Articles de revues sur le sujet « Peasantry – Spain »

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.

The picture has prevailed in Spanish social history of a revolutionary, insurrectional peasantry in the south of the country. Aided by literary or artistic analyses, this article shows the existence, in the Spanish north during the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, of a counter-model consisting of small landowners. This model was based on real facts, such as the permanence of small and medium land properties, the preservation of the commons, and the stability of leaseholds, all of which contributed to its literary idealization.However, a more profound and detailed analysis uncovers the existence of other types of conflicts which are different from the large unionized demonstrations of the Andalusian south. In fact, conflict arose in the north with respect to leaseholds and surpluses of milk, cider, or sugar beet. Old emblems of peaceful peasant life such as popular festivities were tainted with criminality, as well as with “urban” and “industrial” delinquency and the old systems of communal solidarity were redefined, which forced political bargaining in local and municipal life.

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to analyse the construction and transmission of social stereotypes when teaching history through a specific topic; the rural world of Spain and France in the Early Modern Age. The starting point is the study of the historiographic reconstruction based on this topic found in the main scientific journals. This is followed by seeing how this knowledge is transmitted in the classroom through the curriculum and textbooks. Finally, we analyse students’ perception of the social stereotypes related to the topic. The findings show that historiography is advancing in the opposite direction to the history knowledge taught in the classroom. There is also a noticeable difference between the representation of the urban and the rural world, which is due to the persistence of the theory of modernization in historical explanations. Keywords: social stereotypes, history education, textbooks, peasantry, historiography.

In Letters from England, written ostensibly from Don Manuel Espriella to his family at home in Spain, Southey declares he will also incorporate ‘what I think respecting this country and these times’ (‘Letter to Charles Watkin Williams Wynn’). One of the aspects of society that concerned Southey was the state of the labouring classes and the detrimental effect of industrialisation on rural life. His Spanish tourist, who is ‘bigoted to his religion, and willing to discover such faults and such symptoms of declining power here as may soothe or gratify [his] natural inferiority’, makes a comparative study of the treatment of the poor in England and Spain (‘Letter to Charles Watkin Williams Wynn’). Espriella comments negatively on the growth of manufacturing industries, the effects of the enclosure acts, and the migration of rural communities to the cities. He suggests that the English nation has lost its once stable social order, when landowners and religious institutions felt a moral obligation for the welfare of the peasantry. And, despite Southey's antipathy towards the Catholic faith after his visits to Spain (in 1795–6 and 1800–1), he states Espriella's conviction that shared religious belief is a cohesive force that binds hierarchical society together. With the help of his Spanish alter-ego, Southey invokes an idealised, English feudal past to oppose contemporary legislative solutions to rural poverty, such as workhouses and poor laws. Espriella's reverence for ancient historical sites, his criticism of commercialism, and his concern that new religious sects will imperil the religious and social order, would seem to belie his nationality and his youth. However, they complement Southey's argument that the treatment of the rural poor is one more symptom of how far England has travelled from its Arcadian past. In this article, the ‘double vision’ of Letters from England is examined to demonstrate how Southey interweaves the observations of his European commentator into the British social politics that he seeks to present.

Translated by Laura CunniffScholars tend to interpret the European peasantry's incorporation into mass politics at the beginning of the twentieth century in terms of two equally extreme situations, citing either the peasantry's support for traditional oligarchies, or its anti-capitalist radicalism. By contrast, this article explores how the confluence between a broad network of peasant families and leased agricultural properties in the Valencian region of Spain helped generate mass support for an anti-liberal (and eventually Francoist) legal system. The authors highlight the uniqueness of the social and productive context of Valencian agriculture during the late 1800s and early 1900s, as well as the tensions that existed between landowners and tenants. Such tensions, they argue, did not stop these two groups from efficiently collaborating in favour of an economic orientation that was both developmentalist and politically anti-liberal.

Peasant pig production in South of Mexico consist in kept pigs in the backyard. This is a complementary activity for the family income. The pigs are a significant source of protein, but their real meaning lay in their role as a “peasants’ savings bank”, an asset that could easily be tapped into when cash is needed. In this system Creole pigs are used mainly. The Creole pig is descendent from Iberico and Celtico pigs carried from Spain after the conquest of Mexico five hundred years ago. The Creole pig is fatter, have a reduced liveweigth gain and less fertility in comparison to selected breeds of pigs. However, these characteristics are an advantage for the peasant pig system, due to low nutrient requirements of Creole pigs that match very well with the feed available from the agriculture such as maize, Mucuna beans (Stilozobium deerengianum) and forages. The objective of this experiment was to evaluate digestibility and nitrogen retention in Creole pigs fed with feedstuffs obtainable from agriculture in peasant systems in comparison with a diet utilised commonly in commercial pig production systems.

The fact of speaking a language instead of another at a specific moment in a person’s life depends on many and diverse factors such as immigration, the language acquired and spoken at home, and what the dominant and official language is. In addition, in situations where it is possible to choose, speaking one language instead of another is not a neutral choice, in that the values associated with languages have a lot to do with that choice. In the Valencian Community, in Spain, two languages officially coexist: Castilian, the official language within the whole Spanish State, and Catalan, the historical language of the territory, which is undergoing a process of revitalization since the beginnings of the 1980s. At that time,Catalan was perceived as a second-rate language, associated with peasantry, with the rural context and uncultured people from the lower social classes. The technique employed to reveal these values or stereotypes, namely the matched-guise technique (Ros 1984),was used again during the 90s (Blas Arroyo 1995, Gómez Molina1998) for evaluating the effects of the revitalization program. The results of this work showed that Catalan was gaining more and more prestige, i.e., it was increasingly associated with modern people, city life, learning and social progress. An underlying, though never proved, assumption was that the remarkable improvement in the image of Catalan would be reflected in its use, which would also be more frequent and more widespread. At the beginning ofthe new millennium the matched-guise technique was applied again,with one new twist: to assess the real extent of prestige associated with speaking Catalan (Casesnoves and Sankoff 2003). Ten years later that study was replicated in order to observe the evolution of linguistic attitudes as well as the progress of the linguistic revitalization process. In this presentation, we compare the two data sets to evaluate the effects of linguistic attitudes on the use of Catalan.Has Catalan gained prestige throughout the years? If so, does it have an influence on language use or, on the contrary, are there any other factors such as identity that play a more important role in influencing the choice of speaking Catalan?

