Articles de revues : « Persecution – Soviet Union »

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AGTZIDIS, VLASIS. « The Persecution of Pontic Greeks in the Soviet Union ». Journal of Refugee Studies 4, n^o 4 (1991) : 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/4.4.372.

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Hurst, Mark. « ‘Gamekeeper Turned Poacher’ : Frank Chapple, Anti-Communism, and Soviet Human Rights Violations1 ». Labour History Review : Volume 86, Issue 3 86, n^o 3 (1 décembre 2021) : 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.14.

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The inclusion of the British trade union leader Frank Chapple on the panel of the 1985 Sakharov hearings, an event designed to hold the Soviet authorities to account for their violation of human rights, raises questions about the workings of the broader network of activists highlighting Soviet abuses. This article assesses Chapple’s support for human rights in the Soviet Union, arguing that because of his historic membership of the Communist Party and subsequent anti-communist leadership of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in Britain, his support for victims of Soviet persecution was multifaceted in the Cold War context.

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Kuzovova, Natalia. « SOVIET REPRESSION AGAINST REFUGEE JEWS FROM THE TERRITORY OF POLAND AND CZECH-SLOVAKIA BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF WORLD WAR II ». Intermarum history policy culture, n^o 9 (25 décembre 2021) : 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112018.

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Purpose: to analyze a set of documents stored in the funds of the State Archives of Kherson region – cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1938-1941. Based on historiographical and source studies on this topic, to outline the general grounds for arrest and persecution of refugees by Soviet authorities and to find out why Jews – former citizens of Poland and Czechoslovakia – found themselves in the focus of repression. Research methodology. The main research methods were general and special-historical, as well as methods of archival heuristics and scientific criticism of sources. Scientific novelty. Previously unpublished documents are introduced into scientific circulation: cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia, analysis of the Soviet government's policy towards Jews who tried to escape from the Nazis in the USSR and the Union Republics in southern Ukraine, including Kherson. The forms of repression applied by the NKVD to refugee Jews are analyzed, and the consequences of such a policy for the German government's policy of genocide in the occupied territories are examined. Conclusions. The study found that the formal reason for the persecution of Jewish refugees was the illegal crossing of the border with the USSR, since the Soviet Union, like many countries in the world, refused to accept Jews fleeing the Nazi persecution. The Soviet government motivated this by the fact that refugee Jews spread mood of defeat and panic, spied for Germany, Britain, and Poland, had anti-Soviet views, and conducted anti-Soviet campaigning. As a result of the arrests and deportations of Jewish refugees, the Jewish population, particularly in southern Ukraine, was unaware of the persecution of Jews in lands occupied by Nazi Germany. In fact, the Jewish refugees sent to the concentration camps, along with the Germans of Ukraine and the Volga region, were the only groups of people thus "evacuated" by the Soviet authorities on ethnic grounds. However, due to the enemy's rapid offensive, refugees who did not fall into the hands of the NKVD shared the tragic fate of Ukrainian Jews during the Holocaust.

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Buoli, Massimiliano, et Aldo Sabino Giannuli. « The political use of psychiatry : A comparison between totalitarian regimes ». International Journal of Social Psychiatry 63, n^o 2 (15 janvier 2017) : 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764016688714.

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Background: After the end of Second World War, the recent experience of the Nazi horrors stimulated a debate about the political use of psychiatry. Over the years, the focus shifted on major dictatorships of the time and especially on Soviet Union. Aims: This article aims to provide a critical review of the ways in which psychiatry was used by totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. Methods: We summarized relevant literature about political use of psychiatry in totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, with particular focus on Fascism, Nazism, Argentina dictatorship, Soviet Union and China. Results: One of the features that are common to most of the dictatorships is that the use of psychiatry has become more prominent when the regimes have had the need to make more acceptable the imprisonment of enemies in the eyes of the world. This for example happened in the Nazi regime when sterilization and killing of psychiatric patients was explained as a kind of euthanasia, or in the Soviet Union after the formal closure of the corrective labor camps and the slow resumption of relations with the capitalistic world, or in China to justify persecution of religious minorities and preserve economic relations with Western countries. Conclusion: Psychiatry has been variously used by totalitarian regimes as a means of political persecution and especially when it was necessary to make acceptable to public opinion the imprisonment of political opponents.

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Rowley, Alison. « Emma Goes to the Arctic ». Journal of Russian American Studies 8, n^o 1 (1 mai 2024) : 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/jras.v8i1.21627.

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This article tells the story of Emma Burnham Dresser's 1931 voyage on the Soviet icebreaker Malygin. Emma was not interested in Marxism or social experimentation. Nor was she fleeing discrimation or religious persecution. Instead, she wanted an exotic experience; hence, Emma's story introduces a new kind of traveler to the scholarly literature on the history of tourism to the Soviet Union: the wealthy socialite looking for her latest adventure. By focusing on contemporary press coverage of the trip, we can also see how American interpretations of it differ from the narratives offered by Soviet media, and how Emma's actions defied American conceptions of the Arctic as a space where men went to prove their masculinity.

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Hassall, Graham. « Notes on the Bábí and Bahá’í Religions in Russia and its Territories ». Journal of Baha’i Studies 5, n^o 3 (1993) : 41–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-5.3.3(1993).

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The impact of the emergence of the Bábí and Bahá’í religions in nineteenth-century Iran was almost immediately felt in neighboring countries, including Russia and the territories under Russian rule. Those who followed these movements most closely were diplomats, academics, and intellectuals. Bahá’í communities emerged in Russia mostly through Persian migration. Despite their suppression during Soviet rule, scattered remnants of these communities survived until recent political and social changes in the former Soviet Union allowed their full reemergence. This phenomenon of persecution followed by emancipation was alluded to in the writings of Shoghi Effendi from the 1920s.

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Gordeeva, Irina. « Solidarity in Search of Human Agency : ‘Détente from Below’ and Independent Peace Activists in the Soviet Union ». Labour History Review : Volume 86, Issue 3 86, n^o 3 (1 décembre 2021) : 339–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.15.

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While the histories of Western grassroots movements and the officially sanctioned, communist-sponsored peace movement are well known, the independent peace activists of the Soviet bloc have remained footnotes in the history of social movements. The Group for the Establishment of Trust between East and West (the Trust Group) was the largest and most prominent unofficial peace group in the late Soviet Union. Active between 1982 and 1989, its members established significant ties with foreign peace activists. This article considers the agenda, activities and membership of the Trust Group. It contrasts the persecution experienced by this independent movement with the activities of the official, state-sanctioned Soviet Peace Committee (SPC). As the article shows, the Trust Group’s agenda resonated with the concept of ‘détente from below’, as promoted by members of European Nuclear Disarmament (END), including the historian E.P. Thompson. The article traces how Western advocates of ‘détente from below’ sought to support these independent campaigners in the Soviet Union, thus highlighting important East-West dimensions in European peace activism in the 1980s.

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Korsakov, Sergey N. « “Fight Against Cosmopolitism” in Philosophy : Gorkovsky Case ». Vestnik of Samara State Technical University. Series Philosophy 5, n^o 1 (31 mars 2023) : 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17673/vsgtu-phil.2023.5.3.

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In the article, using the example of what happened to the Nizhny Novgorod philosopher I.B. Liogonkiy examines the main components of the practice of the campaign for the fight against cosmopolitanism carried out in the post-war Soviet Union at the direction of Stalin. I.B. Liogonky is the first candidate of philosophical sciences who defended his dissertation in the city of Gorky (Nizhny Novgorod). In 1949, he was fired from Gorky University and subjected to unjustified persecution as part of a campaign to fight against cosmopolitanism. The colleagues of I.B. Liogonky were interested in this, who took his place. The declarations of the campaign to fight against cosmopolitanism diverged from the actual practice of the campaign, which took on an anti-Semitic character. The indirect result of this was the erosion of communist ideology in the Soviet Union.

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Potapova, N. A. « The Korean diaspora in the USSR in the 1930s ». BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. HISTORICAL SCIENCES. PHILOSOPHY. RELIGION Series 135, n^o 2 (2021) : 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2021-135-2-48-62.

