Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Pierre de (1863-1937 ; éducateur) »

Canon and oblivion. The memorials of archaeologyThe article takes its point of departure in the sun chariot; the find itself and its find site at Trundholm bog where it was discovered in 1902. The famous sun chariot, now at the National Museum in Copenhagen, is a national treasure included in the Danish “Cultural Canon” and “History Canon”.The find site itself has alternated bet­ween experiencing intense attention and oblivion. A monument was erected in 1925; a new monument was then created in 1962 and later moved in 2002. The event of 1962 was followed by ceremonies, speeches and songs, and anniversary celebrations were held in 2002, during which a copy of the sun chariot was sacrificed.The memorial at Trundholm bog is only one of several memorials at archaeological find sites in Denmark. Which finds have been commemorated and marked by memorials? When did this happen? Who took the initiative? How were they executed? Why are these finds remembered? What picture of the past do we meet in this canon in stone?Find sites and archaeological memorials have been neglected in archaeology and by recent trends in the study of the history of archaeology. Considering the impressive research on monuments and monumentality in archaeology, this is astonishing. However, memorials in general receive attention in an active research field on the use of history and heritage studies, where historians and ethnologists dominate. The main focus here is, however, on war memorials. An important source of inspiration has been provided by a project led by the French historian Pierre Nora who claims that memorial sites are established when the living memory is threatened (a thesis refuted by the many Danish “Reunion” monuments erected even before the day of reunification in 1920).Translated into Danish conditions, studies of the culture of remembrance and memorials have focused on the wars of 1848-50 and 1864, the Reunion in 1920, the Occupation in 1940-45 and, more generally, on conflicts in the borderland bet­ween Denmark and Germany.In relation to the total number of memorials and public meeting places in Denmark, archaeological memorials of archaeology are few in number, around 1 % of the total. However, they prompt crucial questions concerning the use of the past, on canon and oblivion.“Canon” means rule, and canonical texts are the supposed genuine texts in the Bible. The concept of canon became a topic in the 1990s when Harold Bloom, in “The Western Canon”, identified a number of books as being canonical. In Denmark, canon has been a great issue in recent years with the appearance of the “Danish Literary Canon” in 2004, and the “Cultural Canon” and the “History Canon”, both in 2006. The latter includes the Ertebølle culture, the sun chariot and the Jelling stone. The political context for the creation of canon lists is the so-called “cultural conflict” and the debate concerning immigration and “foreigners”.Canon and canonization means a struggle against relativism and oblivion. Canon means that something ought to be remembered while something else is allowed to be forgotten. Canon lists are constructed when works and values are perceived as being threatened by oblivion. Without ephemerality and oblivion there is no need for canon lists. Canon and oblivion are linked.Memorials mean canonization of certain individuals, collectives, events and places, while others are allowed to be forgotten. Consequently, archaeological memorials constitute part of the canonization of a few finds and find sites. According to Pierre Nora’s thesis, memorials are established when the places are in danger of being forgotten.Whether one likes canon lists or not, they are a fact. There has always been a process of prioritisation, leading to some finds being preserved and others discarded, some being exhibited and others ending up in the stores.Canonization is expressed in the classical “Seven Wonders of the World”, the “Seven New Wonders of the World” and the World Heritage list. A find may be declared as treasure trove, as being of “unique national significance” or be honoured by the publication of a monograph or by being given its own museum.In practice, the same few finds occur in different contexts. There seems to be a consensus within the subject of canonization of valuing what is well preserved, unique, made of precious metals, bears images and is monumental. A top-ten canon list of prehistoric finds from Denmark according to this consensus would probably include the following finds: The sun chariot from Trundholm, the girl from Egtved, the Dejbjerg carts, the Gundestrup cauldron, Tollund man, the golden horns from Gallehus, the Mammen or Bjerringhøj grave, the Ladby ship and the Skuldelev ships.Just as the past may be used in many different ways, there are many forms of memorial related to monuments from the past or to archaeological excavations. Memorials were constructed in the 18th