AbstractIn summer 1936 Vladko Maček's priorities lay with rebuilding the Croatian Peasant Party after its six years of illegality under King Aleksandar's dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Yet the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) was to have a polarising and radicalising effect on Croatian society. Both communists and supporters of the fascist Ustaša movement looked to Spain as a model for resolving the ‘Croat question’ at a time when Croats were becoming increasingly frustrated with Maček's passivity. As a propaganda war raged in the press of the radical left and right, the Croatian Peasant Party tried to ignore the conflict. Maček's failure to realise the impact of the war in Spain on the political situation in Croatia is indicative of some of his weaknesses as a leader in difficult times. The Croatian Peasant Party missed the opportunity to take a strong moral stance against fascism during the Spanish conflict, and Maček's fence-sitting from the 1930s onwards permitted the more extreme ideological movements in Croatia to take advantage of the rapidly changing conditions of a Europe engulfed in war.

Bolstering the political formation of agrarian organizations has become a priority for La Vía Campesina and the Food Sovereignty Movement. This paper addresses the Spanish case study of the Escuela de Acción Campesina (EAC)—(Peasant Action School), which is a tool for political formation in the Global North in which the philosophical and pedagogical principles of the “peasant pedagogies” of the Training Schools proposed by La Vía Campesina are put into practice within an agrarian organization in Spain and in alliance with the rest of the Spanish Food Sovereignty Movement. The study was carried out over the course of the 10 years of activist research, spanning the entire process for the construction and development of the EAC. Employing an ethnographic methodology, information was collected through participant observation, ethnographic interviews, a participatory workshop, and reviews of internal documents. The paper presents the context in which the EAC arose, its pedagogical dynamics, the structure and the ideological contents implemented for the training of new cadres, and how there are three key areas in the training process: (1) the strengthening of collective union and peasant identity, (2) training in the “peasant” ideological proposal, and (3) the integration of students as new cadres into the organizations’ structures. It is concluded that the EAC is a useful tool in the ideological re-peasantization process of these organizations.

Introduction: Interest groups are a key analysis category in political science. However, agricultural interest groups have merited considerably less attention from Spanish academics in this field. Explanation: The aspect least adequately addressed in interest group studies is the influence they exert on public policy processes. The agricultural dimension of the Escuelas Campesinas (Peasant Farmer Schools) movement in the Barco de Ávila-Piedrahita area of Spain has not been examined from this perspective. Conclusion: The present article seeks to remedy this gap in knowledge by analysing the participation and influence of the Unión de Campesinos de Ávila (Ávila Peasant Farmers Union) on agro-food quality policy during the period 1977-1990.

In September of 1810, with a sudden flash of violent rebellion (preceded by months and years of salon conspiracies), the white native-born provincial elite of New Spain began the protracted and painful process of winning political independence from Spain. Although by about 1816 much of the country had been pacified by royal arms, pockets of rebellion continued to smolder and flare throughout the following years. The birth of modern Mexico itself finally occurred in 1821, owing as much to fortuitous political circumstances in Spain as to the military and political manipulations of Agustin Iturbide, the Creole adventurer who consummated the country's independence and briefly became its emperor. Programmatic pronouncements by the Creole and mestizo leadership of the independence movement abound in the form of pamphlets, constitutions, decrees, short-lived newspapers, captured correspondence, etcetera, and provide us with a reasonably clear view into the complex ideologi- cal process of political separatism from Spain. At least in the early years of the independence struggle, however, the insurrectionary armies were manned not primarily by Mexican-born whites or racially mixed groups, but by Indian peasants from rural villages all over the central parts of the country.

AbstractThis article argues that the landscape dominated by olive groves that is now seen as characteristic of southern Spain is a relatively recent phenomenon. In the eighteenth, nineteenth and much of the twentieth century, olives were not an industrial crop, grown on a large scale for the production of oil. Instead, olive trees were largely grown by small peasant farmers and used to produce timber and fodder as well as foodstuffs, forming one component of a diverse peasant economy. This article will analyse the changing role of the olive within the landscape of the Spanish Mediterranean, and explore the process by which production moved towards single crop cultivation by large industrial enterprises.

In this article I explore the meaning of work for girls in rural northeastern Argentina as formative experience that forges their identity as peasants in the contemporary world. Based on ethnographic research conducted from 2008 to the present in rural areas of San Ignacio (Misiones), I examine, from the perspective of regulatory definitions regarding children’s work, the ways in which young girls gradually participate in the social reproduction of families. Girls’ participation in these activities should not be romanticized as part of a socialization process, but, rather, critically considered as formative experience in which class, age, gender, and ethnic distinctions define certain tasks as girls’ peasant skills. Using data from participant observations made on three farms, I show how girls have an active role in the appropriation of knowledge through shared activities with boys, although such learning is overshadowed by the prevailing socio-historic construct of male dominance.

European peasants' culture of death has evolved a number of rites and systems of folk beliefs during the past hundreds of years that aim at coordinating and reducing the near-death crisis situations. Recently, many researchers dealt with the ethnographic and descriptive analysis of the systems of folk beliefs and directions of behavior related to transience; however, the investigation of societal and psychological significance of these rites and beliefs has rarely been attempted. The goal of the following study is to present in detail the structure of the omen beliefs as well as their social and psychological role in two peasant communities in Transylvania. The psychological-social functions of the negative predictions, drawn from images of dream, unusual behavior of animals, the state of certain parts of body, etc. can be divided in three groups as follows: 1) conditioning or “memento mori” functions related to unfulfilled predictions, 2) realization-rationalization-preparatory functions, in case of omens closely before the death, and 3) in the first stage of the grief work, the significance of the reorganization function will be examined.

This is a study of landlordism, agricultural labourers, and the State of Andalusia in southern Spain. This region, a classical case of landlordism, deviates from the typically West European agrarian structure dominated by the family farm. Andalusia's history centers on the conflict over land between a majority of landless peasants and a minority of powerful landlords, which was one of the main causes of the Spanish civil war. This study deals with two periods covering nearly fifty years of this latifundist system and its conflictridden relations of production. It examines the freezing of the agrarian structure for nearly forty years by the dictatorship of Francisco Franco and the adaptation of social and agrarian policy for the next ten years by the socialists. In other words, this is the story of how the agricultural laborers of Andalusia were transformed in less than one-half century from “peasants without land” to “clients of the welfare state” dependent on the social policies of the state.

Abstract Evidence from eighteenth-century marriage applications in Mexico City and Cadiz reveals that migration from Spain to the New World was primarily an extension of domestic movements from rural to urban areas, not the direct result of transatlantic networks. The migratory dynamism that pervaded Spanish society fueled Spain’s fledgling urbanization in the era of commercial capitalism, as peasants increasingly moved to towns and cities, especially to Cadiz. Many of these internal migrants subsequently used the social capital and other resources that they had accumulated in Cadiz and elsewhere on the Iberian Peninsula to facilitate migration to the New World.