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The article is devoted to the so-called Korean problem in the Soviet Union and ways to find ways to solve it. The Bolsheviks inherited from the Russian Empire the unresolved issue of active settlement of the Far East by Koreans. The migration from Japanese Korea was massive and uncontrolled. Unlike the Chinese, who settled all over the Soviet Union, Koreans settled compactly in the far eastern region. According to the 1937 census, the diaspora in the USSR numbered about 200,000 people. Since the 1920s, the Bolshevik government has attempted to solve the Korean question in the country, including repression of the diaspora. However, the Bolsheviks resorted to drastic and decisive measures in the 1930s. At this time, persecution of the Korean population increased. The main reason for persecution was the desire of the Bolshevik government to rid the country of «unreliable» and «dangerous» elements. The repression of Koreans in the 1930s can be divided into two stages. The first stage covers the period from the beginning of the new decade to the summer of 1937. This period is characterized by sporadic arrests of the Korean population, with the peak of persecution being in 1931- 1932 due to the occupation of Manchuria by Japan and, consequently, a new wave of the Korean population emerged in the Soviet Far East. The Japanese military threat was the main reason for the Bolshevik government to look for foreign spies and agents in the USSR, and the population living in territories occupied by Japan and ending up in the Soviet Union were charged with Japanese espionage. The Koreans therefore became a category of the so-called fifth column. The targeted repressions in the first half of the 1930s were replaced by mass punitive actions in the second half of the 1930s, which reached their peak in 1937-1938. The repression of Koreans in 1937- 1938 comprised conditionally two punitive campaigns. The first campaign was the deportation of far eastern Koreans to Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. The second was the arrests and convictions of the Korean population during the period of the Great Terror as part of the mass operations of the NKVD (The People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs ), particularly the «Harbin» operation. Before 1937-1938, arrests and convictions of Koreans ranged in the hundreds. Thus, for example, in 1933 213 persons were convicted of espionage, in 1934 - 104, in 1935 - 200. During the period of the Big Terror only under the order No.00593 there were convicted about 5 thousand Koreans.

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Moskovkin, Vladimir M. « A Jew’s Fate in Eurasian Space : Between Hatred and Misunderstanding. Role of Mikhail Vygon‘s Legacy in Understanding Persecution of Jews in Crimea in Twentieth Century ». Eurasian Crossroads 2, n^o 1 (3 décembre 2020) : 010310124. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/eurcrossrd.2.010310124.

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In the article, I investigate the role of prosaic oeuvres and memoirs of the famous but now forgotten Yalta-born writer, public figure and teacher of Jewish origin Mikhail Josifovich Vygon (1924-2011), in the reconstruction of the Jewish genocide in Crimea by Nazi criminals during the Great Patriotic War, as well as the later political oppression of Jews in the Soviet Union. An especial attention is paid to Vygon’s testimony of atrocities of the Russians and Ukrainians to the Jews during the German occupation of Crimea. As a result of studying the unpublished works of Vygon, I conclude that the Yalta writer was pessimistic about the future fate of the Jews in Eurasia. Only the formation of the State of Israel in 1948, according to Vygon, where he emigrated in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union, put an end to the almost universal political, cultural and social persecution of the Jewish nation in Eurasia.

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Obrocka, Romana. « Listy z łagru Issaka Antoniego Donigiewicza ». Lehahayer 6 (31 décembre 2019) : 297–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lh.06.2019.06.07.

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Issak Antoni Donigiewicz’s Letters from a Soviet Prison Camp The article focuses on the story of Issak Antoni Donigiewicz (1891-1943), a Polish Armenian born in Kuty in the region of Pokucie (Pokuttia), who was a banker, restaurateur and social activist. Following the outbreak of the Second World War, he became involved in underground activities against the Soviet Union which at that time occupied the territory of Eastern Poland. In 1940 the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs) arrested Donigiewicz and sent him to a Soviet prison camp in the Urals (Ivdel) where he would spend the rest of his life. The author has included and examined the original correspondence (28 letters) sent by Donigiewicz to his loved ones in the period from 7th February to 8th June 1941. The letters stand as a moving testimony to the emotional bonds within the Polish Armenian family and the struggle of an individual to survive under conditions of extreme persecution during the Soviet totalitarian regime.

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Shatalov, Denys. « NON-NIPPED MEMORY. THE HOLOCAUST IN THE SOVIET WAR MEMOIRS ». ПРОБЛЕМИ ІСТОРІЇ ГОЛОКОСТУ : Український вимір 10 (15 décembre 2018) : 127–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33124/hsuf.2018.10.05.

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The article addresses the presentation of the mass murder of Jews during WWII in the Soviet printed production. An overall trend of ignoring the topic of the Holocaust in the Soviet media discourse is unquestioned. Yet, (non)presentation of the mass destruction of Jews in the Soviet literature, which is commonly emphasized by the researches, needs clarification. If we look at the Soviet literature on the Great Patriotic War (including fiction prose), we can trace a phenomenon described in this article through war memoirs. Alongside official ignoring of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union, the whole post-war period experienced mass publishing and re-publishing of memoir books which provided direct references to the murder of Jews by the Nazis during the war. Herewith, combatants’ memoirs would often touch very briefly on the murders of Jews, but give no explanations. Such reference style implies that the authors targeted the readers’ background awareness. Detailed descriptions of Jewish discrimination, segregation, getthoisation and murder are found in the memoirs of former prisoners of war and partisans. The account of Nazi persecution of the Jews is an integral part of the stories of everyday life in the occupied territory, which often represents the major piece of the narrative. Under certain ideology, the mention of the murders of Jews was intentionally instrumentalized by the Soviet memoir writers seeking to demonstrate a criminal nature of Nazi collaborators. As can be inferred from the Soviet war memoirs, we are not supposed to simplify a clear-cut attitude of ignoring and should conceptualize the phenomenon of «non-nipped memory» in semi-official narratives. Soviet narratives, particularly war memoirs, did not highlight Nazi persecution of the Jews as a separate phenomenon; although described in detail, it was seen only as a part of the «new order». In the Soviet setting, we do encounter ignoring of the Holocaust (as a separate phenomenon), but at the same time, although with certain limitations, the memory of the mass murder of the Soviet Jews was quite actively reflected in war memoirs.

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Stegmann, Natali. « Making Sense of the Violent Past : War Veterans’ Organizations in Post-Stalinist Czechoslovakia ». Slavic Review 82, n^o 1 (2023) : 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.100.

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The article examines the de-Stalinization of war veterans’ organizations in Czechoslovakia. Building on testimonies and journalistic works concerning the victims of Stalinist purges and persecution and the attempts to rehabilitate them, the author elaborates her argument with the case study of the prominent war victims’ organization “Association of Antifascist Fighters”. During Stalinism, all veterans who had not fought side by side with the Soviet Union were treated with suspicion and often expelled from the veterans’ association. In the framework of the reform socialist experiment of the 1960s, the country's Stalinist heritage of violence was largely rejected. What made the Czechoslovak reform socialist approach unique was its distancing from the Soviet influence on Czechoslovak communist tradition. In this way, Stalinism, and the violence that accompanied it, was turned into a Soviet matter, while the national communist tradition was to be cured of the effects of this influence.

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Beglov, Alexey. « American Representatives to the USSR and the Fate of Soviet Religious Policy at the Beginning of the Great Patriotic War. From Father Leopold Braun's Correspondence of 1941 ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 3 (2023) : 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024937-8.

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In this article, the authors analyse and comment upon four documents from the archives of the Vatican Secretariat of State which reflect the earliest phase of US-Soviet contacts during the Great Patriotic War relating to the question of religious freedom in the USSR. The international reputation of the Soviet Union as a country of deliberate persecution of religion became a domestic political problem for the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the autumn of 1941, as its attempts to include the USSR in the Lend-Lease programme met with resistance from influential religious circles, particularly American Catholics. These circumstances led the US administration to seek the support of the Vatican, on the one hand, and, on the other, to seek statements from the Soviet leadership that would confirm the latter's commitment to the principle of religious freedom declared in Soviet law. At the same time, Roosevelt himself was convinced that a military crisis would force the Soviet Union to abandon its previous anti-religious policy. This view was also shared by the representative of the Roman Catholic Church in Moscow, the American Assumptionist Fr Leopold Braun. As can be seen from the letters published here, Fr Braun was convinced that the US administration should take immediate and vigorous steps to secure guarantees of religious freedom from the Soviet leaders. His letters were sent both to Washington and to the Vatican, where they were read as confirming the position of the American side in urging the Holy See to show flexibility towards Soviet Russia.

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Path, Kosal. « China's Economic Sanctions against Vietnam, 1975–1978 ». China Quarterly 212 (décembre 2012) : 1040–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001245.

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AbstractThis article carries a two-fold argument. First, Beijing's economic sanctions against Vietnam during the period 1975–1978 were mainly motivated by its desire to punish Vietnam for an anti-China policy that smacked of ingratitude for the latter's past assistance, fuelled further by Hanoi's closer relations with Moscow. They were also designed to extract Hanoi's accommodation of China's demand for territorial boundary concessions and to halt the persecution of ethnic Chinese residents in Vietnam. Second, the resultant meltdown of Sino-Vietnamese relations, as well as the making of the Soviet-Vietnamese alliance between 1975 and 1978, was gradual and contentious rather than swift and decisive as most existing studies contend. Hanoi's reluctance to forge a formal military alliance with the faraway Soviet Union against China was largely driven by the importance of China's remaining aid and economic potential to Vietnam's post-war economic reconstruction and the uncertainty of the Soviet commitment to aid Vietnam.

