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1
Chapman, Herrick. « Paul V. Dutton,Origins of the French Welfare State : The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2002. xiii + 251 pp. $65.00 cloth ; $27.00 paper. » International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (octobre 2004) : 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904210249.
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Comparative studies of social policy usually portray the French welfare state as lagging behind most of its counterparts in Western Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century. The sheer complexity of the French system, moreover, with its baroque mixture of separate private, government and quasi-public funds, made it exceptional as well. Yet tardiness and complexity by no means prevented the French from expanding social insurance at an especially rapid clip in the decades following the Second World War. By 1980 France spent more on social security as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product than any country in Europe except Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. Today the French are among Europe's most stalwart defenders of publicly funded pensions and health insurance. Given its unimpressive beginnings, how did the French welfare state become such a heavyweight?
2
Skrobacki, Waldemar A. « The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no 1 (mars 2008) : 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080384.
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The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European countries are far from having one. At best, they have procedures concerning how to handle foreigners. The main “culprits” for this state of affairs are the people rather than governments. The Europeans, however rational the arguments for increasing immigration may be, are unwilling to embrace it. Paradoxically, those who are most opposed (and vote accordingly) are older people, even though they depend most on a large taxpayer base without which cheques from government-run pension plans would stop flowing eventually and publicly managed health care systems would run out of money.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, et Bruno Palier. « How do welfare states change ? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe ». European Review 8, no 3 (juillet 2000) : 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
4
Hyde, Mark, John Dixon et Glenn Drover. « Western European Pensions Privatisation : A Response to Jay Ginn ». Social Policy and Society 3, no 2 (29 mars 2004) : 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001593.
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Our recent paper on state-mandated private pension schemes in Western Europe has been criticised by Ginn because it did not look specifically at the impact of private provision on women. This was not our intent, but she raises important issues that are largely ignored in economics-driven pension privatisation policy discourses. She has addressed this omission by demonstrating that private pension provision may result in significant levels of economic disadvantage among women retirees. We do not disagree with the broad thrust of her analysis and its conclusions. However, because she has failed to appreciate the crucial difference between voluntary and state-mandated private pension provision, her thoughtful analysis does not invalidate our proposition that the state-mandated provision of private pensions in Western Europe is consistent, to varying degrees, with the notion of collective responsibility for needs satisfaction.
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Xu, Bo. « A Comparative Study of Language Educational Policy in China and Western Europe ». Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (7 février 2023) : 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4351.
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Nowadays, English has become a very important communicative tool for people from non-English-dominant countries. The Chinese government has been trying to push its residents to keep this pace for decades while recently most Western European countries try to avoid English teaching to protect their languages and cultures. Most Chinese students have to study English when they enter Grade 3. The College English Test Band 4 (CET4) has been the basic examination for Chinese students for decades and some universities will even require their students to pass CET6. Certificates of proving passing CET4 and CET6 will also offer help in job hunting. Recently, Chinese government even released the “Chinese culture go abroad” which aims to teach students how to spread Chinese cultures in English. For Western countries, Germany government want to protect their language and maintain the use of English at the same time while English academic writing continues to develop in Italy even these triggered severe debates. Now the Chinese government can see their reward after policies released for decades as it has become one of the strong competitors on academic area while the objectors in Western Europe are still working hard to defend their opinions. However, there are problems with policies released by the Chinese government as some teachers will argue that learning English cost a huge part of students’ time.
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OLIVERA, JAVIER, et VALENTINA PONOMARENKO. « Pension Insecurity and Wellbeing in Europe ». Journal of Social Policy 46, no 3 (17 novembre 2016) : 517–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279416000787.
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AbstractThis paper studies pension insecurity in a sample of non-retired individuals aged 50 years or older from 18 European countries. We capture pension insecurity with the subjective expectations on the probability that the government will reduce the pensions of the individual before retirement or will increase the statutory retirement age. We argue that changes in economic conditions and policy affect the formation of such probabilities, and through this, subjective wellbeing. In particular, we study the effects of pension insecurity on subjective wellbeing with pooled linear models, regressions per quintiles and instrumental variables. We find a statistically significant, stable and negative association between pension insecurity and subjective wellbeing. Our findings reveal that the individuals who are more affected by pension insecurity are those who are further away from their retirement, have lower income, assess their life survival as low, have higher cognitive abilities and do not expect private pension payments.
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Cox, Kevin R. « Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity ». European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no 1 (2 octobre 2018) : 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.
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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. « A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe ». Journal of Public Policy 7, no 3 (juillet 1987) : 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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VELLADICS, KATALIN, KÈNE HENKENS et HENDRIK P. VAN DALEN. « Do different welfare states engender different policy preferences ? Opinions on pension reforms in Eastern and Western Europe ». Ageing and Society 26, no 3 (24 avril 2006) : 475–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x05004551.