Seventeenth-century travel accounts written by ordinary people are a rarity. In this article, we analyze the unusual travel report by Gregorio de Robles, a Castilian peasant (labrador) who travelled several European empires in Western Europe and America at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth centuries. The approach we offer is that of a global microhistory. The aim of this article is mainly methodological: we try to delineate the methodological steps we had to undertake to trace Robles in the sources. Looking for an early modern peasant traveler is comparable to searching for a needle in a haystack, but we argue that this endeavor is worthwhile because Robles offers a unique perspective on how ordinary people traveled in early modern times and on imperial frontier zones. We show that his convivial ties and the places he mentions were key elements in the methodology.

AbstractThe literature on the rural economy of the high and late Middle Ages has long established a close correlation between three significant features of the period: the spread of rural credit, the dynamism of the peasant land market and the expropriation of peasant land by the creditors, usually yeomen or urban landowners. There has even been talk for some countries (northern Italy) of a deliberate strategy of territorial conquest, insofar as the credit provided by urban lenders would aim at the expropriation of land from insolvent debtors. This article studies for the Mediterranean Spain of the late Middle Ages, and in particular for the old kingdom of Valencia, other objectives of rural credit and other alternatives to peasant expropriation in case of insolvency. Based on the rich archival holdings of the region, mainly notarial and judicial records, the article studies the dissemination of rural credit, the different modalities (short and long term), the motivations of creditors and debtors, the types of interest, the guarantors and the goods given as collateral for the loans, their confiscation in case of delay or insolvency. It concludes that, unlike elsewhere, the creditors, rather than in land, were interested in rents, that is, in the annuities paid to them by the debtors as interest on the loans obtained. The spread of long-term credit, therefore, not only did not threaten or subvert but also strengthened a system of land ownership, tenure and management based on regular rents extraction.

The aim of this review is to present an overview of changes in the contemporary use of wild food plants in Europe, mainly using the examples of our home countries: Poland, Italy, Spain, Estonia and Sweden. We set the scene referring to the nutrition of 19th century peasants, involving many famine and emergency foods. Later we discuss such issues as children's wild snacks, the association between the decline of plant knowledge and the disappearance of plant use, the effects of over-exploitation, the decrease of the availability of plants due to ecosystem changes, land access rights for foragers and intoxication dangers. We also describe the 20th and 21st century vogues in wild plant use, particularly their shift into the domain of haute-cuisine.

This article explores the ambition of the Franco regimes National Institute of Colonization (INC) to remake the countryside through irrigation and settlement. It focuses on the human side of this project, arguing that Spains colonization effort was fundamentally fascist in its aim to ensure the success of a nationalized and politically loyal segment of the rural population. It argues that the agricultural engineers of the INC inserted themselves as paternalistic authorities in the countryside, managing a carefully chosen portion of the peasantry. As the INC worked to begin its large-scale colonization schemes in the 1950s, it sought to determine which towns suffered from a social problem caused by the unemployment of tenants and small-property owners rather than landless laborers. In spite of the technical rhetoric of the engineers, with their stress on productivity and rationalizing land use, this article will demonstrate that certain political and moral considerations remained paramount throughout the process.

The process of arboreal diversification that was initiated in Spain in the final stage of the Old Regime propitiated the emergence of new areas of production and crops. Some Mediterranean regions, and in particular the Balearic Islands, stood out for the early dry farming cultivation of almond trees. Its development has been related above all to the evolution of the commercial value of almonds, often ignoring other uses of the tree: fertilizer, fodder for livestock, firewood, etc. But in traditional agrarian systems, as with other crops, their multifunctionality was extremely important for the reinitiation of productive cycles on many farms; especially for peasant units. In the Balearic Islands, the moderate yields of almond plantations and the competition exercised by other national and international areas of production, in particular from the second half of the 20th century on, did not discourage cultivation of them. As in other regions, development was favoured by successive improvement plans financed from the 1960s on by different government institutions: first by the government of Spain, and more recently by the European Community. However, over recent years, a highly destructive bacteria (Xylella fastidiosa) has not only discouraged cultivation, but threatens the survival of one of the most characteristic trees of the agricultural landscape of the islands.

The area under study comprises the Autonomous Community of Madrid, a highly urbanized modern region which coincides grosso modo with the N part of what used to be Carpetania. During the Early and Later Empire, it fell within the province of Hispania Citerior Tarraconensis, embracing the N part of the conventus Carthaginensis and the SW part of the conventus Caesaraugustanus. From the early days of municipalisation of the Hispanic provinces rural sites in this region belonged to the ager of three Latin municipia: Complutum, Titulcia, and Mantua Carpetanorum (fig. 1). While it is difficult to identify the precise limits of their agri, it seems probable that Complutum, as the most important urban centre in the region, would have had the largest territorium.

In this article we will get to know an old hydraulic plant of a mining industry, very unique, which transformed hydraulic energy into pneumatics to supply compressed air to a copper mine and its smelter. It was located in the Granada region of the Marquesado del Zenete, and built in 1889 by the colonial European mining industry. To do this, we delve into its historical origin, and analyze this original technological project that allowed a new energy transformation system. Directed and executed by a series of engineers, metallurgists, businessmen and peasants, who through their work and will were participants in the industrialization process in Spain with the development of machinery and socialized work that will change a way of life. These remains today make up an industrial heritage at risk of disappearing. Living memory of what our mining industry was with the development of engineering and its social, identity and cultural values. KEYWORDS: Water, Air, Industrial Colony, Compression, Foundry

AbstractThe Horta of Valencia is a large irrigated area managed by eight communities of landowners. Traditionally, it was considered that these communities were composed of peasants, that they were self-managed and self-governed, and that they had remained immutable over time. However, the historical evidence shows that this is not true for pre-modern times. This article examines a possible Islamic origin of these institutions, the rupture caused by the Christian conquest of Valencia in the thirteenth century, the structure of the communities, and the social diversity of their members within the framework of feudalism. We conclude that irrigation communities cannot be used as examples of institutional continuity or of self-regulated and autonomous social organisations.

This presentation will deal with the reception of performances, translations and retranslations of Shakespeare’s plays into the Galician language. As is well-known, Galician is a Romance language which historically shared a common origin with Portuguese in the Iberian Peninsula, and which had a different evolution due to political reasons, i.e. the independence of Portugal and the recentralization of Spain after a long partition with the so called Catholic monarchs. As a consequence, Galician ceased to be the language of power and culture as it was during the Middle Ages, and was spoken by peasants and the lower classes in private contexts for centuries. With the disappearance of Francoism in the 1970s, the revival of Galician and its use as a language of culture was felt as a key issue by the Galician intelligentsia and by the new autonomous government formed in 1981. In order to increase the number of speakers of the language and to give it cultural respectability, translations and performances of prominent playwrights, and particularly those by Shakespeare were considered instrumental. This article will analyse the use of Shakespeare’s plays as an instrument of gentrification of the Galician language, so that the association with Shakespeare would confer a marginalized language social respectability and prestige.