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Osipenko, Maria V. « A.P. Platonov and V.P. Stavsky (New Materials to the Writer’s Biography) ». Studia Litterarum 9, n^o 1 (2024) : 304–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2024-9-1-304-341.

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For the first time, the article examines the role of V.P. Stavsky, the Secretary of the Union of Soviet Writers, in the biography of A.P. Platonov during the 1930s. The study of previously known facts about Stavsky’s favorable response to Platonov’s short story “Immortality” (“Bessmertie,” 1936) in a broader context, together with the new materials, allows reconsidering the established notion of an episodic role of Stavsky in the writer’s fate. The support of the Secretary of the Writers’ Union (behind which possibly stood Stalin himself) provided Platonov with an official place among the best Soviet writers in 1936–1937. His work was declared a benchmark for the authors of the literary works collections of the state. His name sounded among the representatives of the new generation of literary leaders of the country. He was entrusted with new projects with the support of the Writers’ Union. At the same time, it was Stavsky’s support that triggered the largest wave of critical attention toward Platonov since the publication of “For Future Use” (“Vprok”), which led to the following persecution of the writer. Most of the archival materials in this article are published for the first time. The article introduces new biographical facts about A. Platonov and V. Stavsky.

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Kosik, O. V. « Illegal Church Document from the Era of Persecution (1920–1930 of the 20th Century) ». Orthodoxia, n^o 2 (25 décembre 2023) : 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2023-2-170-191.

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The research of the history of the Russian Orthodox Church of the 20th century is largely based on the study of documents of that era drawn up in the church milieu. Since all kinds of church publications were prohibited, the reproduction of documents in private — by copying or retyping — gained ground in Russia of the 1920s and 1930s. These documents played the role of the church press — they introduced the events of church life, expressed beliefs in the rightness of the author or a group of like-minded people, unmasked ideological opponents, and also served to communicate with foreign church figures. The reproduction of such documents, in case of their discovery by authorities, could endanger not only the authors thereof and the persons mentioned therein, but also ordinary copyists and put them all to punitive measures such as purge. Thanks to the ascetics who preserved them, these documents remain the most important information sources in the field of history of the Russian Orthodox Church in the era of persecution. The article lists the documents that were taken abroad — letters of Bishop Damaskin (Cedric), the collection of church documents “The Case of Metropolitan Sergius”. Moreover, it analyzes documents both originating from the clerical office of Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky) and generated by church figures opposed to Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens. A large number of documents was drawn up by Mikhail Novosyolov himself and the circle of his close associates. Also, the most important documents of that era are the letters of Metropolitan Kirill (Smirnov) and replies of Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky). The article pays special attention to the transfer abroad of the collection of church documents entitled “The Case of Metropolitan Sergius”, the role of the journalist Mikhail Brоndsted (pseudonym: Mikhail Artemyev), who left abroad in 1930, and his articles published abroad on underground literature in the Soviet Union. The problem of the authorship of anonymous sources, the authenticity of documents distributed in the church milieu is also raised here. The Joint State Political Directorate of the Soviet Union actively used church documents found during arrests to persecute believers. Fragments of these documents often became the basis for indictments, as evidence of the accused’s anti-Soviet activity. The article also mentions the role of collectors of church documents during the persecution against the Church — Archpresbyter Michael Polsky, Mikhail Gubonin, Metropolitan Manuel (Lemeshevsky).

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Skuse, David. « Migration and psychiatric adjustment ». International Psychiatry 5, n^o 3 (juillet 2008) : 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600002046.

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With the extraordinarily large movements of populations from some of the former Soviet Union states into Western Europe, since their recent membership of the European Union, attention has been focused in recent years on how easy or otherwise it has been for these people to adjust to life in very different economic and social circumstances. It has been estimated that the UK has absorbed up to a million immigrants from Eastern European states since 2004, and an equivalent picture is seen elsewhere; for example, in Switzerland immigrants now comprise nearly a quarter of the population. We consider here the mental health issues faced by those moving to work in other countries, some of whom aim to become citizens, others to gain temporary economic advantage, and yet others to escape persecution and threats to their personal safety in their countries of origin.

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Grbešić, Grgo. « Crkva nasuprot totalitarizmu za vrijeme pontifikata Pija XI. » Diacovensia 31, n^o 3 (2023) : 439–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.31.3.6.

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During the interwar period, European soil witnessed the rise of both right and left-wing totalitarian regimes. The Church tried to protect its pastoral activities by stipulating concordats with different states. Due to the violation of the Concordat agreement in Germany and Italy, and the abuse of human rights and the persecution of the Church in the Soviet Union, Pope Pius XI took a strong stand defending the liberty of the Church and condemning racism. Three encyclicals, Non abbiamo bisogno (1931), Mit brennerder Sorge (1937), and Divini Redemptoris (1937), reveal the position of the Church toward totalitarianism and demonstrate the social setting the Church was facing.

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Tartakovsky, Eugene. « Group Psychodynamics of Witchcraft and Witch-Hunting : Immigrant Adolescents from the Former Soviet Union in Israel ». Group Analysis 34, n^o 1 (mars 2001) : 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/05333160122077596.

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This article describes an incident of witchcraft and witch-hunting in a group of immigrant adolescents from the former Soviet Union living in a boarding school in Israel. The article analyses the specific conditions of isolations and alienation which caused this group to use witchcraft as a means for its empowerment. The analysis reveals the function of witch persecution in purifying the group of frightening sexual and aggressive feelings. Group psychodynamics of witchcraft and witch-hunting are investigated considering underlying mechanisms of splitting and double projection of aggression within the group and against external enemies. Important common features and differences between the witch and the scapegoat are examined and interventions are suggested for dealing with witchcraft and witch-accusations in the group.

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Chan, Paula. « Documents Accuse : The Post-Soviet Memory Politics of Genocide ». Journal of Illiberalism Studies 1, n^o 2 (2021) : 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/vdiu3631.

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Since the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), the Holocaust and other charges of genocide have emerged as flashpoints in memory wars between the Russian Federation and the Baltic states. This article examines the Russian government’s revival of the longstanding Soviet practice of publishing archival documents focused on Baltic participation in Nazi atrocities against Jews and other victims. It argues that state officials and historians in Russia and the Baltic countries continue to shape their usable pasts in response to one another. The Russian focus on Baltic collaboration with Hitler’s regime has fueled defensive rhetoric in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania that has diminished and denied the role that local perpetrators played in the wartime persecution of Jews. Russia, in turn, has reacted to charges of a Nazi-Stalinist “Double Genocide” in the Baltic region by launching a campaign for international recognition of genocide against the “Soviet people”—Soviet Jews among them. To date, Western political scientists and policymakers have focused on Russia as propagating illiberal movement through disinformation. This study demonstrates how the publication of wartime archival documents contributes to illiberal memory politics both at home and among Russia’s detractors in the Baltic region.

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Sidorevich, Anna. « “The terrible burden of being a woman” : Childbirth and abortion in the late USSR through the prism of Leningrad feminists’ underground publications (1979-1982) ». Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 9, n^o 1 (28 décembre 2023) : 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2023.e932.

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The present article offers an analysis of the problem of women being mistreated during childbirth and abortion in the late Soviet Union based on the material of the samizdat and tamizdat publications by the Leningrad independent women’s movement. The underground feminists were the first to bring to light the persisting, but taboo problem of the physical suffering, humiliation and indifference women had to face at the Soviet maternity hospitals and abortion clinics. Breaking of this taboo among others resulted in their persecution by the KGB, exile, and imprisonment of several of the group members. However, the same problems were openly revealed and acknowledged by the Soviet authorities only ten years later, in the era of glasnost. This paper examines the main issues raised in the Leningrad feminists’ publications by situating them in a broader political and discursive context of the late 1970s and the early 1980s. Finally, it offers several insights into the factors that may have contributed to the persistence of the problem of women’s mistreatment within the healthcare system in the USSR despite the official claims about the continuous improvement of Soviet women’s and children’s conditions.

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Molotkina, Valentyna, Inna Levchenko et Iryna Berezanska. « LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE USSR IN THE FIELD OF EDUCATION (1960s–1980s) ». European Historical Studies, n^o 24 (2023) : 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.5.

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The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.

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Potinkara, Nika. « Constructing Ethnic and National Belonging : Ingrian Finnishness in a Museum Exhibition ». Journal of Finnish Studies 26, n^o 1 (1 mai 2023) : 78–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.26.1.04.

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Abstract A temporary exhibition called Ingrians—The Forgotten Finns was on display at the National Museum of Finland in 2020. The exhibition presented the ethnic minority of Ingrian Finns, concentrating on their memories of persecution in the Soviet Union, ethnic mobilization, and migration to Finland. By examining the exhibition's meaning potentials across different semiotic modes, the article explores the ways in which it discursively constructed Ingrian Finnishness. The findings suggest that the exhibition strongly argued for the inclusion of Ingrian Finns in the Finnish nation and highlighted cultural features associated with Finnishness, but also presented them as a distinct group. Remembering the difficult past was viewed as the very essence of the collective identity.