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This article examines whether the different welfare states of the European Union member states engender different policy preferences and attitudes among the population. More specifically, it investigates variations in attitudes towards population ageing and pension reforms, and variations in people's retirement age preferences and expectations. It is shown that despite the different cultures and welfare traditions in the old and new member states, there are commonalities in people's value orientations and views about population ageing, not least that the vast majority are pessimistic about the consequences. In both Eastern and Western Europe, the most popular options for pensions reform are to raise taxes and to extend working life, and few favour reducing pension benefits. Despite these similarities, there are also marked attitudinal differences. Eastern Europeans rely more on their children for old-age care and are much more in favour of a pension structure in which benefits depend on the number of children. On personal expectations and preferences for retirement, it is shown that both Eastern and Western Europeans expect to retire from the labour market at an older age than the current actual retirement age.
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Collins, Susan M. « Policy Watch : U.S. Economic Policy Toward the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no 4 (1 novembre 1991) : 219–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.219.
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As the Soviet Union and the countries in Eastern Europe take steps towards market economies and democratic political systems, the U.S. and other western countries have been confronted by a range of difficult and important questions about the appropriate economic policy response. What role should government policies play? How much assistance should be given? In what form? What actual policies have been undertaken? Are they a lot or a little? At one extreme, some argue that the United States and other developed countries should finance the rebuilding of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—even though it may cost tens of billions of dollars per year, for at least a decade. At the other end of the spectrum are those who argue that Eastern Europe does not warrant official U.S. assistance, other than for humanitarian purposes, because the situation is just too precarious, because there are worthier uses of scarce government resources, or because any restructuring should be undertaken by the private sector. This paper suggests a framework for answering these questions that considers both the nations of Eastern Europe and recent proposals for direct assistance to the Soviet Union. It draws upon the valuable lessons to be learned from assistance to the developing countries and from historical experience.
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심성지 et 최유미. « The Social Democratic Government in Western Europe and It’s Reform Policy : Social-and Employment Policy(1998~2002) ». Dispute Resolution Studies Review 8, no 1 (avril 2010) : 69–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2010.8.1.69.
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Coombs, Geoffrey, Keryn Christiansen et Helen Van Gessel. « Keeping epidemic MRSA out of Western Australian hospitals ». Microbiology Australia 29, no 3 (2008) : 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma08140.
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Since 1982 methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) isolated in WA has been notifiable by State legislation. During this time the WA Department of Health (DoH), which administers and sets policy for the government-funded healthcare facilities and licences all private healthcare facilities operating within the State, has promoted a comprehensive MRSA management policy. This policy, which involves all WA healthcare facilities, medical microbiology laboratories and the DoH, is similar to the ?search and destroy policy? used in northern Europe 1 and involves selective screening, isolation and decolonisation. The objective of the policy is the early identification, containment and eradication of MRSA infection and colonisation, primarily targeting EMRSA strains in WA acute care hospitals.
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Patel, I. G. « On Taking India into the Twenty-First Century (New Economic Policy in India) ». Modern Asian Studies 21, no 2 (avril 1987) : 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013780.
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On one of his many visits to India Kingsley Martin was once asked how he saw the prospects for Western Europe. His reply was that he was very optimistic as most of the leaders of Western Europe then were very old. If the transition from age to youth in national leadership is a sufficient basis for hope, we certainly have much to be grateful for in India. And our young Prime Minister has already struck a very responsive chord among large sections of Indian society by his promise of change. His mother had won the 1980 election on the promise of a ‘Government that works’. Mr Gandhi promised in 1984 a ‘Government that works faster’—thus heralding a promise of greater efficiency in general. When asked about the objective of his new Government, he used the now famous phrase that his objective was to take India into the twenty-first century. Taken at its face value, this was a rather vacuous phrase. It is not necessary for anyone to carry India, Atlas-like, into the twenty-first century. It would arrive at our doorstep in due course, as it will at everyone else's, and most probably without even a whimper.
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Keating, M. « The Invention of Regions : Political Restructuring and Territorial Government in Western Europe ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 15, no 4 (décembre 1997) : 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150383.
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Regionalism has come back to prominence, as the political, economic, cultural, and social meaning of space is changing in contemporary Europe. In some ways, politics, economics, and public policies are deterritorializing; but at the same time and in other ways, there is a reterritorialization of economic, political, and governmental activity. The ‘new regionalism’ is the product of this decomposition and recomposition of the territorial framework of public life, consequent on changes in the state, the market, and the international context. Functional needs, institutional restructuring, and political mobilization all play a role. Regionalism must now be placed in the context of the international market and the European Union, as well as the nation-state.
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MENDRAS, MARIE. « The French Connection : An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no 1 (septembre 1985) : 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.
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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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Minesashvili, Salome. « Europe in Georgia’s Identity Discourse ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no 1-2 (mars 2021) : 128–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.128.