Natura 2000 is a network of protected spaces where the use of natural resources is regulated through the Habitat Directive of the European Union. It is essential for the conservation of biodiversity in Europe, but its social perception must be improved. We present this work as a demonstration case of the potentialities of one of these protected areas in the southwest (SW) Iberian Peninsula. We show an overview of the catalog of native wild plants of the place, which have nutritional and edible properties, having been used in human food by the peasant local population over the last century, and whose consumption trend is being implemented in Europe mainly through the haute cuisine and ecotourism sectors. What is offered here is a study of the case of what kind of positive contribution systematized botanical or ethnobotanical scientific knowledge can make toward encouraging innovative and sustainable rural development initiatives. A total of 145 wild plants that are potentially useful for leading tourism and consumers toward haute cuisine, new gastronomy, enviromentally-friendly recipes, and Natura 2000 Conservation are retrieved. The methodology used for our proposal is based on recent proposals of food product development and Basque Culinary Center initiatives.

The emergence of wage labour in Europe has traditionally been seen as a transition from peasant agriculture to employment in urban industries involving permanent migration from rural areas to the cities. In this context migration was often depicted as a flight from the land forced by enclosure or by famine. This particular form of proletarianization-cumurbanization was indeed of major historical significance. Recently, how-ever, many historians have tried to shift the emphasis in another direction. According to one such scholar, Charles Tilly, European demographic growth from the Middle Ages to the late nineteenth century was caused predominantly by the proletarianization outside the cities which was induced by the modernization of agriculture and, above all, by proto-industry. Migration also plays an important role in this model. Firstly, early modern European proletarianization led to net migration losses of European proletarians who left for white settlement colonies, as in the cases of Spain, England and southern Germany. Secondly, proletarianization had major mobilizing effects on the rural population by way of short-distance and temporary or seasonal migration, followed by long-distance migration during the nineteenth century. As a rule, proto-industry caused indirect proletarianization through self-employment which brought the work to the labourers rather than causing migration.

This paper analyzes rural conflict in one of the most volatile areas of interwar Europe, the latifundia regions of the South of Spain. The historical and economics literature argues that rural conflict is a bottom-up response of landless peasants to unemployment, bad harvests, landownership inequality, changes in property rights, and poor enforcement of proworker legislation. A second generation of historical studies has focused on democratization and concomitant changes in collective bargaining and labor market institutions. Was conflict caused by structural factors like poverty, inequality, or unemployment or was conflict an endogenous response to political change? This paper uses municipal-level time series and cross-sectional variation in rural conflict in three Andalusian provinces (Córdoba, Jaén, and Seville) in the early 1930s to argue that, although collective misery certainly shaped the main issues of contention, inequality or deteriorating living standards did not explain the explosive intensification of conflict during the Second Republic. Geographic variation in conflict would be consistent with unobserved locational advantages and higher agricultural incomes, thicker labor markets, facility of communication, and market access and information, irrespective of the intensity of inequality or the degree of local Socialist political power. Poor harvests can only explain a small part of the time-series evolution of conflict from April 1931 to June 1934, while good harvests probably intensified the competition of temporary migrants and local workers for well-paid harvest jobs. Large gains in rural laborers’ bargaining power, organizational buildup, and reactions to policy changes and state intervention are more promising explanatory factors of the temporal evolution of conflicts in the period.

En 1899 comenzó a funcionar en Torrelavega la Azucarera Montañesa, creada un año antes, dedicada a la fabricación de azúcar a partir de la remolacha. Su instalación se enmarcaba en un momento de crisis tras la pérdida de las colonias americanas y de desabastecimiento de azúcar en España. Veinte años más tarde la fábrica cerraba sin haber alcanzado en ningún momento las cifras de producción esperadas. La reticencia de los campesinos cántabros a introducir el cultivo de remolacha en su terrazgo fue la principal causa de su fracaso.En 1899, l’Azucarera Montañesa, créée un an plus tôt, a commencé à fonctionner à Torrelavega. Son installation a été mise en service à un moment de crise après la perte des colonies américaines et la pénurie de sucre en Espagne. Vingt ans plus tard, l’usine ferme sans avoir atteint la production attendue. La réticence des agriculteurs de Cantabrie à introduire la culture de betterave dans leurs terrains a été la principale cause de son échec.In 1899, the Azucarera Montañesa, founded a year earlier, began operating in Torrelavega. Its installation was created at a time of crisis after the loss of the American colonies and sugar shortages in Spain. Twenty years later the factory closed without ever having reached the expected production. The reluctance of Cantabrian peasants to introduce beet cultivation in their properties was the main cause of its failure.

In 1835, Ferdinand Gustav Kühne, a Saxon writer and teacher, estimated that the Germanic realm was inundated with spas and that nowhere else were there as many as in Central Europe. In France there were “only ten springs, in Italy eight, Hungary had twelve, Sweden three, Spain two, England two, in Denmark and in vast Russia there was only one mineral spring of note in each, whereas in German-speaking countries, that is, including Bohemia and Switzerland, 149 facilities claimed to possess healing springs.” Although Kühne's estimate of foreign spas was too low—according to recent studies, the number of spas in England and France was significantly higher—contemporary accounts and recent local studies support his finding that Germans had the most bathing facilities in Europe. Fred Kaspar has isolated ninety-nine spas and mineral springs in Westphalia alone. Beginning in the last third of the eighteenth century, the number of spas and spa goers in particular increased rapidly in the Germanic realm. Only 200 guests came to the Kissingen spa in the summer of 1800, whereas fifty years later there were close to 4,000 and by the turn of the century 15,000 guests proper and more than 20,000 day visitors. Pyrmont, one of the most popular spas in the eighteenth century, started with 1,424 guests proper (not including peasants who were not considered guests proper) reaching 2,800 guests by the middle of the century, and around 19,000 by 1900.

The archaeological site of Zaballa is a Medieval rural site located in the province of álava (Basque Country, northern Iberia). The site has been excavated during a rescue archaeology project, over an area of about 4.5 ha, where human occupation has been documented ranging from the 6th to 15th century. The archaeological operations have shown the transformation of the village, in diachronic terms, by unearthing the structure of production areas (agricultural lands, storage areas, and craft activities), the shape of domestic spaces, and the Saint Tirso monastery, with its adjacent cemetery. Much of the evidence and features related to a peasant community are small and disturbed by recent agricultural activities, and are therefore difficult to be interpreted in social terms. Studying dietary patterns has helped to fill this gap by providing a protein-rich diet of the elitist population and by highlighting the existence of hierarchies separating the inhabitants of Zaballa. In this paper, we discuss the reconstruction of the chronological sequence of the site inhabitation, with a multidisciplinary approach. The archaeological evidences and the critical use of radiocarbon dating have been integrated with stable isotope analysis on human remains found in the cemetery of the church of San Tirso, resulting in a first attempt to find evidence of the social structure of the rural community of Zaballa.

