own national and cultural selves.

Text in Afrikaans
Die Jeugbediening binne die Nederduitse Gereforrneerde Kerk verkeer tans in 'n stroomversnelling, en roep om vemuwing en verandering. Onderliggend aan bierdie krisis wat ontstaan het, le die tydsgees van die postmodemisme. Laasgenoemde het 'n beslissende invloed op die wyse waarop die jongmense vandag die evangelie hoor en leer. Dit het ook 'n deurslaggewende invloed op geloofskommunikasie. Pierre Babin beredeneer in sy boek The New Era in Religious Communication vyf konsepte wat lig werp op die nuwe era wat aangebreek het in geloofskommunikasie en spreek daarrnee die krisis in hierdie nuwe era bevredigend aan. Hy benadruk die volgende hoofkonsepte, naamlik: • Die verskuiwing van die Gutenberg-era na die Oudiovisuele era • Die impak van die elektroniese media op geloof • Die weg van skoonheid • Die simboliese weg • Stereo-kategese. Die skrywer is van mening dat die hoofkonsepte, soos uitgewerk deur Babin, die basis le vir 'n effektiewe, kontemporere jeugbedieningsmodel vir die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks.
The ministering of the gospel to the youth within the Dutch Reformed Church finds itself in a rapid at present and is calling for rejuvenation and change. Underlying to this crisis, is the spirit of the times known as Post Modernism. The latter has a decisive influence on the way the youth of today hear and learn the gospel. It also has a conclusive impact on communicating religion. Pierre Babin argued in his book The New Era in Religious Communication five concepts which cast light on the new era which has arrived in the communication of religion. These address the crisis of the new era effectively. He emphasizes the following main concepts: • The shift from the Gutenberg era to the audiovisual era • The impact of the electronic era on faith • The way of beauty • The symbolic way • Stereo catechesis. The author is of the opinion that these concepts, as formulated by Babin, pave the way for an effective, contemporary model for ministering the gospel to the youth within the South African context.
Practical Theology
M. Diac. (Youth work)

Recent historians who have written about the development of Methodist religious identity in Upper Canada have based their narratives primarily on readings of documents concerned with ecclesiastical polity and colonial politics. This study attempts to complicate these narratives by examining the way religious identity in the province was affected by the cultural production and distribution of books as denominational status objects in a wider North American market before the middle of the nineteenth century. The first chapter examines the rhetorical strategies the Methodist Book Concern developed to protect its domestic market in the United States from the products of competitors by equating patronage with denominational identity. The remaining chapters unfold the influence a protracted consumption of such cultural commodities had on the religious identity of Methodists living in Upper Canada. For more than a decade after the War of 1812, the Methodist Book Concern relied on a corps of Methodist preachers to distribute its commodities north of the border. This denominational infrastructure conferred the accidental but strategic advantage of concealing the extent of the Concern’s market and its rhetoric from the colony’s increasingly anti-American elite. The Concern’s access to its Upper Canadian market became compromised, however, when Egerton Ryerson initiated a debate over religious equality in the province’s emergent public sphere in the mid-1820s. This inadvertently drew attention to Methodist textual practices in the province that led to later efforts on the part of Upper Canadians to sever the Concern’s access to its market north of the border. When these attempts failed, Canadian Methodists found ways to decouple the material and cultural dimensions of the Concern’s products in order to continue patronizing the Concern without compromising recent gains achieved by strategically refashioning themselves as loyal Wesleyans within the colony’s conservative political environment. The result was the emergence of a stable and enduring transnational market for Methodist printed commodities that both blunted the cultural influence of British Wesleyans and prepared the ground for a later secularization of Methodist publishing into and beyond the middle decades of the nineteenth century.