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Georgia’s European identity, often regarded as the basis of its pro-Western foreign policy, has been contested in the domestic arena by alternative agendas. While government changes are usually deemed instigators of change in this contestation, no systematic analysis has been conducted on the effect of external developments. Considering that Georgia’s relations with the West and Russia have been evolving and that the debates on European identity inherently relate to foreign policy, this article asks to what extent and how contestation within the European identity discourse changes in response to different external events. To elucidate these questions, the study unpacks European identity discourse in Georgia between 2012 and 2017 in the context of various ongoing foreign policy developments. These include developments in Georgia–European Union (EU) and Georgia–Russia relations, the war in Ukraine, and internal issues of the EU. Moreover, instead of common pro- and anti-European binary positions, identity discourse is analyzed as a combination of three identity categories via media in which each category constructs different degrees of difference with Europe. This article finds that advocates of each category interpret different foreign policy developments to reinforce, rather than challenge, their positions; thus, contestation and division in the discourse persist over time.
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Jones, Glen A. « Ontario Higher Education Reform, 1995-2003 : From Modest Modifications to Policy Reform ». Canadian Journal of Higher Education 34, no 3 (31 décembre 2004) : 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v34i3.183466.
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Ontario higher education system has moved far and fast in the past decade. The early 1990s saw "modest modifications and structural stability." Since 1995, under a neo-liberal government in Ontario, major policy initiatives, with objectives not unlike those already at large in western Europe and most of the United States, have quickly followed one another. The author proposes an explanation of the timing and dynamics of the Ontario reforms, describing the driving forces behind reform.
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Lymar, Margaryta. « European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 7 (2019) : 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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SIMONOFF, Alejandro. « ARGENTINA EN EL MUNDO : ¿IDAS Y VUELTAS ? » Cadernos de Campo : Revista de Ciências Sociais, no 29 (12 mars 2021) : 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47284/2359-2419.2020.29.125135.
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The article seeks to find the reasons why Argentina’s foreign policy is shown to be oscillating, fundamentally thinking about the latest institutional change, and to explore some of the keys aspects of this event. Argentina’s foreign policy has gone through different stages and the last presidential elections have shown potential changes regarding the future of this agenda. The article begins with a brief review of the foreign policy implemented in the government of Mauricio Macri, based on an alignment with the United States, Western Europe and Japan as world powers. The next section presents analytical perspectives for foreign policy agendas. Subsequently, the article presents an analysis of the notable movements of the government of Mauricio Macri in foreign policy.
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McCarthy, Linda. « European Economic Integration and Urban Inequalities in Western Europe ». Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 32, no 3 (mars 2000) : 391–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3189.
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Recent processes of European integration have influenced profoundly the fortunes of cities across Western Europe. Although some cities have benefited, others have been impacted adversely. Income inequalities result from economic growth differentials occurring between different cities over time. The theoretical literature differs on whether increased integration promotes or reduces income disparities. The European Union (EU) assumes that rising inequalities will impair EU growth and lead to even greater disparities. Empirical analysis has concentrated on the EU-defined regions because of problems of urban data availability and comparability. Using regional data, I identified that the overall level of inequalities changed little for the metropolitan regions between the early 1980s and the early 1990s. Urban disparities were cyclical—decreasing during strong EU growth and increasing in slower growth years. Factors outside direct local government control, including relative location within Europe, reinforced the traditional strong-core—weak-periphery spatial pattern of development. I argue that additional factors specific to cities, such as limited EU urban policy and funding, contributed to overall higher and more sharply rising inequalities since the late 1980s for cities compared with regions. The positive linear relationship between levels of national income and urban disparities has implications for economic polarization within richer member states and for EU efforts to reduce inequalities by raising the level of development in poorer countries.
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Harrison, R. J. « V. Bogdanor (ed), Coalition Government in Western Europe, (London, Heinemann, for Policy Studies Institute, 1983), 282 pages. » Political Science 37, no 1 (juillet 1985) : 81a—84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231878503700111.
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Sadykova, L. R. « German Policy Towards Muslim Communities ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 6(39) (28 décembre 2014) : 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-174-181.
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The past two-three decades can be characterized by the period of global migration and sharp jump of migratory streams is connected with globalization and with the economic factor, generating labor movement behind resources from Third World countries to the countries with deficiency of labor. The desire to receive comfort life becomes the major reason, and the migrant makes the decision being guided by private interest more often instead of external factors. Western Europe became one of the most important center of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war, laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Globalization of migratory streams, penetration of foreign culture groups into structure of accepting society and prevalence of multicultural, multiethnic societies are important characteristics of a modern era. Western Europe became one of the most important centers of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period, the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Special relevance the problem of reception of immigrants, in particular from the Muslim countries, got for the former colonial powers, in particular Great Britain, France, and the Netherlands. Germany also faced this problem; migrants workers from other countries were required for the post-war restoration. Now Germany still is one of the main centers of an attraction of migrants, and concentration of them in this country annually increases. Despite the steps taken by the German government on elimination of Muslim isolation in the German society, its efforts did not bear fruits so far. The majority of Muslims live their life and are still torn off from high life of the country. A possible threat of destruction of the German community appeared when the various ethnic groups appeared in the country.
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WILSON, ELIZABETH, et DANA ŠVIHLOVÁ. « DEVELOPING MUNICIPAL CAPACITY FOR EIA IN SLOVAKIA ». Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 01, no 04 (décembre 1999) : 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333299000363.