In November 1960, theNew York Timesreported on the looming revolution in Northeastern Brazil, describing how Marxist social movement leaders were organizing peasants. Reporter Tad Szulc claimed that “singers andvioleiros—the traveling troubadors of the Northeast who act as human newspapers”—were spreading leader Francisco Julião's manifestos to the largely illiterate rural population and its “miserable, drought-plagued hamlets.” The human newspapers allegedly sung about agrarian reform as a form of liberation, comparing the process of revolution in Brazil with that of Cuba. Szulc wrote:[The] nomad singers who once sang of the loves and the hatreds of the proud people here, now sing of land reform and of political themes. There is this refrain: The sugar that we sell to capitalist America/ If it serves to sweeten the milk of a Franco Spain/ For sure it will serve for the wine of the Socialist world./ What harm is there in a ship/ Carrying our common Brazilian coffee/ And selling it to a China/ Where there is no Chiang Kai-shek?Although the poem suffers from a clumsy translation, it is most interesting that theNew York Timesquotedliteratura de cordel(chapbook poetry) to demonstrate the severity of the communist threat in Northeastern Brazil, suggesting that violeiros were Marxist agents indoctrinating the rural poor with their anti-American songs. Szulc's portrayal contrasts with commonly held assumptions aboutliteratura de cordelas “quaint” regional folklore, and violeiros as blind poets who performed silly stories in marginalized rural communities. In the late nineteenth century and much of the twentieth,literatura de cordelwas a source of both entertainment and news for the largely illiterate rural population in the Northeast. It is a textual genre often performed or improvised by singers (repentistas, cantadores, orvioleiros), which has led scholars to define it as folk-popular culture since it is both a written and oral expression of the people.

The article studies Ukrainian graphic art of the late twentieth century, undergoing changes caused by political events in Eastern Europe. Two iconic exhibitions became the turning point for native art as they revealed the Ukrainian graphic arts, and broke through the "iron" curtain of the totalitarian regime. The ideological seclusion of the USSR focused solely on the themes celebrating the life of a happy worker, peasant, or intellectual, did not let the works of another content to be displayed in public. Moreover, all areas of art creativity were controlled by the Union of Artists of Ukraine, headed by people with party membership cards. This prohibition referred especially to works of national-patriotic, conceptual, abstract, or surrealistic nature. The idea to hold an international exhibition that would present Ukrainian graphics to the world arose in the heads of a few independent politicians. At the state level, that idea certainly did not gain any support, but some people contributed to its implementation. Interestingly, the first exhibition of graphics "Interdruk'90" took place just before the collapse of the USSR, and the second, "Interdruk'92", in an already independent Ukraine. The exhibitions showed a high level of Ukrainian graphics, which equaled and sometimes surpassed the works of foreign masters. Among the exhibited art were works by such masters of national graphics as Valeriy Demya- nyshyn, Oleg Denysenko, Mykhaylo Alexandrov, Volodymyr Gumenny, Konstantin Kalinovich, Ivan Kravetz, Pavlo Makov, Mychaylo Moskal, Volodymyr Pinigin, Igor Podolchak, Yuriy Pshenychny, Roman Romanyshyn, Yevgen Ravsky, Alexander Aksinin et al. Their works reflected the whole spectrum of current life themes, which were seen and interpreted in new ways, imaginative technical and formal solutions. Most of those national artists had been exhibited abroad and won the most prestigious graphic contests, yet they were little known in their Motherland. On the other hand, the Ukrainian audience got a chance to learn about the works and achievements of graphic artists from France, Great Britain, Argentina, Korea, Israel, Spain, Holland, Poland, Canada, Russia, Japan, Italy and other countries. We may state that those two exhibitions of printmaking art opened the way to the development of graphics in independent Ukraine.

Toxoplasmosis is a zoonotic protozoan disease. Data on seroepidemiology of toxoplasmosis in Ethiopia is scarce, almost null in the pastoral area of the Borana zone. The study was carried out to determine the seroprevalence, to identify risk factors of toxoplasmosis in sheep and goats, and to assess the awareness level of pastoralists about toxoplasmosis in the Yabello district of Borana zone, Southern Ethiopia. A cross-sectional study was conducted from November 2016 to April 2017 in six peasant associations of the Yabello district of Borana zone, Southern Ethiopia. A total of 400 serum samples of randomly selected small ruminants owned by pastoralists were examined to detect antibodies specific to Toxoplasma gondii using Latex Agglutination Test (SPINREACT, Girona, Spain). A semistructured questionnaire survey was used to conduct a face-to-face interview with owners (n = 100) of sampled flocks. Logistic regression analysis was used to determine the association of hypothesized risk factors. The overall seroprevalence was 52.8% of which 57.8 and 47.8% were sheep and goats, respectively. Univariate logistic regression analysis revealed a higher seroprevalence ratio of T. gondii infection in sheep than goats (COR: 1.95, 95% CI: 1.226–3.112; P = 0.005). Multivariate logistic regression analysis indicated significantly higher odds of acquiring T. gondii infection in adult animals (sheep: (AOR = 2.26, 95% CI: 1.323–3.874; P = 0.003), goats: (AOR = 2.15; 95% CI: 1.009–4.579; P = 0.047)), female sheep (AOR = 2.45; CI: 1.313–4.568; P = 0.005), animals from lowland areas (sheep: (AOR = 2.28; CI: 1.190–4.356; P = 0.013), goat: (AOR = 3.27; CI: 1.386–7.723; P = 0.007)), animal drinking lake water (sheep: (AOR = 1.93; CI: 1.011–3.698; P = 0.046), goat: (AOR = 2.96; CI: 1.297–6.771; P = 0.010)), and goats with history of abortion (AOR = 2.42; CI: 1.242–4.711; P = 0.009) than young animals, male (sheep), animals from midland areas, animals drinking wells water, and flock with no history of abortion (goat), respectively. Among respondents, 97.0% had no knowledge about toxoplasmosis and 75.0% drink raw milk and consume the meat of sheep and goats. 80.0% of respondents had no knowledge about the risk of cats to human and animal health while 70.0% of them had domestic cats and practice improper fetal body handling. Highly prevailing toxoplasmosis in small ruminants of the Yabello district might pose a serious economic loss and be a potential public health threat to the extremely vulnerable pastoralists. Therefore, awareness and further studies are warranted to tackle the economic and public health consequences of T. gondii infection.