and 19th centuries at locations where members of the royal family had conducted archaeology. As with most other memorials from that time, the prince is at the centre, while antiquity and archaeology create a brilliant background, for example at Jægerpris (fig. 2). Memorials celebrating King Frederik VII were created at the Dæmpegård dolmen and at the ruin of Asserbo castle. A memorial celebrating Count Frederik Sehested was erected at Møllegårdsmarken (fig. 3). Later there were also memorials celebrating the architect C.M. Smith at the ruin of Kalø Castle and Svend Dyhre Rasmussen and Axel Steensberg, respectively the finder and the excavator of the medieval village at Borup Ris.Several memorials were erected in the decades around 1900 to commemorate important events or persons in Danish history, for example by Thor Lange. The memorials were often located at sites and monuments that had recently been excavated, for example at Fjenneslev (fig. 4).A large number of memorials commemorate abandoned churches, monasteries, castles or barrows that have now disappeared, for example at the monument (fig. 5) near Bjerringhøj.Memorials were erected in the first half of the 20th century near large prehistoric monuments which also functioned as public meeting places, for example at Glavendrup, Gudbjerglund and Hohøj. Prehistoric monuments, especially dolmens, were also used as models when new memorials were created during the 19th and 20th centuries.Finally, sculptures were produced at the end of the 19th century sculptures where the motif was a famous archaeological find – the golden horns, the girl from Egtved, the sun chariot and the woman from Skrydstrup.In the following, this article will focus on a category of memorials raised to commemorate an archaeological find. In Denmark, 24 archaeological find sites have been marked by a total of 26 monuments (fig. 6). This survey is based on excursions, scanning the literature, googling on the web and contact with colleagues. The monuments are presented chronological, i.e. by date of erection. 1-2) The golden horns from Gallehus: Found in 1639 and 1734; two monu­ments in 1907. 3) The Snoldelev runic stone: Found in c. 1780; monument in 1915. 4) The sun chariot from Trundholm bog: Found in 1902; monument in 1925; renewed in 1962 and moved in 2002. 5) The grave mound from Egtved: Found in 1921; monument in 1930. 6) The Dejbjerg carts. Found in 1881-83; monument in 1933. 7) The Gundestrup cauldron: Found in 1891; wooden stake in 1934; replaced with a monument in 1935. 8) The Bregnebjerg burial ground: Found in 1932; miniature dolmen in 1934. 9) The Brangstrup gold hoard. Found in 1865; monument in 1935.10-11) Maglemose settlements in Mulle­rup bog: Found in 1900-02; two monuments in 1935 and 1936. 12) The Skarpsalling vessel from Oudrup Heath: Found in 1891; monument in 1936. 13) The Juellinge burial ground: Found in 1909; monument in 1937. 14) The Ladby ship: Found in 1935; monument probably in 1937. 15) The Hoby grave: Found in 1920; monument in 1939. 16) The Maltbæk lurs: Found in 1861 and 1863; monument in 1942. 17) Ginnerup settlement: First excavation in 1922; monument in 1945. 18) The golden boats from Nors: Found in 1885; monument in 1945. 19) The Sædinge runic stone: Found in 1854; monument in 1945. 20) The Nydam boat: Found in 1863; monument in 1947. 21) The aurochs from Vig: Found in 1904; monument in 1957. 22) Tollund Man: Found in 1950; wooden stake in 1968; renewed inscription in 2000. 23) The Veksø helmets: Found in 1942; monument in 1992. 24) The Bjæverskov coin hoard. Found in 1999; monument in 1999. 25) The Frydenhøj sword from Hvidovre: Found in 1929; monument in 2001; renewed in 2005. 26) The Bellinge key: Found in 1880; monument in 2003.Two monuments (fig. 7) raised in 1997 at Gallehus, where the golden horns were found, marked a new trend. From then onwards the find itself and its popular finders came into focus. At the same time the classical or old Norse style of the memorials was replaced by simple menhirs or boulders with an inscription and sometimes also an image of the find. One memorial was constructed as a miniature dolmen and a few took the form of a wooden stake.The finds marked by memorials represent a broader spectrum than the top-ten list. They represent all periods from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages over most of Denmark. Memorials were created throughout the 20th century; in greatest numbers in the 1930s and 1940s, but with none between 1968 and 1992.The inscriptions mention what was found and, in most cases, also when it happened. Sometimes the finder is named and, in a few instances, also the person on whose initiative the memorial was erected. The latter was usually a representative part of the political agency of the time. In the 18th and 19th centuries it was the royal family and the aristocracy. In the 20th century it was workers, teachers, doctors, priests, farmers and, in many cases, local historical societies who were responsible, as