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Effective implementation of environmental policy proves difficult in many countries. Even where there is a comprehensive policy framework, the capacity for implementation at the local level may be weak. In some countries of central and eastern Europe, such as Slovakia, local government has acquired new environmental responsibilities, but lacks the capacity for exercising these roles. The Slovakian environmental impact assessment (EIA) law, for example, gives local government a role as a channel for public comment. However, most municipalities lack the technical expertise or political experience to play an effective role in the EIA process. This paper describes a project supported by the UK Know-How Fund with Slovakian partners to develop municipal capacity. It offers a preliminary evaluation of the effectiveness of the programme, and emphasises the need for training in EIA to relate to municipalities' other environmental responsibilities. It draws some conclusions on cross-national learning between local government in central and western Europe.
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Agnarsdóttir, Anna. « Iceland in the Eighteenth Century : An Island Outpost of Europe ? » Sjuttonhundratal 10 (31 août 2013) : 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.2619.
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The aim is to define Iceland’s relationship with Europe during the eighteenth century. Though Iceland, an island in the mid-Atlantic, was geographically isolated from the European continent, it was in most respects an integral part of Europe. Iceland was not much different from western Europe except for the notable lack of towns and a European-style nobility. However, there was a clearly – defined elite and by the end of the eighteenth century urbanisation had become government policy. Iceland was also remote in the sense that the state of knowledge among the Europeans was slight and unreliable. However, in the spirit of the Enlightenment, Danish and French expeditions were sent to Iceland while British scientists began exploring the island with the result that by the early nineteenth century an excellent choice of books was available in the major European languages giving up-to-date accounts of Iceland. On the other hand the Icelanders were growing ever closer to Europe, by the end of the century for instance adopting fashionable European dress. Iceland’s history always followed western trends, its history more or less mirroring that of western Europe.
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Smith, Mark B. « The Withering Away of the Danger Society : The Pensions Reforms of 1956 and 1964 in the Soviet Union ». Social Science History 39, no 1 (2015) : 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.45.
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While a framework of statist welfare practices was constructed in the 1930s, the principles that underwrote it—and that defined the interaction of individual citizens and state agencies—were changed as a consequence of World War II and transformed as a result of Stalin's death and the onset of de-Stalinization. Following a major sequence of welfare reforms in the Khrushchev period, most people's encounters with social risk were substantially minimized. By the Brezhnev era, problems associated with moral hazard were creating new challenges for policy makers: not only did people enjoy the right to a job, as they had done for decades, but perverse incentives discouraged innovation and, for some, hard work. A welfare system had been established that went far beyond the universalism of Western Europe. Cash transfers diffused social risks. Furthermore, welfare touched almost all areas of life, from jobs to leisure, creating a new kind of industrial society, in which many social risks had been artificially eliminated. The effectiveness of this system was highly uneven, and many miserable examples of welfare provision persisted, but this revised relationship between risk and welfare guided the mentalities of policy makers and ordinary people alike. This article offers a commentary on the long-term nature of this process but focuses particularly on the reforms associated with Khrushchev, especially the pension laws of 1956 and 1964.
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Sergeev, S. A., et S. V. Kuzmina. « NEW LEFT RADICALISM AND POPULISM IN WESTERN EUROPE : WHAT'S NEW ? » KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN 11, no 5 (octobre 2020) : 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24153/2079-5912-2020-11-5-49-53.
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The article is devoted to the study of the features of the new left radicalism in Western Europe on the example of three parties: SYRIZA (Greece), "Unconquered France" (France) and "Podemos" (Spain). In 2012 - 2019 these three left-wing radical parties made a rapid political and electoral spurt. The first and main feature of these parties, which largely predetermined their successes, is populism. As an ideological platform, they chose left-wing populism in the form as it was justified by E. Laclau and consisting in the rejection of the class approach and in the persistent opposition of "we" - "they", "people" - "caste", "oligarchs" etc. The discursively constructed "people" are supposed to be honest, pure and poor, the "caste" or "oligarchy" is corrupted and depraved both politically, economically and morally. The second feature is the widespread use of Web 2.0, various digital technologies, platforms and social media, with the help of which thousands of party members could submit their proposals and discuss them. Rising on a wave of dissatisfaction with austerity policies, SYRIZA and Podemos were able to really participate in the formation of the government (and Unconquered France - to claim that its candidate would become one of the two or three main contenders for the presidency). However, radical socio-economic reforms are likely not included in the plans of the current Western European radical left. Judging by the rapid decline in the tone of the election campaigns, their goal was to oust and replace the existing Social Democratic parties (which SYRIZA succeeded in) and to pursue a moderate policy in a neo-Keynesian spirit.
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Akkerman, Tjitske, et Sarah L. de Lange. « Radical Right Parties in Office : Incumbency Records and the Electoral Cost of Governing ». Government and Opposition 47, no 4 (2012) : 574–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2012.01375.x.