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Wheatley, Ben. « British open source intelligence (OSINT) and the Holocaust in the Soviet Union : persecution, extermination and partisan warfare ». Intelligence and National Security 33, n^o 3 (7 décembre 2017) : 422–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2017.1410516.

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PRODIĆ, SLOBODAN. « ROLE OF SCIENTIFIC ATHEISM IN NIKITA SERGEYEVICH KRUSHCHEV’S ANTIRELIGIC CAMPAIGN ». Kultura polisa, n^o 44 (8 mars 2021) : 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1r.3.06.

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The 20th century brought many interesting occurrences Russia. One of that occurrence is also changing governance type and creating new country called Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). In this country which existed from 1917 to 1991, position of Orthodox church and other religic communities was bad and hard. For achiving their idea about destroying religion, members of government used many different techniques which were gradually setted- from cruel physical extermination of belivers to try as many as it is possible people refuse religion because of scientific atheism. One of phases in persecution Church in USSR’s area was campaign that was conducted from Nikita Sergeyevich Krushchev. The biggest rememberance on this phase was applying scientific atheism and consequences of this phase are felt in today Russia.

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Harandzha, Vasyl. « The Greek Catholic Theological Academy in Lviv in the conditions of the persecution of the Church by the Soviet government ». Scientific Yearbook "History of Religions in Ukraine", n^o 33 (2023) : 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33294/2523-4234-2023-33-1-117-130.

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The activities of the Greek Catholic Theological Academy in Lviv are examined. It is stated that this higher educational institution was founded by Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi in 1928. Despite the difficult relationship between the Ukrainians of Galicia and the Polish government, the Theological Academy was able to exist and quite quickly developed. The situation changed in 1939, after the partition of Poland between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. Thus, Galicia came under Soviet rule. In 1941, after the beginning of the German-Soviet war, all Ukrainian lands were quickly occupied by the Germans. However, already in 1944, the Bolsheviks came to Galicia again, finally joining it to the Ukrainian SSR. As a matter of fact, this research is focused on studying the state of Greek Catholic theological education during the first Soviet occupation of Galicia in 1939–1941 and after the return of communist power in 1944. It is shown that, despite the openly anti-religious policy of the new government, the leaders of the Church tried to ensure the continuity of the development of theological science and the training of new clergy. In the conditions of the ban on the official activities of any theological educational institutions during 1939–1941, Metropolitan Sheptytskyi managed to organize illegal theological courses for his students and sought to restore the activities of a full-fledged educational institution. Instead, it is researched that after the return in 1944, the Bolsheviks became more cautious in their attitude towards Greek Catholics and did not close the Theological Academy, which resumed normal activities during the Nazi occupation. The management of the academy used this time to expand its activities, in particular to open new faculties. However, this policy of the Bolsheviks in relation to the Greek Catholics turned out to be temporary. A few months later, the persecution of this Church began. Among other measures, the work of the Theological Academy in Lviv was finally stopped. Keywords: Theological Academy, Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Andrei Sheptytskyi, Josyf Slipyi, Second World War, Soviet occupation

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Popova, Kristina. « "Sleeping rabbits stay alive two weeks longer than others" : The Institute of Physiology in Yerevan after the " Pavlov’s Session" in 1950 ». Balkanistic Forum 30, n^o 3 (5 octobre 2021) : 104–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.5.

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In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the place of physiology in the structure of the Soviet scientific knowledge as well as in the system of its popularization changed. The process of raising the role of the natural sciences in the USSR using them for central ideological aims related to the triumph of materialism was marked by loudly propagated scientific events of greater political significance. Such an event was the so-called Pavlov’s Session in Moscow in 1950, whose decisions influenced the scientific institutions in Soviet Union as well as in the Eastern Bloc countries. The school of the Soviet physiologist of Armenian origin Levon Orbeli was criticised and rejected. A Pavlov’s Committee was set up to control the implementation of the Pavlov’s teaching. The aim of the article is to present the influence of the Pavlov’s session of the development of the Institute of Physiology of the Academy of Sciences in Yerevan in the early 1950-es when its experimental and research work became subordinated to the " Pavlovization " of physiology and political and propaganda tasks were added. The institute staff and activities grew, but institutional life was traumatized by the persecution of Levon Orbeli 's school, which reflected on his adherents like the Institute director Ararat Alexanyan who was pressed to leave the position in 1953 during the power struggles were disguised by the session's rhetoric.

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Moroz, І. « STALIN'S REPRESSIONS THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE LIFE PATHS OF I. KRYPYAKEVYCH'S ACQUAINTANCES AND FRIENDS (BASED ON HIS MEMOIRS) ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, n^o 149 (2021) : 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.9.

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The article is based on the materials of the "Biographical Dictionary of My Acquaintances" by a prominent Ukrainian historian, academician I. Krypyakevych (1886-1967), written by him during the Thaw. The source, which is preserved in the Krypyakevych Family Archive, was published by us in 2017. The study highlights the large-scale phenomenon of Stalin’s terror through the prism of the personal dimension of history, "microhistory." The memoirs contain information about the Eastern and Western Ukrainian acquaintances of the Lviv historian, representatives of the national intelligentsia, who were repressed in the 20-40s of the twentieth century. The main stages of repression can be traced to the memoirs: repressions of the 1930s, the victims of which were historians from Soviet Ukraine associated with the All-Ukrainian Academy of Sciences (VUAN), representatives of the "Shot Renaissance", victims of the Sovietization of Western Ukraine and postwar persecution. The victims of Stalin's repressions were representatives of the scientific and creative intelligentsia of Ukraine, public and political figures. Among them were participants in such fabricated cases as the Ukrainian National Center, the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, the Union of Ukrainian Nationalists, and others. Among I. Krypyakevych’s acquaintances and friends were the following well-known repressed people: Les Kurbas, Mykhailo Boychuk, Yuriy Lypa, Mykola Zerov, Mykola Voronyi, and others. The materials of the "Dictionary…" contribute to the coverage of the tragedy of the Krushelnytsky family, which became a symbol of Soviet terror. The fate of many acquaintances of the academician was intertwined with Solovki. Many of them went through the crucible of the Great Terror of 1937-1938 and finished their lives during the mass executions in the Sandarmokh tract. I. Krypyakevych personally helped the victims of the Soviet regime in every possible way. The article considers the problem of Western Ukrainian emigration to the USSR, traces the main circumstances and motives for the emigration of the Galician intelligentsia to Soviet Ukraine.

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MILLER, NICOLA. « A Revolutionary Modernity : The Cultural Policy of the Cuban Revolution ». Journal of Latin American Studies 40, n^o 4 (novembre 2008) : 675–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004719.

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AbstractThis article seeks to explain why such a wide range of Cuban cultural producers have opted to remain on the island and work ‘within the revolution’, despite all the notorious problems caused by state censorship, political persecution and material shortages. It accounts for the importance of culture to the legitimacy of the revolutionary government; suggests that the regime has drawn effectively on the long-established significance of culture in Cuba's radical tradition; and illustrates the extent to which the government has backed up its rhetoric of commitment to culture for all with a sustained policy of support for institutions, organisations and events across the island. The main argument is that culture has been a key element – perhaps the only successful element – in the revolution's attempt to implement an alternative model of modernity that was distinctive not only from the Western capitalist version but also from that promoted by the Soviet Union.

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Mashevsky, O., et D. Ozherelyeva. « ACTIVITIES OF SOVIET AND GERMAN PROPAGANDA ON THE TERRITORY OF UKRAINE DURING THE FINAL STAGE OF THE SOVIET-GERMAN WAR ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, n^o 151 (2021) : 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.12.

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The manipulative influence of the Soviet and German ideological machines on the population of the Ukrainian territories at the final stage of the Soviet-German war is studied. The state of studying the problem in the scientific literature and sources is considered, special attention is paid to the use of periodicals, especially local, in the propaganda of both the Soviet Union and the other warring party - Nazi Germany. Attention is drawn to the attempts of the Nazi authorities to gain the loyalty of the Ukrainian population through propaganda manipulations during the occupation, emphasizing the mass crimes and repressions of the Bolshevik regime. At the same time, the policy of the Third Reich, the civilization mission of Germany, and the resounding victories of the German Wehrmacht were portrayed positively. The Ukrainian population was intimidated by the prospect of the return of the brutal Soviet regime with its plans to punish those under German occupation. On the other hand, it is shown how the Soviet authorities exerted propaganda efforts to spread influence on the population of Ukrainian territory, even during the period of the population under German occupation in order to encourage to sabotage the measures of the occupying power, to fight against the Nazi regime. It was stressed that after the return of Soviet power, a large part of the population, who hoped for softening, liberalization of the Bolshevik regime, was disappointed by the return of repressive authorities, unjustified persecution of civilians, pressure on Ostarbeiters, former concentration camp prisoners, and socioeconomic injustice. It is noted that Soviet propaganda took measures to form the so-called "new Soviet patriotism" in order to neutralize these factors and the previous influence of the German ideological machine. To this end, the military feat of the Red Army, guerrillas, and rear workers was glorified, often exaggerated, and the crimes of the Nazis were emphasized. Thus, the inhabitants of the Ukrainian territories were encouraged to make heroic efforts for the final victory over Germany and the reconstruction of the country.