seen on the islands of Lolland and Falster, where ten memorials were erected between 1936 and 1951 to commemorate historical events, individuals, monuments or finds.The memorial from 2001 at the find site of the Frydenhøj sword in Hvidovre represents an innovation in the tradition of marking history in the landscape. The memorial is a monumental hybrid between signposting and public art (fig. 8). It formed part of a communication project called “History in the Street”, which involved telling the history of a Copenhagen suburb right there where it actually happened.The memorials marking archaeological finds relate to the nation and to nationalism in several ways. The monuments at Gallehus should, therefore, be seen in the context of a struggle concerning both the historical allegiance and future destiny of Schleswig or Southern Jutland. More generally, the national perspective occurs in inscriptions using concepts such as “the people”, “Denmark” and “the Danes”, even if these were irrelevant in prehistory, e.g. when the monument from 1930 at Egtved mentions “A young Danish girl” (fig. 9). This use of the past to legitimise the nation, belongs to the epoch of World War I, World War II and the 1930s. The influence of nationalism was often reflected in the ceremonies when the memorials were unveiled, with speeches, flags and songs.According to Marie Louise Stig Sørensen and Inge Adriansen, prehistoric objects that are applicable as national symbols, should satisfy three criteria. The should: 1) be unusual and remarkable by their technical and artistic quality; 2) have been produced locally, i.e. be Danish; 3) have been used in religious ceremonies or processions. The 26 archaeological finds marked with memorials only partly fit these criteria. The finds also include more ordinary finds: a burial ground, settlements, runic stones, a coin hoard, a sword and a key. Several of the finds were produced abroad: the Gundestrup cauldron, the Brangstrup jewellery and coins and the Hoby silver cups.It is tempting to interpret the Danish cultural canon as a new expression of a national use of the past in the present. Nostalgia, the use of the past and the creation of memorials are often explained as an expression of crisis in society. This seems reasonable for the many memorials from 1915-45 with inscriptions mentioning hope, consolation and darkness. However, why are there no memorials from the economic crisis years of the 1970s and 1980s? It seems as if the past is recalled, when the nation is under threat – in the 1930s and 40s from expansive Germany – and since the 1990s by increased immigration and globalisation.The memorials have in common local loss and local initiative. A treasure was found and a treasure was lost, often to the National Museum in Copenhagen. A treasure was won that contributed to the great narrative of the history of Denmark, but that treasure has also left its original context. The memorials commemorate the finds that have contributed to the narrative of the greatness, age and area of Denmark. The memorials connect the nation and the native place, the capital and the village in a community, where the past is a central concept. The find may also become a symbol of a region or community, for example the sun chariot for Trundholm community and the Gundestrup cauldron for Himmerland.It is almost always people who live near the find site who want to remember what has been found and where. The finds were commemorated by a memorial on average 60 years after their discovery. A longer period elapsed for the golden horns from Gallehus; shortest was at Bjæverskov where the coin hoard was found in March 1999 and a monument was erected in November of the same year.Memorials might seem an old-fashioned way of marking localities in a national topography, but new memorials are created in the same period as many new museums are established.A unique find has no prominent role in archaeological education, research or other work. However, in public opinion treasures and exotic finds are central. Folklore tells of people searching for treasures but always failing. Treasure hunting is restricted by taboos. In the world of archaeological finds there are no taboos. The treasure is found by accident and in spite of various hindrances the find is taken to a museum. The finder is often a worthy person – a child, a labourer or peasant. He or she is an innocent and ordinary person. A national symbol requires a worthy finder. And the find occurs as a miracle. At the find site a romantic relationship is established between the ancestors and their heirs who, by way of a miracle, find fragments of the glorious past of the nation. A paradigmatic example is the finding of the golden horns from Gallehus. Other examples extend from the discovery of the sun chariot in Trundholm bog to the Stone Age settlement at Mullerup bog.The article ends with a catalogue presenting the 24 archaeological find sites that have been marked with monuments in present-day Denmark.Jes WienbergHistorisk arkeologiInstitutionen för Arkeologi och ­Antikens historiaLunds Universitet