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AbstractRadical right parties are becoming increasingly likely candidates to participate in government coalitions in Western Europe. Comparative research on the electoral performance of these parties in government is still scarce. Our overview of the electoral effects of government participation of six parties in national governments shows that they do not run a higher risk of losing votes after government participation than other parties. There is considerable variation, however. Some radical right parties experienced great losses, while others won additional support. Focusing on the ways in which radical right parties conducted themselves in government, we explore why some parties won votes and others lost in post-incumbency elections. We compare their policy achievements with regard to immigration and integration policies, the performance of their ministers, and the party coherence of the six parties in office. Our analysis shows that policy records do not fully explain the variation in post-incumbency electoral results. Weak performance and internal party conflict prevent parties from credibly laying claim to the policy achievements of coalition governments and demonstrate that some of these parties were not ready for office.
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Wilensky, Harold L. « Can Social Science Shape the Public Agenda ? » Contexts 4, no 2 (mai 2005) : 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2005.4.2.41.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although America leads the world in conducting social scientific evaluations of public policies, in the end, social science contributes less to policymaking here than it does in most of Western Europe and Japan. Instead, our research has little bearing on whether a government program lives or dies. Intellectuals typically have tense relationships with men and women of power, but the disconnect between research and policy is most extreme in the United States.
29
Götz, Elias. « It’s geopolitics, stupid : explaining Russia’s Ukraine policy ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 9, no 4 (24 juillet 2018) : 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-4-6-17.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What lies behind Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its confrontational policies towards Ukraine? This article challenges the widely held perspective that President Putin’s personality and his security-service background is the central driver of Russia’s Ukraine policy. Instead, it puts forward a geopolitical explanation that emphasizes three factors: Ukraine’s geographic location; the EU’s increased activism in Eastern Europe; and the pro- western orientation of the new government in Kiev. Together, these three factors provide Russia with a strong incentive to pursue an assertive policy towards Ukraine. Moscow’s main aim is to regain some control over Kiev’s foreign policy orientation and, if that is not possible, to establish a belt of pro-Russian provinces in Ukraine’s east. The findings of this article suggest, moreover, that the West ’s current policies towards Russia are ineffective and potentially counterproductive. A major readjustment is urgently needed.
30
Piotrowski, Harry. « The Soviet Union and the Renner Government of Austria, April–November 1945 ». Central European History 20, no 3-4 (septembre 1987) : 246–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012097.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When the Red Army moved through Eastern Europe in 1945, it faced the problem of creating what the men in the Kremlin called “friendly” governments. In several countries, Joseph Stalin in short order resolved the dilemma by putting into power Communists who had arrived in the van of his army. In the Western mind, Stalin represented a force inexorably driven by a logic inherent in all totalitarian systems. Stalin became the reincarnation of Hitler, a dictator who sought to impose his system on all territories under his sway—and whose appetite could not be sated. Such a view left little ambiguity in interpreting Stalin's foreign policy. It offered no room for an assessment that Soviet foreign policy was driven by a mix of motives, not only by aggression steeped in Communist ideology, but also by considerations of national security, opportunism, and compromise.
31
Kasparavičius, Algimantas. « Views of Western countries on the 1926 coup d’état in Lithuania ». Lithuanian Historical Studies 12, no 1 (28 décembre 2007) : 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01201006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The analysis and evaluation of the 17 December 1926 coup d’état in Lithuanian historical scholarship to a large extent remain a relevant and controversial problem. The authoritarian regime formed after the coup has received various, yet not always well-grounded, descriptions and evaluations in historical writings. The aim of this article is (without attempting to answer at once all the questions pertaining to this issue) to tackle this problem from a different angle and as if from a distance, namely to analyse the political-diplomatic reaction to the coup d’état in Lithuania of the parties, which were not directly interested (foreign states). On the one hand, the majority of democratic governments in Europe and the US administration had at least reserved and unopposed, if not favourable, view of the events of the 17 December 1926 in Lithuania. On the other hand, public, labour professional organisations and a part of the media in a number of foreign democracies were critical about the unconstitutional change of the government in Lithuania and the dictatorial domestic policy of the government formed on authoritarian grounds. Thirdly, in the eyes of liberal and democratic citizens or societies of the Western Europe the 1926 coup impaired the international prestige of Lithuania since it prompted doubts over the democratic traditions of the young state, the maturity of its social and political culture as well as prospects of maintaining its statehood.
32
Elander, I. « Between Centralism and Localism : On the Development of Local Self-Government in Postsocialist Europe ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 15, no 2 (juin 1997) : 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c150143.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During real-socialism in Central and Eastern Europe the scope for local government discretion was marginal. Local government had a very low degree of legitimacy, and this is something that poses a big problem when it comes to developing local self-government under postsocialism. It seems as if most citizens are prepared to pin their hopes on new central leaders, while they are still very hesitant with regard to local self-governance. Various expressions of localism appeared during the first three to four years of postsocialist development. However, today it seems as if the tide has turned in favour of more centralist hopes and policies. This development is discussed in the light of some of the arguments commonly raised in favour of centralism and localism, respectively, highlighting the complex relationships between the two concepts and their current manifestations. In the concluding section some ideas are put forward concerning the issue how to bridge the gap between centralism and localism, and there is also a reminder that some of the current developments of local government in Eastern and Central Europe are similar to those in Western Europe. This makes a strong argument in favour of intensified transnational contacts between academics, practitioners, and ordinary citizens with an interest in developing local self-government.