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Yusupov, Rakhmetzhan. « UYGUR LITERATURE IN INDEPENDENT KAZAKHSTAN : PAST AND PRESENT ». KAZAKHSTAN ORIENTAL STUDIES 5, n^o 1 (11 juin 2024) : 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.63051/kos.2023.1.95.

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The article provides a brief overview of the socio-political periods of the development of Uyghur literature in Kazakhstan, some of its thematic and genre features. The main goal of the work is to analyze the achievements of Uyghur literature in independent Kazakhstan, showing the past and present. Objectives of the study: Uyghur literature of Kazakhstan is the historical homeland of the Uyghurs - the successor to ancient and classical Uyghur literature, developing with all its canons in the territory of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China. Collectivization and political persecution throughout the Soviet Union, the Great Patriotic War and post-war economic recovery left their mark on the development of Uyghur literature. Today's Uyghur literature is an integral part of the multinational literature of Kazakhstan. Taking these questions into account, the purpose of this article is considered. The research method used was a comparison of research works related to the past and present of Uyghur literature. As a result of the study, based on the monograph “History of Soviet Uyghur Literature,” which divides Uyghur literature into eras, the heyday of Uyghur literature and numerous achievements are fully illuminated. It has also been said that Uyghur literature has matured in terms of genre. New names and their works are also mentioned.

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Tokareva, Evgenia. « Foreign Policy and Peacekeeping Initiatives of the Vatican in the Second Half of the 1930s — Early 1940s in the Reflection of the Soviet Press ». ISTORIYA 12, n^o 11 (109) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017599-7.

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In the extremely difficult international situation of the second half of the 1930s, relations between the USSR and the Vatican occupied a very insignificant place. This is partly why the sources that would cover this problem more prominently are very scarce. Under these conditions, the Soviet press becomes an important and still insufficiently appreciated source. With the general strict censorship of the press of this period, it allows us to identify various, but sometimes quite significant nuances of perception of the Vatican policy in the Soviet Union. The first event that influenced some reassessment of the image of the Vatican was the VII Congress of the Comintern, held in 1935, which put forward the tactics of a united front, which assumed, among other things, cooperation with confessional organizations of workers, and even with the petty-bourgeois strata of the population. In the light of this new tactic, a certain line is beginning to be drawn, albeit almost imperceptibly and even, perhaps, unwittingly, between the Vatican as a political force and the national structures of the Catholic Church. A more noticeable reassessment of the image of the Vatican took place in 1938, when the differences between Italian fascism, German Nazism, on the one hand, and the Vatican, on the other, on racial problems and on the issue of the persecution of the Catholic Church became obvious and could not fail to attract the attention of Soviet diplomats and, following them, the Soviet press. The subsequent election of Pope Pius XII to the papal throne in 1939 allows us to strengthen this line and enrich it with attention to the Vatican's peacemaking policy. But the conclusion of the Molotov — Ribbentrop pact once again returns the image of the Vatican to its supposedly political conjuncture, but this time in the interests of the other side, which has now become the main opponent of the USSR, i. e. England and France. And only the German attack on the USSR allows for a brief moment to see the possibility of forming a different image of the Vatican, an opponent of racism and fascism in all its manifestations. A careful reading of the press allows us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the absence of a clearly developed and formulated position of the governing bodies of the Soviet Union in relation to the Vatican, which varied, albeit slightly, depending on changes in the foreign policy interests of the Soviet state.

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Shchipkova, L. V. « Self-Organization Processes of Orthodox Youth in the 1970s ». Orthodoxia, n^o 4 (11 janvier 2024) : 118–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2023-4-118-153.

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This article explores the phenomenon of religious revival among the Orthodox youth in the Soviet Union during the 1970s. The author argues that during this period, some processes took place within a segment of the intellectual Soviet youth that could be described as the Soviet religious renaissance. This phase coincided with Brezhnev’s rise to power and a temporary easing of anti-religious persecution. In the 1960s–70s, the USSR passed several legislative acts that improved the conditions for believers and religious organizations, granting them comparatively greater rights. However, the state retained the authority to intervene in the Church’s internal affairs and rigorously control its activities, leading to a decline in the number of Orthodox parishes from year to year. Nevertheless, a religious-oriented vector was forming in the minds and souls of the thinking Soviet youth. In the 1970s, several movements emerged, actively seeking forms of spiritual life. One notable phenomenon of religious dissidence was the preaching activities of priest Dmitry Dudko. In 1974, followers of Father Dmitry organized the enlightening “Ogorodnikov Seminar”, named after one of its founders. The seminar studied theological and philosophical literature, which its participants struggled to obtain. The seminar later began publishing the journal “Obshchina” (Community). Simultaneously with the Moscow christian seminar, the religious and philosophical Goricheva-Krivulin Seminar emerged in Leningrad. The article delves into the history of Orthodox samizdat (self-published works and underground press) in the 1970s, particularly the journals “Obshchina” (Community) “Veche” (Popular Assembly), and “Moskovsky Sbornik” (Moscow Collection). The Orthodox revival of the 1970s culminated in the early 1980s due to severe repression by Soviet authorities. Typically, those representatives aligned with Russian patriotic ideologies received the longest prison sentences. The author concludes that the ideas of nationally-oriented, patriotic figures and publicists remain relevant to this day.

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Bliakher, L. E., et E. O. Leontyeva. « “Other Migrants” in the Far East of Russia, or Search for the Soviet People during the Period of Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Space ». Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 112, n^o 1 (29 février 2024) : 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2024-112-1-114-135.

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The article examines a new, not very important from the statistical viewpoint, but extremely unusual flow of migrants from the former republics of the USSR, primarily Central Asian and, to a lesser extent, Transcaucasian. In the recent past a typical migrant in the Far East, as well as in Russia as a whole, can be described as a resident of a small city or village, who is focused on a short-term or cyclical stay in the region for the purpose of earning money and minimally interacting with the host community. However, the new flow of migrants includes residents of large cities who travel to Russia with an intention to integrate. For these types of migrants the usual economic push/pull factors do not play a significant role. The representatives of this group possess sufficiently high qualifications and did not experience any serious economic problems in the country of origin. The motives for their move are rather political in nature, and this is not persecution for dissent or participation in opposition activities, but rather what the authors refer to as the search for the Soviet people. According to the authors’ conclusion, the emergence of this migration flow is associated with the growing process of ethnicization (as a form of nation-building) in the states of the post-Soviet space, which is increasingly becoming less post-Soviet. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the authorities of the newly independent states pursued an extremely cautious national policy, which was largely explained by the artificial nature of the contemporary borders of these states and their ethnic foundation. The former imperial cities, the previous centers of power, whose population most closely corresponded to the image of the Soviet people, preserved their high status. However, in the recent years the situation has changed. As ethnicization intensifies, accompanied by the ousting of the Soviet, which was equated with the Russian, the “debris” of the Soviet people lose not only their social status, but also the foundation for self-identification. They move to Russia in search of such foundation, with the hope to find confirmation of their own professional and socio-political identity.

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Zuk, Patrick. « Nikolay Myaskovsky and the “Regimentation” of Soviet Composition ». Journal of Musicology 31, n^o 3 (2014) : 354–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2014.31.3.354.

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Western studies of musical life in the USSR have typically placed great emphasis on the constraints to which composers were subject and often appear to have accepted as axiomatic the notion that the styles of Soviet composition of the Stalinist era were fundamentally conditioned by external pressures. One of the most influential formulations of this view is to be found in Boris Schwarz’s Music and Musical Life in Soviet Russia, which has remained a standard work of reference for over four decades. Schwarz considered the promulgation of the Communist Party’s resolution of 23 April 1932 “On the Reconstruction of Literary and Artistic Organisations” to represent a fateful turning point in the fortunes of Soviet music, marking the inauguration of a stultifying new era of “regimentation” and the demise of freedoms that had remained after the persecution of leading modernists by the Russian Association of Proletarian Musicians. According to Schwarz “advanced composers turned conventional, and conventional composers turned commonplace.” In Schwarz’s view, the newly founded Composers’ Union, just as Goebbels’s Reichsmusikkammer, presided over an artistic wasteland. In this essay I question such generalizations. I focus on Nikolay Myaskovsky (1881–1950), regarded by Schwarz as a prime example of a modernist who retreated into safe conventionality in the early 1930s after the composition of his notorious Twelfth Symphony, ostensibly written to glorify Stalin’s grandiose project of agricultural collectivization. A re-examination of the circumstances surrounding the symphony’s genesis suggests that the constructions Schwarz placed on this phase of Myaskovsky’s career are questionable. Although the composer’s harmonic language became noticeably less dissonant after 1932 than in certain works of the 1920s, I argue that this cannot be attributed solely to external pressures, as Myaskovsky’s later style evinces strong continuities with tendencies manifest in his earlier work. The essay closes by reflecting on the wider implications of these findings for our understanding of Soviet composition of the Stalinist era.