Universellement connu comme « le rénovateur des Jeux olympiques », Pierre de Coubertin est un réformateur pédagogique et social fin-de-siècle qui imagine peser sur les destinées de la France, puis du monde, en forgeant une nouvelle élite. Cette biographie intellectuelle et sportive interroge sa neutralité politique et déconstruit le mythe de la perpétuation olympique. En introduisant le sport à l’école Monge, puis en veillant à sa diffusion dans les lycées, il tente d’inventer une catégorie sociologique d’un nouveau genre qui transcenderait les hiérarchies sociales produites par la révolution bourgeoise et industrielle : la chevalerie des sportsmen. Le tory à la française serait recruté dans la bourgeoisie, et jusque dans les nouvelles couches, pour peu que l’impétrant se comporte en sportsman combinant bravoure, loyauté, distinction, et politesse. Rallié dès 1887, proche des progressistes puis de la Fédération républicaine, guère compris ni suivi, il en vient à se réfugier à l’extrême-centre, ce qui le conduit à une sorte d’exil intérieur. Jamais il ne sera parvenu à contrôler les jeux olympiques qu’il conçoit dès 1892 comme internationaux et pacifistes. Contre les nations et les Etats, contre les organisateurs de spectacles et les fédérations sportives internationales naissantes, il forge « l’olympisme » entre 1906 et 1914. Imaginée comme un rempart contre l'argent, les femmes et la foule, cette utopie sportive est aussi une uchronie qui renvoie davantage à l’âge féodal qu’au stade grec antique. À contre-courant du XXe siècle, poussé à la démission du CIO en 1925, Pierre de Coubertin n’a compris ni la violence de la Grande Guerre ni la charge mortifère de l’hitlérisme
Known universally as ‘Restorer of the Olympic Games’, Pierre de Coubertin is an end-of-century social and educational reformer who fancies he can weigh on the destinies of France and the world by forging a new elite. The present intellectual and sportive biography questions his political neutrality and dismantles the myth of Olympic perpetuation. By bringing in sports into the Ecole Monge, then making sure they will spread to all lycées, he tries to invent a new-fangled sociological group that will transcend all the social hierarchies produced by the industrial revolution: the chivalry of sportsmen. The French Tory will be recruited in the middle-classes, down to the latest strata, provided the candidate behaves as a sportsman combining bravery, loyalty, distinction and good manners. Having rejoined the Republic as soon as 1887, close to the French liberals, then the Republican Federation Party, hardly understood or followed, he ends up taking refuge in an extreme-centre political swamp, which leads him to a kind of self banishment. Never has he managed to control the Olympic Games which, as soon as 1892, he had imagined International and pacifistic. Against nations and States, against organisers of shows and budding international sports federations, he forges ‘Olympism’ between 1906 and 1914. Conceived as a rampart against money, women and crowds, this sporting utopia is also a uchronia which evokes the feudal ages more than an ancient Greek stadium. Heading against the mainstream of the twentieth century, forced to resign from the IOC in 1925, Pierre de Coubertin has failed to understand both the violence of World War I and the lethal oppression of hitlerism

La richesse de la pensée de Coubertin est restée longtemps ignorée, il n’est présent en réalité que dans les discours officiels des Jeux olympiques, alors qu’il a proposé une réforme de l’enseignement dont l’actualité demeure. La Chine a fourni des efforts considérables pour l’organisation des Jeux de 2008, malheureusement Coubertin lui-même y reste tout à fait méconnu, aucune monographie sur lui n’y ayant été effectuée. L’olympisme est la base philosophique sur laquelle Coubertin cherche à faire reposer son œuvre, il est aussi le concentré de ses idées maîtresses. La Chine, malgré ses dissemblances culturelles avec le monde occidental, est prédisposée à la diffusion de la pensée de Coubertin. La quintessence de l’olympisme, à savoir l’esprit chevaleresque, le culte du beau, s’inscrit dans le courant de la tradition chinoise. Ils sont loués, nourris depuis plus de deux mille ans par toutes les écoles philosophiques et les religions chinoises. Faire s’épanouir en Chine l’esprit sportif de Coubertin, c’est en réalité honorer l’esprit chevaleresque chinois. Le peuple chinois, paisible et imprégné de culture paysanne, se montre souvent veule et confiné malgré son histoire chevaleresque rayonnante. En 1889, Coubertin a lancé son slogan : « un rebronzage pédagogique » visant à développer la totalité de l’homme, c'est-à-dire son physique, son intellect et sa morale, par le biais du sport. Plus de cent vingt ans se sont écoulés, l’heure est venue pour les Chinois de répondre à cet appel. Soyons sportifs, soyons chevaleresques !