33
Vass, Ágnes. « The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada ». Polish Political Science Review 6, no 2 (1 décembre 2018) : 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.
34
Leisering, Lutz, Tao Liu et Tobias ten Brink. « Synthesizing disparate ideas : How a Chinese model of social assistance was forged ». Global Social Policy 17, no 3 (2 mai 2017) : 307–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018117704381.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1993, the Shanghai government introduced a minimum income security program, causing contagious imitative behaviors in scores of local pilot projects in China. Invigorated by such local policy experiments, the central government in 1999 set up a Minimum Living Standard Scheme covering all urban regions and, from 2007, rural areas. In the process of designing this scheme, the Chinese epistemic social policy community translated foreign ideas into the national context to facilitate the social assistance reform through policy experimentation and reinterpretation of external ideas. This article argues that Chinese actors in the field of social assistance have synthesized disparate ideas from two world regions – the United States and Western Europe – and from Chinese traditions to forge a Chinese model of social assistance. It thus complements the existing literature on diffusion, which tends to assume that countries import or adapt a ready-made policy model from another country or from an international organization.
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Ben-Rafael Galanti, Sigal, Paz Carmel et Alon Levkowitz. « Innovations in Israel’s Civics Textbooks ». Israel Studies Review 35, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Classic Western democracies (those of Western Europe and the Anglophone world) view the teaching of civics as a policy instrument through which liberal values, democracy, and even globalization are introduced to future citizens, thus expecting to assure the persistence of democracy. In present-day democracies in general, and mainly in non-Western democracies, however, civics assumes other forms, including the study of nationalism. This article analyzes innovations in the teaching of civics in Israel by examining the changes in school textbooks that accompany changing national leaderships. We highlight the current Israeli high school civics textbook, written under a significantly rightist-religious government. Assuming that civics textbooks express the political credo of ruling elites, our findings suggest similarities between trends in Israel and non-Western democracies, hinting at the fragility of democratization in general and chiefly outside the West.
36
Ben-Rafael Galanti, Sigal, Paz Carmel et Alon Levkowitz. « Innovations in Israel’s Civics Textbooks ». Israel Studies Review 35, no 3 (1 décembre 2020) : 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350304.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Classic Western democracies (those of Western Europe and the Anglophone world) view the teaching of civics as a policy instrument through which liberal values, democracy, and even globalization are introduced to future citizens, thus expecting to assure the persistence of democracy. In present-day democracies in general, and mainly in non-Western democracies, however, civics assumes other forms, including the study of nationalism. This article analyzes innovations in the teaching of civics in Israel by examining the changes in school textbooks that accompany changing national leaderships. We highlight the current Israeli high school civics textbook, written under a significantly rightist-religious government. Assuming that civics textbooks express the political credo of ruling elites, our findings suggest similarities between trends in Israel and non-Western democracies, hinting at the fragility of democratization in general and chiefly outside the West.
37
Kvashnin, Y. « Western Vector of Greece's Foreign Policy (Late 2010s – Early 2020s) ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no 3 (2022) : 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-45-56.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the main features of Greek diplomacy is the combination of pro-Western orientation and the desire to act independently in a number of key issues, firmly defending national interests. In recent years, however, the western vector began to prevail. In ideology, this manifested itself in the positioning of the country as an outpost of Western civilization in the East, a defender of democratic values, operating in accordance with the interests of collective West. In security policy, the main efforts were aimed at creating a counterbalance to Greece's existential rival – Turkey. Not having sufficient resources for an ‘arms race’ with the eastern neighbour, the Greek authorities have shifted their focus to closer cooperation with major powers, as well as with regional actors seeking to curb Turkish ambitions. The idea of confronting ‘geopolitical revisionism’ has taken a prominent place in the political rhetoric of the conservative government, especially since the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine. In economic sphere, Greece continues its policy aimed at becoming a key transit hub for transporting energy resources to Europe. Despite the fact that there are good reasons for strengthening ties with the West, the ultimate success of this strategy is not evident. In the Greek media, there is an increasing opinion that such a course will narrow the room for diplomatic maneuver. At the same time, the main task – to isolate Turkey – will not be implemented. In the future, imbalances in foreign policy may hinder the development of economic ties between Greece and non-Western countries (in the case of Russian-Greek relations, this is already happening), and this in turn will undermine the country's resilience to crisis processes in the world economy and politics.
38
Frideres, James S. « Canada's Changing Immigration Policy : Implications for Asian Immigrants ». Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 5, no 4 (décembre 1996) : 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689600500404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Canada has accepted immigrants since the turn of the century and has been a major player in the world wide movement of people. However, until the 1960s, most immigrants were white and from Western Europe. By the late 60s, Canada's immigration policy took on a more universalistic criteria and immigrants from around the world were able to enter. In 1971, Canada established a multicultural policy, reflecting the multi-ethnic composition of Canadian society. However, a quarter century later, economic and ideological pressures have forced the government of the day to rethink its immigration policy. The present paper reviews Canadian immigration policy and assesses the current situation. An analysis of the 1994 immigration consultation process is presented which led to the new changes in immigration policy. Recent changes in the organizational structure of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration and its policy are evaluated. The implications of the new immigration policy are discussed, particularly as it relates to Asian immigration.