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Karm, Svetlana, et Tatiana Ivanovna Alybina. « FIELD RESEARCH AND VISUAL RECORDING OF RELIGIOUS PRACTICES IN THE SOVIET PERIOD (CASE STUDY OF THE FILM AND VIDEO ARCHIVES OF THE ESTONIAN NATIONAL MUSEUM) ». Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 15, n^o 4 (24 décembre 2021) : 683–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2021-15-4-683-699.

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The article describes and analyzes film and video materials containing information on the topic of religious practices of the Finno-Ugric peoples in the Soviet period. The main sources of the research are archival audiovisual records created by the staff of the Estonian National Museum in the period from the 1960s to the early 1990 s, as well as field diaries of participants in the Finno-Ugric expeditions. This was the time when official atheism prevailed in the Soviet Union, the main blow of which was directed primarily at the churches. At the same time, this was a period when open persecution of traditional rituals was not observed, and the study of the worldview aspects of the traditional culture of different ethnic groups was strongly encouraged by ethnology. On the basis ofaudiovisual materials, the article analyzes which fragments of the religious practices of the Finno-Ugric peoples are reflected in the museum archives, and which methods were used by researchers to record different rituals. Much attention is paid to building the relationship between the ethnologist and the bearer of the tradition in the field, as well as the special role of the local mediator in the study of religious rituals through a film or video camera. The considered examples of collecting audiovisual material confirm that in the Soviet period, in contrast to today's digital technologies and the usual practice of photographing and filming various (including sacred) events, researchers with a camera were not always welcomed at prayers. In the audiovisual study of religious rites, the process of adaptation to the environment of the culture under study and the effect of building a first impression acquired particular importance for ethnologists, largely related to the authority of the local mediator who brought them to prayers.

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Saktaganova, Z. G., et G. M. Baigozhina. « On the question of the specifics of the implementation of national policy in Kazakhstan in the «stagnation era» : 1965-1985 ». BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 137, n^o 4 (2021) : 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2021-137-4-107-122.

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This article discusses general trends, as well as features in the implementation of Soviet national policy in the Kazakh SSR in the period from 1965 to 1985, referred to in Russian historiography as the «Brezhnev era». The purpose of this article is to study the soviet national policy pursued in the Kazakh SSR during the period under review, to identify its characteristic features, problems of implementation, and to identify its consequences for the national local Kazakh population and, in general, the socio-political development of Kazakhstan The authors for the first time introduced into scientific circulation some archival materials of the funds 929 and 1890, including statistical data on the nomenclature of the party apparatus of the Kazakh SSR at various levels with their allocation on a national basis, as well as the distribution of students in higher and secondary specialized educational institutions by nationality and national composition of researchers in the 1960s - 1970s. The novelty of this article lies in the fact that the authors, based on the analysis of archival data, as well as materials of domestic and foreign studies on this issue, attempted to identify the features of solving the personnel issue in the party apparatus of the Kazakh SSR at various levels, the formation of intellectual, cultural and educational potential on the national principle. The authors concluded that the Soviet national policy in Kazakhstan during the designated period was contradictory and had negative consequences for the national development of the Kazakh population. This was large because Kazakhstan, unlike many other Union republics, turned into a «laboratory of the friendship of peoples» with damage to the development of the Kazakh language and culture. The nationalist-minded Kazakh intelligentsia was subjected to repression and persecution by public and party organizations. Internationalization and implementation of the project of the «Soviet people» were carried out by traditional repressive, command, and administrative methods, which naturally caused resistance and protest moods among the Kazakh population.

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Kim, Hye Jin. « Festival as a Diaspora Cultural Network : a Focus on the Buryat Altargana ». Institute for Russian and Altaic Studies Chungbuk University 27 (31 août 2023) : 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24958/rh.2023.27.173.

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The primary dwelling for the Buryat diaspora resides within Mongolia and China's Inner Mongolia. The emergence of the Buryat diaspora can be traced back to the migration of Buryats seeking refuge from Soviet authority during the Civil War that followed the Socialist Revolution, along with the escalating political persecution during the 1930s. As stringent border controls were imposed in the 1930s, and sustained political repression targeted counter-revolutionaries and their families within the Soviet Union and the diaspora's new host countries, interactions between the Buryat diaspora and mainland Buryats remained relatively limited. The Buryat diaspora has undergone a process of assimilation within their respective countries of residence, and has long been detached from their ancestral homeland, nonetheless, it still retains certain aspects of its original traditions and customs. Mongolia's Buryat diaspora embarked on a mission to revive the Altargana Festival from historical memory. The Altargana Festival featured Buryat folk songs and traditional sporting events, naturally fostering a sense of shared identity and encouraging its expression both within and outside the community. This festival garnered significant response and support among the Buryat diaspora, gradually extending its influence to the wider Buryat community beyond Mongolia. What sets Altargana apart is that it is not led by the compatriots in Russia or organized by the government (of Burytia), but rather initiated by a small diaspora community, ultimately evolving into an international event. Altargana, which has been restored from tradition, perhaps now more appropriately described as created, is gradually changing. Altargana goes beyond a simple festival and serves as a cultural network that connects the Buryat diaspora.

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Каденюк, О. С. « Public-educational organizations of Wolina the 20's - 30's of the XX century ». ВІСНИК СХІДНОУКРАЇНСЬКОГО НАЦІОНАЛЬНОГО УНІВЕРСИТЕТУ імені Володимира Даля, n^o 3(259) (18 février 2020) : 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33216/1998-7927-2020-259-3-32-36.

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The article, on the example of Volyn, analyzes the activities of public organizations in the Ukrainian ethnic lands that became part of Poland and the Soviet Union after the signing of the Riga peace treaty. These lands were the reflection of the most tragic pages in the history of Ukraine. More than once, they have played an extraordinary role in the history of the entire Ukrainian people, which has been reflected in his fate. The defeat of national liberation competitions in 1917 - 1921 and the tragic consequences of these events for the Ukrainian statehood turned Volyn into a specific socio-political and geopolitical region. The events in these territories, as well as the policies of the governments of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the USSR and the Second Commonwealth, were decisive for the Ukrainian population living on ethnic Ukrainian lands and those who found themselves in other countries. Our research suggests that the socio-economic processes in Volyn during the interwar period were an interesting social phenomenon when Ukrainians were immigrants in their ethnic lands among Ukrainians. The line of the Soviet-Polish border, which was the frontier of the opposition, attracted the most active participants in the national liberation struggle, who continued it under new conditions of statelessness, political and ideological pressure, persecution and repression by the smelling regimes. Work and activity in the interwar period of prominent political figures of the UNR era, religious, cultural and educational figures in the territory of Western Volyn, was of great importance not only for the population of the region, but also for the Ukrainian people.In the Volyn lands, the Orthodox Church had a huge influence on the people, Christian morality in the interwar period acted as the dominant ideology. No political party or NGO has had such an impact on the masses as the church. Understanding this, the Ukrainian clergy not only defended the Orthodox faith on both sides of the borders that divided Volhynia, but also nurtured national consciousness, language, and culture.

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Lawrance, Benjamin N., et Vusumuzi R. Kumalo. « “A Genius without Direction” : The Abortive Exile of Dugmore Boetie and the Fate of Southern African Refugees in a Decolonizing Africa ». American Historical Review 126, n^o 2 (1 juin 2021) : 585–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab200.

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Abstract The flight of South African writer Dugmore Boetie from his home in the Sophiatown neighborhood of Johannesburg to Dar es Salaam, Tanganyika, in mid- to late 1960 highlights the fuzzy distinction between exile and refuge before international refugee protections extended to Africa. Like many decolonial refugees after the Sharpeville Massacre, Boetie fled political persecution, lured abroad by the possibility of resettlement in London under the United Kingdom’s open-door policy to British Commonwealth citizens. Unlike many contemporaries, however, Boetie had yet to attain literary fame and had few notable advocates. Fragmentary exilic archives shift attention away from refugee reception and toward motives for flight, speaking to the ad hoc strategies of escape and survival characteristic of the transitional decolonization epoch. While networks of anticolonial, anti-apartheid sympathizers generally welcomed the first waves of exiles, politically connected socioeconomic elites were best positioned to make dangerous journeys. Men and women from all over Africa sought refuge in the 1950s and 1960s before global anti-apartheid activism was fully formed, but political subjectivities, legal statuses, and shifting citizenship statutes impeded or expedited individual paths. The better connected entered the United Kingdom, the United States, or the Soviet Union for education or employment. Those bereft of connections were forced to make a difficult choice between returning home or becoming another humanitarian statistic.