The abundance of the thought of Pierre de Coubertin went unnoticed for long, he is just present in fact in the official speeches of the Olympic Games, whereas he has put forward an educational reform the actuality of which remains. If China has provided a considerable effort for the organization of the Games in 2008, unfortunately Coubertin himself stays entirely misunderstood, not any monograph about him has been carried out. The Olympic spirit is the philosophical base on which Coubertin tries to rest his works, it is also the concentrate of his principal ideas. In spite of its cultural dissimilarities from the occidental world, China is predisposed to the diffusion of the thought of Coubertin. The quintessence of the Olympic spirit, that is the spirit of chivalry, the cult of beauty, comes within the movement of Chinese tradition. They have been praised, nourished since more than two thousand years by all of the philosophical schools and Chinese religions. Making bloom in China the sportsmanship of Coubertin, it is in fact to honor the Chinese chivalrous spirit. The peaceful and imbued with a country culture Chinese people, often appears as spineless and confined despite its radiant chivalrous history. In 1889, Coubertin launched his slogan : “an educational rebronzing” (“un rebronzage pédagogique”), aiming at developing the whole man, that is to say his physique, his intellect and his morality, by means of sports. More than one hundred and twenty years have passed, it’s time for Chinese people to reply to this call. Be a sportsman, be a knight !

En 1925, le président-fondateur du comité international olympique, Pierre de Coubertin, démissionne de sa fonction en faveur du Belge, Henri de Baillet-Latour. A cette date, la montée en puissance des fédérations internationales sportives menace le pouvoir monopolistique du C. I. O. De plus, la professionnalisation des sports commence à rendre obsolète les valeurs olympiques. Baillet-Latour hérite donc d'un C. I. O. D'autant plus fragile que la passation de pouvoir est un moment potentiel d'instabilité institutionnelle. Pourtant, à la fin de sa présidence, il peut se targuer d'avoir nettement renforcé le pouvoir du C. I. O. Sur le mouvement sportif mondial : le nombre d'athlètes aux jeux olympiques ne cesse de s'accroitre tandis que le programme olympique compte de plus en plus de fédérations sportives. Soulignant l'autoritarisme de Coubertin, les historiens présentent généralement Baillet-Latour comme un président plus démocratique. L'existence de la nouvelle commission exécutive va dans le sens d'une meilleure répartition du pouvoir au sein du comité. Cependant, l'internationalisation des membres du C. I. O. Et les difficultés de transport et de communication compliquent la gestion quotidienne de ce pouvoir émietté. Cette recherche est consacrée à l'étude de la répartition des pouvoirs au sein du C. I. O. Et aux moyens mis en place par le président pour asseoir le monopole olympique sur le mouvement sportif mondial. La première hypothèse repose sur le retour à un pouvoir présidentiel autocratique et sur le rôle amoindri de la commission exécutive. La seconde hypothèse envisage une utilisation multiforme des valeurs olympiques par les dirigeants du C. I. O. L'étude du fonctionnement interne du comité, de l'évolution des valeurs olympiques, des conflits avec les fédérations internationales et de la préparation des jeux olympiques de Berlin en 1936 montre les particularités des rouages internes de l'institution olympique sous la présidence de Henri de Baillet-Latour
In 1925; the founder-president of the international olympic committee, Pierre de Coubertin, resigned from his office in favour of the Belgian, Henri de Baillet-Latour. By the time, the accumulating power of the sports international federations threatened the monopolistic power of the I. O. C. Furthermore, the professionalization of sports began to make Olympic values obsolete. Baillet-Latour thus inherited an all the more fragile I. O. C. So that the transmission of poweris a potential moment of institutional instability. Nevertheless, at the end of his presidency, he could boast of having sharply strengthened the power of the C. I. O. In the world sports