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Casado-Asensio, Juan, et Reinhard Steurer. « Integrated strategies on sustainable development, climate change mitigation and adaptation in Western Europe : communication rather than coordination ». Journal of Public Policy 34, no 3 (13 décembre 2013) : 437–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x13000287.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractComplex environmental challenges cut horizontally across sectors and vertically across levels of government. To address them in coordinated and integrated ways, governments have resorted to integrated, multi-sectoral strategies since the 1990s. After introducing this new governance approach, we describe the policy rationale, prevalence, governance characteristics and performance of three distinct yet thematically related, integrated strategies on sustainable development, climate change mitigation and adaptation in the EU-15 countries. Based on this literature-based synthesis, we highlight their similarities and differences and the lack of linkages between them. The concluding discussion explores options on how to develop integrated strategies further. Since all three integrated strategies failed as comprehensive governing processes that aim to better coordinate policies, we suggest recalibrating them towards communication so that they can be more effective in pursuing the functions they can realistically fulfil: providing direction and raising awareness.
40
Smith, J. D., et H. R. Glick. « The Right to Die : A Cross-National Analysis of Agenda Setting and Innovation ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 13, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 479–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130479.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Through theories of agenda setting and innovation, the origin, development, and enactment of right-to-die policy in four Western nations—the United States, the Netherlands, Germany, and Great Britain—are examined. Different social and government structures produced varied right-to-die politics in each of these countries, although similar issues received more emphasis in Europe. However, it is discovered that policy entrepreneurs, organizations, and governments are important in similar ways in moving the issue from the public to the governmental agenda and to policy innovations in each country. The paper is concluded with a discussion of elements to be included in a model of agenda setting and innovation and with a proposal for the application of theory to a wider range of policies.
41
Lakishyk, Dmytro. « German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s ». European Historical Studies, no 16 (2020) : 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.
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BĂNCILĂ, Andi Mihail. « THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ENERGY POLICY, AN INSTRUMENT FOR RECONSOLIDATING THE STATUS OF HIGH POWER ». BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 10, no 2 (12 juillet 2021) : 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-21-09.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The disintegration of the USSR in December 1991 marked the end of the Cold War. Many foreign policy analysts were quick to point out that Russian Federation had ceased to be a threat to the Western world. Despite facing a multitude of economic, social and military problems, under the leadership of Vladimir Putin the Russian state managed to be reborn. Russian Federation's miraculous return was made possible by the successful implementation of a policy of economic centralization that overlapped with a period of rising global oil prices. Economic prosperity encouraged the Russian Federation government to return to the old practices of the Soviet period, succeeding in unbalancing the fragile states of Eastern Europe and once again endangering the peace of the entire continent.
Keywords: Russian Federation; Cold War; Crimea; hydrocarbons; conflict.
43
Brautović, Mato. « Net neutrality policy debate in Croatia ». Medijska istraživanja 26, no 1 (23 juin 2020) : 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22572/mi.26.1.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the debate on net neutrality in the Croatian public sphere, its origin and connection to similar debates in the United States and the EU. The study also tries to answer who the policy actors that influence the NN debate are, how the policy-making process concerning this topic was carried out in Croatia, and what the role of the mainstream media is. Empirical data was collected from documents and posts regarding net neutrality found on government, media, NGO and industry websites. The findings show that there are two parallel debates on net neutrality and the character of the Croatian policy-making process: the debate that is going on in the mainstream and online media, where international topics and actors (the US, the EU) dominate, and the debate that is happening in the Croatian public sphere, which is carried out as part of panels and conferences (mainly organised by the Croatian Regulatory Authority for Network Industries). Although the mainstream media reported positively about net neutrality, they have failed to bring the process of policy-making and the corresponding debate closer to the general public, as was the case in the US or Western Europe.
44
Paruch, Waldemar. « Polityka transatlantycka rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (2015–2019) : przesłanki (cz. 1) ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no 4 (décembre 2020) : 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.4.10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Law and Justice party was a “Euro-Atlantic” political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008–2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: (1) win the parliamentary elections; (2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian – American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.
45
Paruch, Waldemar. « Polityka transatlantycka rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (2015-2019) : koncepcja (cz. 2) ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no 1 (décembre 2021) : 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.1.16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Law and Justice party was a “Euro-Atlantic” political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008-2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: 1) win the parliamentary elections; 2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian-American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.