<p><strong> Resumen </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p>Interpretamos el poder patrimonial y dominio símbolico de la iglesia “Tintiri”, sobre los campesinos en la provincia de Azángaro-Puno: 1860-1968. El método empleado, fue el cualitativo descriptivo-interpretativo y las técnicas: el documental, la observación y entrevistas. El poder patrimonial “Tintiri”, nace del ayllu “Añaypampa” por acción de José María Lizares Quiñónez (1826-1904), levando campesinos indígenas para el combate de dos de mayo 1866, contra España en Lima-Callao. Concluída la guerra, licenció a los soldados patriotas a cambio de sus tierras, mantuvo una “horda armada” pretoriana de sicarios, para despojar haciendas y tierras de ayllus. Formó feudos patrimoniales: “Tintiri”, “Cayacayani”, “Cayrahuire”, “Ipaupani”, “Arcopunco”, “Ticani” y “Ayuni”. La iglesia o romería del señor de “Tintiri”, edificada en 1860, era símbolo de dominio eclesiástico católico, con sepelios y la celebración religiosa del “Señor de la exaltación”. El dominio simbólico de la Iglesia “Tintiri”, duró más de un siglo (1860-1968), fue instrumentalizado por el gamonal religioso Coronel José María Lizares Quiñonez: “Wirakhocha” o “Tatituy” (señor o diosito) e hijo Coronel José Angelino Lizares Alarcón, “Coronel de la espada virgen” o “Fray Angel”. Era pretoriana militar, despótico, autoritario, segregacionista y racializado de estilo retro. La iglesia “Tintiri”, en la post-reforma agraria (1968-2016), fue codificada como: “Cementerio del tirano”, “Panteón del oligarca”, “Casa del diablo” y “Fortín pretoriano”.</p><p> </p><p> <strong> </strong><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p><strong> </strong>Patrimonial power and interpret the symbolic domain of "Tintiri" church, on farmers in the province of Azángaro-Puno: 1860-1968.<strong> </strong>The method used was the descriptive qualitative and interpretive techniques: documentary, observation and interviews. The patrimonial power "Tintiri" born of ayllu "Añaypampa" by the action of José María Lizares Quiñónez (1826-1904), levando indigenous peasants to combat May two, 1866, against Spain in Lima - Callao. After the war, he graduated to the patriotic soldiers in exchange for their land, maintained a criminal "armed horde" Praetorian assassins, to strip haciendas and ayllus lands. He was economic fiefdoms, "Tintiri", "Cayacayani", “Cayrahuire", "Ipaupani", "Arcopunco", "Ticani" and "Ayuni". The pilgrimage church or the lord of "Tintiri", built in 1860, was a symbol of Catholic ecclesiastical dominion, with burials and religious celebration of the "Lord of exaltation". The symbolic domain of "Tintiri" Church lasted more than a century (1860-1968), it was manipulated by religious gamonal Colonel Jose Maria Lizares Quiñonez "Wirakhocha" or "Tatituy" (lord or diosito) and son Colonel Joseph Angelino lizares Alarcon, "Colonel virgin sword" or "Fray Angel”. It was praetorian military, despotic, authoritarian, segregationist and racialized retro style. The "Tintiri" church, in the post- agrarian reform (1968-2016), was coded as "Cemetery of the tyrant", "Pantheon oligarch", "House of the Devil" and "praetorian Fortin".</p>