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Macarow, Keely. « Emigrant ancestors, in memory of memories ». Book 2.0 12, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2022) : 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/btwo_00070_1.

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Like many people, my knowledge and memories of my ancestors are becoming murkier as I get older. As a child, I delighted in the narratives of my forebears and how they arrived in Australia. However, I am losing sight of my ancestor’s displacement from their homelands and their journeys from Russia via Palestine in the late nineteenth century and from Russia via Tokyo and the United States in the twentieth century. I struggle to remember the sound and timbre of the voices of my grandparents and only know of the lives of my great grandparents through sepia-toned photographs. Now that my parents are no longer alive, I am not able to draw upon them to fill in the gaps of my knowledge of our family background and of relatives who left Tsarist Russia to flee pogroms and persecution. This article’s exploration of my family’s displacement from Russia and the Soviet Union in the nineteenth and twentieth century is inspired by the Russian writer, Maria Stepanova’s examination of the role that family archives, artefacts, photographs and memories have in shaping narratives of our relatives. My family’s migration story is also a memory amongst memories and, like Stepanova, I discuss photographs, artefacts, postcards and notes that comprise my family archive to make sense of the lives and the heritage of my ancestors.

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Anfertiev, Ivan A. « Stalin’s Liquidation of Kulaks as Class and Organization of the Process of the Soviet Peasantry Proletarianization ». Herald of an archivist, n^o 4 (2021) : 1229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-4-1229-1244.

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The article examines various aspects of the recently revealed archival document of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on the plan of repressive policy against the Soviet peasantry “On measures to eliminate kulak farms in the areas of continuous collectivization.” The author notes that the process of liquidation of kulaks as class, or of depeasantrification, as it is often designated in the historical literature, has been well studied. The first and rather timid attempts to assess the problem in the terms of individual “deformations of socialism” date to the turn the 1990s. At present, the attention is mostly focused on the regional aspect, as over the past three decades there has been made available a complex of sources from local archives, which was previously in closed storage. The article analyzes preconditions of the protest sentiments in the course of mass collectivization undertaken by the party bodies in the center and in the regions, as well as harsh suppression of possible peasant uprisings by punitive bodies, identification and persecution of the instigators. Examination of official party documents on collectivization permits to identify the ideological, social, and economic criteria for ranking Soviet peasants among kulaks. It is concluded that liquidation of kulaks as class on the territory of the USSR was conducted in a very short time and in two stages. At the first stage, in January – March 1930, repressions were to be carried out in the economically developed regions: the Black Earth region, the Middle and Lower Volga region, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus, North Caucasus, Dagestan, Ural, Siberia. The second stage spread them to other regions of Soviet Russia. The author notes an inconsistency in the thesis of positive economic consequences of the mass collectivization and elimination of kulaks as class for industrialization. Taking into account their consequences, the author proposes to consider these two complementary processes initiated by the leadership of the CPSU (B) as a preventive campaign to intimidate the rural population in order to return to the methods of surplus appropriation via formation of the collective farm system. It has been revealed that J.V. Stalin’s plans, in accordance with the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, included a rapid change in socio-economic status of peasants: from relatively free farmers, producers of agricultural products entitled to manage their crops (after paying the taxes) to hired workers, in other words, proletarians. According to the author, the large-scale famine of the first half of the 1930s was a direct consequence of the so-called “revolutionary transformations in agriculture,” the victims of which are still to be accurately calculated.

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Aleksic, Dragan, et Ivana Krstic-Mistridzelovic. « Prince Pavle Karadjordjevic and new Yugoslav authorities in 1945 ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n^o 157-158 (2016) : 431–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1658431a.

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During the final phase of the war, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia started to introduce revolutionary changes, both in society and the system of government. One of the most important issues for Yugoslav communists was the question of the abolition of the monarchy. However, the new state holders had to regulate their rule according to the basic principles of democracy and constitutionality (out of respect for international community, especially the allied states: the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union), although they had unlimited power at disposal. This liability came as a consequence of compromise arrangement with monarchy, made after the Allies insisted on joint government formation and respect of Kingdom of Yugoslavia?s constitutional and legal forms, following the fact that this country was sole recognized subject of international law. Compromise agreement, participation of communists in government, and the fact that British Prime Minister Churchill was a monarchist protected King Petar from the decision of AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia) about his removal. Another representative of the monarchy, Prince Pavle, although dismissed in 1941, interned in Africa and excluded from the Royal House, became a convenient substitute for (at least formal) conflict between the communists and the monarchy. Former Prince Regent could not be incriminated for war crimes, since he spent the war abroad, so the new authorities needed a new legal formula to convict him. The solution was given by the Presidency of AVNOJ, the temporary supreme legislative body, which produced the act: ?The Decision of Declaring Prince Regent Pavle Karadjordjevic a War Criminal and an Enemy of the People?, with regard to his political acts while he was a Regent. This legal act is unsustainable from the standpoints of both legality and legitimacy. Actually, the basic characteristic of this act is an ideological persecution enveloped in an acceptable legal form.

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Erdeljac, Filip. « Local Experiences and the Second World War : New Perspectives on Mass Violence in Mid-Twentieth Century Europe ». Contemporary European History 28, n^o 3 (13 juin 2019) : 422–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000929.

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The extensive attention that Timothy Snyder’sBloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalinhas attracted since its publication in 2010 has raised our overall awareness of the structural might that the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany displayed as they reshaped the territories that had separated the two states during the interwar period. In addition to earning widespread acclaim, the volume has been widely criticised by scholars who have exposed the extent to which non-German populations in Eastern Europe participated in the violent persecution of unwanted minority communities during the Second World War. Jan Gross, whoseNeighborsunearthed that the Poles of Jedwabne murdered their Jewish neighbours without significant prompting from the German occupiers, has argued that Snyder deprives the inhabitants of his ‘bloodlands’ of agency by blaming wartime violence in the region almost exclusively on Hitler, Stalin and their overlapping policies of state destruction. The evident tensions between micro-historical approaches that stress the importance of local agency and macro-level analyses of larger geographical spaces have obscured how profoundly the interplay of broader structural factors and local variables shaped the course of the Second World War in different locations. Four recent micro-historical works help to partially reconcile the two seemingly oppositional approaches by providing new frameworks for thinking about the complex interactions that occurred between smaller groups of people and the broader forces that shaped their lives during the 1930s and 1940s. The four volumes show that global, national, regional and local agendas overlapped to make ordinary people reconfigure how they saw themselves and how they interpreted the world around them. The identities and perceptions that emerged from these interactions enhance our understanding of the multiple factors that determined people’s actions during the Second World War and the Holocaust.

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Karski, Karol. « NAJWYŻSZY TRYBUNAŁ NARODOWY A OSĄDZENIE SPRAWCÓW ZBRODNI POPEŁNIONYCH PODCZAS TŁUMIENIA POWSTANIA WARSZAWSKIEGO – NIEWYKORZYSTANY INSTRUMENT ». Studia Iuridica, n^o 91 (12 novembre 2022) : 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-91.7.

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The Supreme National Tribunal, which operated in Poland between 1946 and 1948, tried 49 Hitlerite criminals who had committed crimes against Poland and Poles during World War II. It was tasked not only with bringing individual perpetrators to justice but also with publicizing these matters to the world. It was in effect the Polish equivalent of the Nuremberg Tribunal. However, the suppression of the Warsaw Uprising, including the Wola Massacre (Wola Slaughter), was not covered by these trials, even though initially The Tribunal planned to try Germans responsible for the crimes committed during the Uprising. In practice. these crimes were carefully omitted from the seven trials conducted by the Tribunal. Even when the high officials of the occupation administration in Warsaw were tried, the period of the Warsaw Uprising was not, as a rule, the subject were subsequently tried by the Polish common courts. The fact is that the then Polish authorities were not keen to publicize the martyrdom of those who had taken part in the Warsaw Uprising because this would have inevitably led to questions as to why USSR military forces did not come to the aid of the Warsaw residents being murdered by the Germans and also to what was happening to the Polish Home Army soldiers who had fought vigorously at that time and who, after the war, were subject to persecution by the new authorities installed in Poland by the Soviet Union. The Tribunal, whose task was to judge the perpetrators of the most significant German crimes, ceased its activities without even considering what was probably the largest single massacre of civilians in Europe during World War II, and the largest single act of extermination in the history of the Polish Nation: the Wola Massacre.