46
Cheng, Zhang, et Faiza Husnayeni Nahar. « The Determinants of International Tourism : Evidence from European Countries and China’s Provinces ». Jurnal Ekonomi & ; Studi Pembangunan 23, no 2 (5 janvier 2023) : 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jesp.v23i2.15714.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Tourism has been reported as one of the largest economic sectors in the world. It is shown by more than hundreds of jobs involved in this sector which directly escalate the welfare and economic growth of a country. Thus, government will support any actions that could improve competitiveness and profitability of tourism industry. The main objective of this paper is to determine the significant factors of international tourism receipts by 18 European countries and 12 provinces of Western China between 1995 and 2019. Based on data, Europe known as the world’s largest international tourist receipt in 2019 followed by Asia and the Pacific including China. It is interesting to note that China, particularly in western part, has contributed more on achieving tourism receipt. China has potential to grow its tourism sector in significant trend due to its large land size and massive human resources that might further defeat Europe’s total tourist receipt. By using panel Autoregressive Distributed lag (ARDL) model, there would be different responses related to determinant factors of tourism over long run and short run. The result revealed that population, carbon dioxide emission and trade openness have positive effect to the international tourism receipt in Europe in the long run while the rest explanatory variables such as transportation infrastructure and energy consumption have negative effect to the international tourism receipt in Europe. While in case of China, population and energy consumption are statistically significant and positive to international tourism receipt in the long-run correlation, but the rest variables are having negative effect. Unfortunately, in the short-run effect, it was found that all variables are not statistically significant at least at the ten percent significance level in both Europe and China. From the result, the Europe and Chinese policy makers can evaluate the policy based on each result. For instance, the fact that the high level of population density could reach larger tourism receipt is not always true, government need to provide some training for the party who will be involved in tourism industry to gain knowledge and encourage them to be more creative and innovative. Hence the good quality of listed tourism destination would attract more tourist to the destination country
47
Kozachuk, Oleh. « Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis) ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 33-34 (25 août 2017) : 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future.
Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities
48
Fischer, Thomas, et Daniel Möckli. « The Limits of Compensation : Swiss Neutrality Policy in the Cold War ». Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no 4 (octobre 2016) : 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00678.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Switzerland was in a unique place among European countries after World War II. Although situated in the center of Europe, it had not been attacked by Nazi Germany and therefore emerged from the war with a strong economy, stable political institutions, and social cohesion. The experience of World War II forged a collective identity different from that in other continental states. The Swiss had a deep emotional commitment to neutrality and a conviction that autonomous defense would continue to be an effective security strategy after 1945. The Swiss government acknowledged the need for, and indeed was supportive of, the new United Nations collective security system. The Swiss were well aware of the benefits of Western collective defense and European integration as the Cold War divide came about. But Switzerland was willing to associate with these new multilateral governance structures only to the extent that they did not negatively affect neutrality or, in the case of European integration, Swiss economic interests.
49
Savage, Lee. « Party System Institutionalization and Government Formation in new Democracies ». World Politics 68, no 3 (19 mai 2016) : 499–537. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000477.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Party systems provide the essential structure of the coalition bargaining environment. Stability in party systems ensures the presence of regularities that can be observed in government formation, but most empirical research focuses on established democracies. In new democracies, party systems are less institutionalized, which means that interactions between parties can be unpredictable and has significant implications for coalition formation. This article presents the first study of coalition formation in new democracies that employs an empirical design comparable to that of the leading research on Western Europe. The author uses a new data set of potential coalitions in Central and Eastern Europe to examine three explanations for government formation that arise when party systems are weakly institutionalized. The results show first that incumbency is a disadvantage for governments in new democracies when formation occurs postelection. This disadvantage is due to high levels of electoral volatility caused by policy failure and clientelistic practices. Incumbents are advantaged when formation takes place midterm, as weak party system institutionalization leads to an inchoate pattern of interaction between opposition parties, which therefore fail to provide a viable alternative. Second, the presence of former dominant parties influences government formation by stifling the development of programmatic competition. Instead, programmatic competition is subjugated to contestation based on historical enmities. And third, established parties collude to exclude new parties from coalition formation—a possible indicator that a party system is becoming more institutionalized. The article provides new insights into the importance of routinized and stable political practices and institutions.
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Logemann, Jan. « Is it in the interest of the consumer to pay taxes ? Transatlantic differences in postwar approaches to public consumption ». Journal of Consumer Culture 11, no 3 (novembre 2011) : 339–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540511417995.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is a comparative analysis of American and West German consumer policy and its underlying definition of the consumer interest during the decades following the Second World War. It traces diverging government responses to a transatlantic debate among economists, policy makers and a wider public over the proper balance between private and public consumption. Whereas postwar America put an emphasis on unrestrained private purchasing power and limited public spending, West German policy makers were more likely to include the provision of publicly supported and tax-funded goods and services as part of their definition of the consumer's interest. This contributed, the article proposes, to a fundamentally different perspective on government spending and taxation by middle-class consumers in both countries. Drawing on media sources, contemporary scholarly literature and government documents, I want to elaborate on our understanding of what counted as ‘consumption’ and ‘consumer goods’ and thereby encourage scholars in the growing field of consumption studies to look beyond the usual array of private goods. I furthermore question the influential notion of an ‘imperial’ reach of the American consumption model in the postwar era. Approaches to consumption and balancing private/public spending were markedly different in Western Europe, and the German case provides a prominent example of this.