movement : the number athletes in the Olympic Games did not stop increasing whereas the Olympic program counted more and more sports federations. Underlining Coubertin's authoritarianism, the historians generally present Baillet-Latour as a more democratic president. Yhe existence of the new executive committee played a foremost role towards the better distribution of power within the committee. However, the internationalisation of the members of the I. O. C. And the difficulties of transpoet and communication complicate the daily management of this crumbled power. This present thesis is devoted to the study of the distribution of powers within the I. O. C. And to the means set up by the president to establish the Olympic monopoly firmly on the world athletic movment. The first hypothesis is based on the return of an autocratic presidential power and that of the weakened executive committee. The second hypothesis envisages a multifarious use of Olympic values by the leaders of the I. O. C. The study of the internal functioning of the committee, the evolution of Olympic values, the conflicts with the international federations and the preparation of the Olympic Games of Berlin in 1936 shows the particularities of the internal cogs of the Olympic institution under Henri de Baillet-Latour's presidency

Coubertin avait souhaité organiser les premiers Jeux de l’ère moderne à Paris en 1900 dans le cadre de l’Exposition universelle ou en relation avec elle. Mais dès janvier 1894, le Commissaire général de cette Exposition universelle, Alfred Picard, a rejeté sa proposition, préférant organiser des concours d’exercices physiques et de sport sous le contrôle du comité d’organisation de l’Exposition, privant ainsi Coubertin des soutiens qui lui auraient permis d'organiser les Jeux olympiques. Il ne restait alors plus au président du CIO qu’à sauver les apparences, afin d’assurer la survie du mouvement olympique naissant. Il y a si bien réussi que le mythe des Jeux olympiques de 1900 perdure jusqu’à nos jours, entretenu, il est vrai, par le CIO lui-même. Cette thèse se propose de démêler le vrai du faux à propos des « Jeux olympiques » de 1900 qui, de fait, n’ont pas eu lieu
Coubertin wished to organize the first games of the modern era in Paris in 1900, within the framework of, or in connection with, the World Fair. But from January 1894, Alfred Picard, the World Fair General Commissioner, rejected his proposal, rather choosing to organize physical exercises and sport competitions, thus depriving Coubertin of the supports who would have allowed him to organize Olympic Games. Therefore the only solution left for the IOC President was to keep up appearances, in order to ensure the survival of the rising Olympic movement. He made it so well that the myth of the 1900 Olympic Games still goes on, a myth preserved by the IOC itself. The purpose of this thesis is to separate fact from fiction about the so-called 1900 “Olympic Games” which n fact never occurred

L'idée olympique développée par Pierre de Coubertin s'avère être un projet de reconstruction démocratique de l'histoire politique et de l'éducation physique et sportive de 1892 à 1920. Ancré dans le période des révolutions industrielles et de l'avènement de l'État-nation, ce travail heuristique vise à décrire un processus d'actions dans la formation d'un citoyen exemplaire. Cette mission est accomplie grâce à l'importance et au charisme de Pierre de Coubertin, véritable initiateur et idéologue, ainsi que grâce à ses réseaux. Les pratiques culturelles et sportives créées sont diffusées par le biais de divers concepts (sociabilité, réseaux, rapports de pouvoirs et le jeu démocratique) à travers les Jeux et le CIO. Croisant des sources variées et originales, notre étude révèle que le processus inhérent à la renommée de l'œuvre de Pierre de Coubertin tient à trois indicateurs complémentaires. Premièrement, le succès de cette idée spécifique est dû à la personnalité et au parcours de vie de l'inspirateur, doté de réseaux utiles et multiples. Deuxièmement, Pierre de Coubertin fédère des acteurs internationaux et s'appuie sur un noyau d'hommes, les cooptés du Comité international olympique, pour créer une identité de groupe