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Малинский, Иеромонах Антоний. « Two cases of the Termigoyevsky NKVD (on the history of church-state relations in the east of Kuban in 1937–1938) ». Церковный историк, n^o 3(13) (15 mars 2024) : 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/ch.2023.13.3.010.

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Настоящая статья посвящена событиям церковно-государственных взаимоотношений в СССР в 30-е годы XX века. Издание «Сталинской конституции», Всесоюзная перепись населения и назначенные на 12 декабря 1937 года выборы в Верховный Совет СССР стали причиной новой волны жесточайших гонений представителей религиозного сообщества, в том числе духовенства, монашествующих и мирян Русской православной церкви. Изученные биографии священника станицы Воздвиженская Петра Алейникова и священника станицы Петропавловская Иоанна Жогина позволяют уточнить события церковной истории вышеназванных станиц в первой половине XX столетия. В процессе исследования были использованы документы различных архивных учреждений, в том числе и зарубежных. Особую ценность представляют материалы уголовно-следственных дел, предоставленных архивом Управления Федеральной службы безопасности. Предлагаемая статья является ступенью к дальнейшему изучению церковно-государственных взаимоотношений в СССР в первой половине XX века. This article is devoted to the events of church-state relations in the USSR in the 30s of the XX century. The publication of the «Stalin Constitution», the All-Union Population Census and the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR scheduled for December 12, 1937 caused a new wave of the most severe persecution of representatives of the religious community, including the clergy, monastics and laity of the Russian Orthodox Church. The studied biographies of the priest of the village of Vozdvizhenskaya Peter Aleynikov and the priest of the village of Petropavlovsk John Zhogin allow us to clarify the events of the church history of the above-mentioned villages in the first half of the XX century. In the course of the research, documents of various archival institutions, including foreign ones, were used. Materials of criminal investigation cases provided by the archive of the Federal Security Service Administration are of particular value. The proposed article is a step towards the further study of church-state relations in the USSR in the first half of the XX century.

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Andrei, Pecherin. « The Ortodox Church in the Urals During the Great Patriotic War ». TECHNOLOGOS, n^o 1 (2022) : 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2022.1.02.

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By the summer of 1941, everything indicated that the Russian Orthodox Church was finishing its last months, if not days. Two decades and more of total persecution by the militant atheists in power had brought it literally “to its last stand”. The vast majority of Orthodox churches were closed, ruined, desecrated, or even demolished to the ground. According to some reports there were only two active churches for the entire vast territory from the TransUrals to the Pacific Ocean. The situation was no better with the clergy. Many thousands of them in earlier years were either shot or sent to camps (in fact, to a slow death), and those who remained free were forced to abandon their church ministries... But suddenly there came a turning point marked by the exact date - June 22, 1941, when the attack on the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany began the Great Patriotic War which raised the question of the very existence of our country and its multinational people. In this situation the authorities had involuntarily to think about muting internal divisions. The fight against religion was quickly curtailed, and in the end (two years later) the Orthodox Church was given "most favored treatment"... The clergy en masse took a patriotic stand from the early days of the war forgetting all past offenses and fully embracing the slogan "Everything for the front, everything for victory”. Some of its representatives fought with dignity in the ranks of the active army, others worked selflessly on the home front and those in church service (very few of them at first, but then their number grew steadily) were everywhere collecting funds for the defense. And their contribution to the Victory was greatly appreciated by the Soviet government; for the first time since 1917 clergy received government awards... In this article it is provided a comprehensive look at the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church during the Great Patriotic War within the borders of the "Great Urals" (and the territories surrounding it). Along with a synthesis of materials previously published the composition of the clergy serving at that time in a number of Ural regions was analyzed for the first time on the basis of the Ural Church-Historical Society database which, in particular, allowed to conclude about its multiple quantitative reduction and a sharp decline in qualitative level in comparison with the pre-revolutionary period.

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Khachaturov, Artemii, et Iryna Kochetkova. « THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF BILA TSERKVA : HISTORY AND MODERNITY (LOCAL STUDIES) ». GEOGRAPHY AND TOURISM, n^o 63 (2021) : 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2308-135x.2021.63.44-52.

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Purpose of the study. The purpose of the work is a comprehensive study of the local history of the main trends in the historical development and the current state of the Jewish community in the city of Bila Tserkva. Research methodology. It is based on a combination of historical and geographical approaches using the methods of local history analysis and synthesis of secondary information. Research results. The Jewish people, who lived on the territory of modern Ukraine, for a long time were subjected to oppression and persecution. Since the era of Bohdan Khmelnitsky and until the fall of the Soviet Union, various restrictions and prohibitions were imposed on the ethnos under study. Despite this, the territory of the Ukrainian state became home to many Jewish generations: shtetls were created everywhere, dynasties of Hasidic tzaddiks were formed, and the like. One of the places that has undergone a significant influence of the activities of the Jewish community is the city of Bila Tserkva. This work reflects the main milestones in the formation and development of the Jewish community in the Bila Tserkva, identifies the main factors that influenced the system of settlement of the people in the city. On the basis of literary sources, including the works of O. Starodub, S. Burlaka, E. Chernetsky, the connections of the studied people with the toponymy of the city, which over the centuries took root in its system, were analyzed. In addition, the influence of the Jewish ethnos on the formation of a modern architectural ensemble was revealed, in particular the buildings of the Market Square, the choral synagogue, the city hospital, etc. This work also reveals the special role of the cemetery as an ethnocultural attribute of the town. The study also highlights current trends in the development of the Jewish community in the city: an analysis of its activities, its main social programs and relationships is carried out. Scientific novelty. During the times of the Soviet Union, full-fledged studies of the characteristics of the life of the Jewish people on the territory of Ukraine were almost not carried out, especially little attention was paid to the local history analysis of local settlements. Since independence, the number of such works has increased significantly, however, there are still significant blank spots. In this work, for the first time, a comprehensive study of the Jewish community of the Bila Tserkva is carried out. Disclosed, previously unknown aspects of local history, and the peculiarities of the life of the ethnic group in the conditions of modern Ukraine. Practical significance. The results of this work can be used for further regional studies of the Bila Tserkva region and Porosya, and as important materials for studying the characteristics of the life of the Jewish population in Ukraine. In addition, the publication can draw attention to the current state of Jewish communities, the degree of preservation of objects of the spiritual and material heritage of the people.

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Obushnyi, Mykola. « FEATURES OF ETHNOCULTURAL ACTIVITY OF THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN RUSSIA IN THE AGE OF PUTINISM ». Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, n^o 28 (2021) : 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.13.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Ukrainian diaspora organizations ethnocultural activity peculiarities in the Russian Federation (RF), the beginning of which is connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of Ukraine‟s independence (1991). The author connects their appearance with the growth of national consciousness, which was based on the idea of Ukraine‟s independence. This idea has always been perceived extremely negatively and cautiously by the ruling class of Russia, as well as by a significant number of Russians, at all times when Ukrainians were under the imperial roof. Even in the conditions of the total crisis at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when the systemic disintegration of the USSR began, the Communist Party leadership constantly kept the "Ukrainian question" in view. This is confirmed, in particular, by the termination in 1989 of the magazine "Ukrainian Question", the publication of which was organized by the Moscow branch of the "Ukrainian Helsinki Union". A similar fate befell a number of other Ukrainian communities already in modern Russia. Among them are the two largest all-Russian diaspora organizations of Ukrainians in Russia: the Union of Ukrainians of Russia (ESD) and the Federal National-Cultural Autonomy "Ukrainians of Russia" (FNKAUR). The analysis below shows that their activities were carried out in accordance with Russian legislation, in particular the Federal Law of Russia "On National and Cultural Autonomy" and was aimed at organizing and conducting ethnocultural work among Ukrainians. However, Putin's leadership found "evidence of political activity" from both ESD and FNKAUR and banned their activities by court order. In fact, the main reasons for the author's cessation are the independence policy of modern Ukraine and the leaders of Ukrainian diasporas, their "disobedience" to pursue Russia's state imperial policy among Ukrainians, and their unwillingness to ignore the ethnocultural needs of Ukrainians. Currently, there is no all-Russian organization of Ukrainians in Russia. Activists of the Ukrainian diaspora have repeatedly, and since 2014, tried to register at least one of them, but they are constantly denied on the grounds that they will allegedly "glorify Bandera" and negatively affect Ukrainian-Russian relations. In fact, the reason is different, namely, in the traditional imperialism not only of Russia's ruling class, but also of a significant number of Russians who do not see a Russian neo-empire without Ukraine. This Russian propaganda cliché penetrated deeply not only into the consciousness of Russians, but also distorted the national consciousness of a significant number of Ukrainians in Russia, who cease to identify themselves as Ukrainians. The article emphasizes that the deidentification of our compatriots is based on persecution, harassment, contempt, not only the Kremlin authorities, but also a significant number of Russians towards Ukrainians in Russia.

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