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This paper aims to portray the overall picture of poverty in the world and mentions the key solution to overcome poverty from a critical perspective. The data and figures were quoted from a number of researchers and organizations in the field of poverty around the world. Simultaneously, the information strengthens the correlations among poverty and lack of education. Only appropriate philosophies of education can improve the country’s socio-economic conditions and contribute to effective solutions to worldwide poverty. In the 21st century, despite the rapid development of science and technology with a series of inventions brought into the world to make life more comfortable, human poverty remains a global problem, especially in developing countries. Poverty, according to Lister (2004), is reflected by the state of “low living standards and/or inability to participate fully in society because of lack of material resources” (p.7). The impact and serious consequences of poverty on multiple aspects of human life have been realized by different organizations and researchers from different contexts (Fraser, 2000; Lister, 2004; Lipman, 2004; Lister, 2008). This paper will indicate some of the concepts and research results on poverty. Figures and causes of poverty, and some solutions from education as a key breaker to poverty will also be discussed. Creating a universal definition of poverty is not simple (Nyasulu, 2010). There are conflicts among different groups of people defining poverty, based on different views and fields. Some writers, according to Nyasulu, tend to connect poverty with social problems, while others focus on political or other causes. However, the reality of poverty needs to be considered from different sides and ways; for that reason, the diversity of definitions assigned to poverty can help form the basis on which interventions are drawn (Ife and Tesoriero, 2006). For instance, in dealing with poverty issues, it is essential to intervene politically; economic intervention is very necessary to any definition of this matter. A political definition necessitates political interventions in dealing with poverty, and economic definitions inevitably lead to economic interventions. Similarly, Księżopolski (1999) uses several models to show the perspectives on poverty as marginal, motivation and socialist. These models look at poverty and solutions from different angles. Socialists, for example, emphasize the responsibilities of social organization. The state manages the micro levels and distributes the shares of national gross resources, at the same time fighting to maintain the narrow gap among classes. In his book, Księżopolski (1999) also emphasizes the changes and new values of charity funds or financial aid from churches or organizations recognized by the Poor Law. Speaking specifically, in the new stages poverty has been recognized differently, and support is also delivered in limited categories related to more specific and visible objectives, with the aim of helping the poor change their own status for sustainable improvement. Three ways of categorizing the poor and locating them in the appropriate places are (1) the powerless, (2) who is willing to work and (3) who is dodging work. Basically, poverty is determined not to belong to any specific cultures or politics; otherwise, it refers to the situation in which people’s earnings cannot support their minimum living standard (Rowntree, 1910). Human living standard is defined in Alfredsson & Eide’s work (1999) as follows: “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” (p. 524). In addition, poverty is measured by Global Hunger Index (GHI), which is calculated by the International Food Policy Institute (IFPRI) every year. The GHI measures hunger not only globally, but also by country and region. To have the figures multi-dimensionally, the GHI is based on three indicators: 1. Undernourishment: the proportion of the undernourished as a percentage of the population (reflecting the share of the population with insufficient calorie intake). 2. Child underweight: the proportion of children under age 5 who are underweight (low weight for their age, reflecting wasting, stunted growth or both), which is one indicator of child under-nutrition. 3. Child mortality: the mortality rate of children under 5 (partially reflecting the fatal synergy of inadequate dietary intake and unhealthy environments). Apart from the individual aspects and the above measurement based on nutrition, which help partly imagine poverty, poverty is more complicated, not just being closely related to human physical life but badly affecting spiritual life. According to Jones and Novak (1999 cited in Lister, 2008), poverty not only characterizes the precarious financial situation but also makes people self-deprecating. Poverty turns itself into the roots of shame, guilt, humiliation and resistance. It leads the poor to the end of the road, and they will never call for help except in the worst situations. Education can help people escape poverty or make it worse. In fact, inequality in education has stolen opportunity for fighting poverty from people in many places around the world, in both developed and developing countries (Lipman, 2004). Lipman confirms: “Students need an education that instills a sense of hope and possibility that they can make a difference in their own family, school, and community and in the broader national and global community while it prepare them for multiple life choices.” (p.181) Bradshaw (2005) synthesizes five main causes of poverty: (1) individual deficiencies, (2) cultural belief systems that support subcultures of poverty, (3) economic, political and social distortions or discrimination, (4) geographical disparities and (5) cumulative and cyclical interdependencies. The researcher suggests the most appropriate solution corresponding with each cause. This reflects the diverse causes of poverty; otherwise, poverty easily happens because of social and political issues. From the literature review, it can be said that poverty comes from complex causes and reasons, and is not a problem of any single individual or country. Poverty has brought about serious consequences and needs to be dealt with by many methods and collective effort of many countries and organizations. This paper will focus on representing some alarming figures on poverty, problems of poverty and then the education as a key breaker to poverty. According to a statistics in 2012 on poverty from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), nearly half the world's population lives below the poverty line, of which is less than $1.25 a day . In a statistics in 2015, of every 1,000 children, 93 do not live to age 5 , and about 448 million babies are stillborn each year . Poverty in the world is happening alarmingly. According to a World Bank study, the risk of poverty continues to increase on a global scale and, of the 2009 slowdown in economic growth, which led to higher prices for fuel and food, further pushed 53 million people into poverty in addition to almost 155 million in 2008. From 1990 to 2009, the average GHI in the world decreased by nearly one-fifth. Many countries had success in solving the problem of child nutrition; however, the mortality rate of children under 5 and the proportion of undernourished people are still high. From 2011 to 2013, the number of hungry people in the world was estimated at 842 million, down 17 percent compared with the period 1990 to 1992, according to a report released by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) titled “The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2013” . Although poverty in some African countries had been improved in this stage, sub-Saharan Africa still maintained an area with high the highest percentage of hungry people in the world. The consequences and big problems resulting from poverty are terrible in the extreme. The following will illustrate the overall picture under the issues of health, unemployment, education and society and politics ➢ Health issues: According a report by Manos Unidas, a non- government organization (NGO) in Spain , poverty kills more than 30,000 children under age 5 worldwide every day, and 11 million children die each year because of poverty. Currently, 42 million people are living with HIV, 39 million of them in developing countries. The Manos Unidas report also shows that 15 million children globally have been orphaned because of AIDS. Scientists predict that by 2020 a number of African countries will have lost a quarter of their population to this disease. Simultaneously, chronic drought and lack of clean water have not only hindered economic development but also caused disastrous consequences of serious diseases across Africa. In fact, only 58 percent of Africans have access to clean water; as a result, the average life expectancy in Africa is the lowest in the world, just 45 years old (Bui, 2010). ➢ Unemployment issues: According to the United Nations, the youth unemployment rate in Africa is the highest in the world: 25.6 percent in the Middle East and North Africa. Unemployment with growth rates of 10 percent a year is one of the key issues causing poverty in African and negatively affecting programs and development plans. Total African debt amounts to $425 billion (Bui, 2010). In addition, joblessness caused by the global economic downturn pushed more than 140 million people in Asia into extreme poverty in 2009, the International Labor Organization (ILO) warned in a report titled The Fallout in Asia, prepared for the High-Level Regional Forum on Responding to the Economic Crisis in Asia and the Pacific, in Manila from Feb. 18 to 20, 2009 . Surprisingly, this situation also happens in developed countries. About 12.5 million people in the United Kingdom (accounting for 20 percent of the population) are living below the poverty line, and in 2005, 35 million people in the United States could not live without charity. At present, 620 million people in Asia are living on less than $1 per day; half of them are in India and China, two countries whose economies are considered to be growing. ➢ Education issues: Going to school is one of the basic needs of human beings, but poor people cannot achieve it. Globally, 130 million children do not attend school, 55 percent of them girls, and 82 million children have lost their childhoods by marrying too soon (Bui, 2010). Similarly, two-thirds of the 759 million illiterate people in total are women. Specifically, the illiteracy rate in Africa keeps increasing, accounting for about 40 percent of the African population at age 15 and over 50 percent of women at age 25. The number of illiterate people in the six countries with the highest number of illiterate people in the world - China, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Bangladesh and Egypt - reached 510 million, accounting for 70 percent of total global illiteracy. ➢ Social and political issues: Poverty leads to a number of social problems and instability in political systems of countries around the world. Actually, 246 million children are underage labors, including 72 million under age 10. Simultaneously, according to an estimate by the United Nations (UN), about 100 million children worldwide are living on the streets. For years, Africa has suffered a chronic refugee problem, with more than 7 million refugees currently and over 200 million people without homes because of a series of internal conflicts and civil wars. Poverty threatens stability and development; it also directly influences human development. Solving the problems caused by poverty takes a lot of time and resources, but afterward they can focus on developing their societies. Poverty has become a global issue with political significance of particular importance. It is a potential cause of political and social instability, even leading to violence and war not only within a