dans cette organisation. Le comité possède des spécificités politiques, éducatives, sportives et sociales suffisantes pour promouvoir un message d'envergure au sein d'espaces géographiques internationaux. Le Baron utilise les réseaux, les structures sociales et les échanges interpersonnels pour convaincre, légitimer et diffuser son projet de citoyen exemplaire. Enfin, il s'attache, à promouvoir son modèle en tirant profit de la modernité et de la force des espaces démocratiques lancés dans une «course au progrès et à la reconnaissance». Notre travail articule majoritairement ces trois logiques explicatives pour comprendre la naissance de l'idée olympique d'envergure internationales de 1892 à 2896, son développement entre 1897 et 1914 et enfin la fin de l'idée olympique idéale en 1920 pour laisser place au spectacle sportif
The Olympic idea as it was developed by Pierre de Coubertin happens to be a project whose aim was to rebuild a democratic political history of physical education from 1892 to 1920. Anchored in the era of industrial revolutions and of the birth of the nation-State, this heuristic work aims at describing a process of actions in the creation of an exemplary citizen. Such a mission was accomplished thanks to the important charisma of a man, Pierre de Coubertin, who was also the father of the idea and an ideologist thanks to his network of acquaintances. The cultural and sporting practices that were created were spread through diverse concepts (sush as sociability, networks, power relations and democracy) both with the Games and the IOC. This study mixes different sources so as to reveal the process that was linked to Pierre de Coubertin's work in three complementary indicators. First, the success of this specific idea is due to the originator's personality and very life, whose network of acquaintances was decisive. Then Pierre de Coubertin federated international actors by relying on a group of men - those who were co-opted in the IOC - so as to create a group identity within the comittee. Indeed, the Committee possesses politicaln educational, sporting and social specificities that helped to spread the message within international geographic spaces. To finish, Pierre de Coubertin endeavored to promote his model by taking advantage from the modernity and the strength of the democratic spaces that were then launching into a "race to progress and to recognition". Our work uses these three logics to understand the birth of the olympic idea worldwide from 1892 to 1896, its development between 1897 and 1914 and eventually its en 1920 to make room for sports show

碩士
國立政治大學
史學研究所
95
Pierre de Coubertin (1863-1937) is recognized as the “Savior” of the Modern Olympic Games. His special contribution contains two major parts: first, he modernized and revived the games, and led the International Olympic Committee for almost 30 years; second, he designed the blueprint and vision of the games by promoting “Olympism”. Therefore, if we want to delve into the early history of the games, it is crucial to figure out what he did, what he said, and what influenced him. This study intends to portray a historical picture of Olympism, especially focusing on its founder and his milieu. First chapter covers the background which motivated his social revolution. Second chapter highlights on the movements of modern sport, exhibitionary culture and revivalism, which not only represented mainstream cultural trends of 19 century, but also laid the basis of the modern Olympic Games. The underlying meaning of modern physical education, art and its historical positioning served as the core value of Olympism. Chapter 3 to 5, therefore, analyze these three pivotal points with regard to Olympism and its implementation. This study argues that the Modern Olympic Games and Olympism cannot be separated. Concerning that both are the result of actions taken by de Coubertin to revive the Olympic Games, equally important are their role in the Olympic movement. Ignoring either of them can lead to missing the whole picture of the process through which the Modern Olympic Games was founded. In this way, we can also see some different roles de Coubertin played in promoting the Olympic Movement.