country, but also in the whole world. Poverty and injustice together have raised fierce conflicts in international relations; if these conflicts are not satisfactorily resolved by peaceful means, war will inevitably break out. Obviously, poverty plus lack of understanding lead to disastrous consequences such as population growth, depletion of water resources, energy scarcity, pollution, food shortages and serious diseases (especially HIV/AIDS), which are not easy to control; simultaneously, poverty plus injustice will cause international crimes such as terrorism, drug and human trafficking, and money laundering. Among recognizable four issues above which reflected the serious consequences of poverty, the third ones, education, if being prioritized in intervention over other issues in the fighting against poverty is believed to bring more effectiveness in resolving the problems from the roots. In fact, human being with the possibility of being educated resulted from their distinctive linguistic ability makes them differential from other beings species on the earth (Barrow and Woods 2006, p.22). With education, human can be aware and more critical with their situations, they are aimed with abilities to deal with social problems as well as adversity for a better life; however, inequality in education has stolen opportunity for fighting poverty from unprivileged people (Lipman, 2004). An appropriate education can help increase chances for human to deal with all of the issues related to poverty; simultaneously it can narrow the unexpected side-effect of making poverty worse. A number of philosophies from ancient Greek to contemporary era focus on the aspect of education with their own epistemology, for example, idealism of Plato encouraged students to be truth seekers and pragmatism of Dewey enhanced the individual needs of students (Gutex, 1997). Education, more later on, especially critical pedagogy focuses on developing people independently and critically which is essential for poor people to have ability of being aware of what they are facing and then to have equivalent solutions for their problems. In other words, critical pedagogy helps people emancipate themselves and from that they can contribute to transform the situations or society they live in. In this sense, in his most influential work titled “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” (1972), Paulo Freire carried out his critical pedagogy by building up a community network of peasants- the marginalized and unprivileged party in his context, aiming at awakening their awareness about who they are and their roles in society at that time. To do so, he involved the peasants into a problem-posing education which was different from the traditional model of banking education with the technique of dialogue. Dialogue wasn’t just simply for people to learn about each other; but it was for figuring out the same voice; more importantly, for cooperation to build a social network for changing society. The peasants in such an educational community would be relieved from stressfulness and the feeling of being outsiders when all of them could discuss and exchange ideas with each other about the issues from their “praxis”. Praxis which was derived from what people act and linked to some values in their social lives, was defined by Freire as “reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it” (p.50). Critical pedagogy dialogical approach in Pedagogy of the Oppressed of Freire seems to be one of the helpful ways for solving poverty for its close connection to the nature of equality. It doesn’t require any highly intellectual teachers who lead the process; instead, everything happens naturally and the answers are identified by the emancipation of the learners themselves. It can be said that the effectiveness of this pedagogy for people to escape poverty comes from its direct impact on human critical consciousness; from that, learners would be fully aware of their current situations and self- figure out the appropriate solutions for their own. In addition, equality which was one of the essences making learners in critical pedagogy intellectually emancipate was reflected via the work titled “The Ignorant Schoolmaster” by Jacques Rancière (1991). In this work, the teacher and students seemed to be equal in terms of the knowledge. The explicator- teacher Joseph Jacotot employed the interrogative approach which was discovered to be universal because “he taught what he didn’t know”. Obviously, this teacher taught French to Flemish students while he couldn’t speak his students’ language. The ignorance which was not used in the literal sense but a metaphor showed that learners can absolutely realize their capacity for self-emancipation without the traditional teaching of transmission of knowledge from teachers. Regarding this, Rancière (1991, p.17) stated “that every common person might conceive his human dignity, take the measure of his intellectual capacity, and decide how to use it”. This education is so meaningful for poor people by being able to evoking their courageousness to develop themselves when they always try to stay away from the community due the fact that poverty is the roots of shame, guilt, humiliation and resistance (Novak, 1999). The contribution of critical pedagogy to solving poverty by changing the consciousness of people from their immanence is summarized by Freire’s argument in his “Pedagogy of Indignation” as follows: “It is certain that men and women can change the world for the better, can make it less unjust, but they can do so from starting point of concrete reality they “come upon” in their generation. They cannot do it on the basis of reveries, false dreams, or pure illusion”. (p.31) To sum up, education could be an extremely helpful way of solving poverty regarding the possibilities from the applications of studies in critical pedagogy for educational and social issues. Therefore, among the world issues, poverty could be possibly resolved in accordance with the indigenous people’s understanding of their praxis, their actions, cognitive transformation, and the solutions with emancipation in terms of the following keynotes: First, because the poor are powerless, they usually fall into the states of self-deprecation, shame, guilt and humiliation, as previously mentioned. In other words, they usually build a barrier between themselves and society, or they resist changing their status. Therefore, approaching them is not a simple matter; it requires much time and the contributions of psychologists and sociologists in learning about their aspirations, as well as evoking and nurturing the will and capacities of individuals, then providing people with chances to carry out their own potential for overcoming obstacles in life. Second, poverty happens easily in remote areas not endowed with favorable conditions for development. People there haven’t had a lot of access to modern civilization; nor do they earn a lot of money for a better life. Low literacy, together with the lack of healthy forms of entertainment and despair about life without exit, easily lead people into drug addiction, gambling and alcoholism. In other words, the vicious circle of poverty and powerlessness usually leads the poor to a dead end. Above all, they are lonely and need to be listened to, shared with and led to escape from their states. Community meetings for exchanging ideas, communicating and immediate intervening, along with appropriate forms of entertainment, should be held frequently to meet the expectations of the poor, direct them to appropriate jobs and, step by step, change their favorite habits of entertainment. Last but not least, poor people should be encouraged to participate in social forums where they can both raise their voices about their situations and make valuable suggestions for dealing with their poverty. Children from poor families should be completely exempted from school fees to encourage them to go to school, and curriculum should also focus on raising community awareness of poverty issues through extracurricular and volunteer activities, such as meeting and talking with the community, helping poor people with odd jobs, or simply spending time listening to them. Not a matter of any individual country, poverty has become a major problem, a threat to the survival, stability and development of the world and humanity. Globalization has become a bridge linking countries; for that reason, instability in any country can directly and deeply affect the stability of others. The international community has been joining hands to solve poverty; many anti-poverty organizations, including FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization), BecA (the Biosciences eastern and central Africa), UN-REDD (the United Nations Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation), BRAC (Building Resources Across Communities), UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), WHO (World Health Organization) and Manos Unidas, operate both regionally and internationally, making some achievements by reducing the number of hungry people, estimated 842 million in the period 1990 to 1992, by 17 percent in 2011- to 2013 . The diverse methods used to deal with poverty have invested billions of dollars in education, health and healing. The Millennium Development Goals set by UNDP put forward eight solutions for addressing issues related to poverty holistically: 1) Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger. 2) Achieve universal primary education. 3) Promote gender equality and empower women. 4) Reduce child mortality. 5) Improve maternal health. 6) Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases. 7) Ensure environmental sustainability. 8) Develop a global partnership for development. Although all of the mentioned solutions carried out directly by countries and organizations not only focus on the roots of poverty but break its circle, it is recognized that the solutions do not emphasize the role of the poor themselves which a critical pedagogy does. More than anyone, the poor should have a sense of their poverty so that they can become responsible for their own fate and actively fight poverty instead of waiting for help. It is not different from the cores of critical theory in solving educational and political issues that the poor should be aware and conscious about their situation and reflected context. It is required a critical transformation from their own praxis which would allow them to go through a process of learning, sharing, solving problems, and leading to social movements. This is similar to the method of giving poor people fish hooks rather than giving them fish. The government and people of any country understand better than anyone else clearly the strengths and characteristics of their homelands. It follows that they can efficiently contribute to causing poverty, preventing the return of poverty, and solving consequences of the poverty in their countries by many ways, especially a critical pedagogy; and indirectly narrow the scale of poverty in the world. In a word, the wars against poverty take time, money, energy and human resources, and they are absolutely not simple to end. Again, the poor and the challenged should be educated to be fully aware of their situation to that they can overcome poverty themselves. They need to be respected and receive sharing from the community. All forms of discrimination should be condemned and excluded from human society. When whole communities join hands in solving this universal problem, the endless circle of poverty can be addressed definitely someday. More importantly, every country should be responsible for finding appropriate ways to overcome poverty before receiving supports from other countries as well as the poor self-conscious responsibilities about themselves before receiving supports from the others, but the methods leading them to emancipation for their own transformation and later the social change.