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1
Ivanov, S. « The destruction of the Ukrainian village by the holodomor of 1932-1933 : criminal laws of the soviet authority ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, no 71 (25 août 2022) : 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.4.
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The article considers and analyzes a number of important legal acts adopted by the Union and Republican leadership of the Bolshevik Party during 1932 - 1933. It was made an attempt to demonstrate theirs crime and inhumane nature on the example of repressive actions against the Ukrainian peasantry. It was determined that one of the keys implementation mechanisms of this crime against the Ukrainian peasantry was the establishment of excessive grain supplies, which provided for the planned grain seizure from the peasants to the state’s favour. It is shown that essentially the grain procurement provided not only an opportunity to replenish the stock of bread for sale abroad, but was a convenient and profitable state’s way to deal with the rebellious Ukrainian peasantry. It was found that under the guise of grain procurement, fighting against speculation, embezzlement, and sabotage, the government issued laws that effectively legitimized the extermination of the Ukrainian peasantry. A thorough analysis of a number of regulations adopted by the Soviet authorities during the study period and confirm the thesis of the artificial nature of the Holodomor, which in turn is an extremely important and urgent task in modern historical and legal science to preserve historical memory ukrainians. It has been proved that the legal nihilism of Stalin’s totalitarian dictatorship, embodied in a concentrated form by the anti-peasant laws of 1932-1933, convincingly proves that the Holodomor became one of the largest crimes against humanity in modern human history, that can be qualified as genocide against Ukrainians as a nation and peasants as a class by all criteria. Particular attention is paid to the criminal actions of the Soviet leadership during the forced collectivization of peasant farms and grain companies, as well as the policy of eliminating the kulaks as a class. It has been shown that the main goal of forced collectivization was to create collective farms instead of individual peasant farms, which in turn would facilitate the rapid implementation of grain procurement plans.
2
Gabbas, Marco. « Collectivization and National Question in Soviet Udmurtia ». Russian History 47, no 4 (8 septembre 2021) : 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340015.
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Abstract The subject of this article is the collectivization of agriculture in Soviet Udmurtia at the turn of the 1930s. Situated in the Urals, Udmurtia was an autonomous region, largely agricultural, and with a developing industrial center, Izhevsk, as capital. The titular nationality of the region, the Udmurts, represented slightly more than 50% of the total inhabitants, while the rest was made up by Russians and other national minorities. Udmurts were mostly peasants and concentrated in the countryside, whereas city-dwellers and factory workers were mostly Russians. Due to these and other circumstances, collectivization in Udmurtia was carried out in a very specific way. The campaign began here in 1928, one year before than in the rest of the Union, and had possibly the highest pace in the country, with 76% of collectivized farms by 1933. The years 1928–1931 were the highest point of the campaign, when the most opposition and the most violence took place. The local Party Committee put before itself the special task to carry out a revolutionary collectivization campaign in the Udmurt countryside, which should have been a definitive solution to its “national” backwardness and to all its problems, from illiteracy to trachoma, from syphilis to the strip system (that is, each family worked on small “strips” of land far from each other). The Party Committee failed to exert much support from the peasant Udmurt masses, which stayed at best inert to collectivization propaganda, or opposed it openly. However, the back of the Udmurt peasantry was finally broken, and Udmurtia was totally collectivized by the end of the 1930s.
3
Fonzi, Paolo. « Non-Soviet Perspectives on the Great Famine : A Comparative Analysis of British, Italian, Polish, and German Sources ». Nationalities Papers 48, no 3 (16 décembre 2019) : 444–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.27.
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AbstractThe present contribution analyzes systematically diplomatic reports written by German, Italian, British, and Polish representatives in the Soviet Union at the time of the Great Famine. Based on both published documents and unpublished archival sources, the article examines comparatively the perception of the Great Famine in these four countries. After providing a short overview of the diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the four countries at the time of the famine, this article examines how German, Italian, British, and Polish diplomats explained three key issues for understanding the Great Famine: (1) the role of the conflicts between state and peasantry in unleashing the famine; (2) the issue of whether the Soviet government intentionally caused the famine; and (3) the role of intentions in the development of the famine and the relationship between the nationalities policy of the Soviet government and the famine.
4
Chen, Yixin. « Cold War Competition and Food Production in China, 1957–1962 ». Agricultural History 83, no 1 (1 janvier 2009) : 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-83.1.51.
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Abstract This article examines how Mao’s grand strategy for Cold War competition inflicted a catastrophic agricultural failure in China and victimized tens of millions of Chinese peasants. It argues that Khrushchev’s 1957 boast about the Soviet Union surpassing the United States in key economic areas inspired Mao to launch an industrialization program that would push the People’s Republic past Great Britain in some production categories within fifteen years. Beginning in 1958 Mao imposed unrealistic targets on Chinese grain production to extract funds from agriculture for rapid industrial growth. Maoists placed relentless pressure on communist cadres for ruthless implementation of the Great Leap Forward. Contrary to Maoist plans, China’s grain output in 1959-1960 declined sharply from 1957 levels and rural per capita grain retention decreased dramatically. Throughout China, party cadres’ mismanagement of agricultural production was responsible for the decline in grain output, and the communist state’s excessive requisition of grain caused food shortages for the peasants. But the key factor determining the famine’s uneven impact on the peasantry in the provinces was the degree to which provincial leaders genuinely and energetically embraced Maoist programs. This is illustrated by a close examination of the Great Leap famine in Anhui Province.
5
Chroust, David Zdeněk. « Keeping Soviet Russia in the Czech Diaspora ? » Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no 4 (2015) : 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04904006.
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The Hospodář was a twice-monthly magazine for Czech farmers in America, launched in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1891. In the 1920s it became more international as the United States shut out immigrants from Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union became a leading subject in its editorials, columns and especially the hundreds of reader letters published every year. Transnational families were a window into the Czech communities in Volhynia and Crimea. Social Democrats, Communists and others argued about the Soviet Union’s merits as a workers’ and peasants’ state. Agronomist Stanislav Kovář became a regular columnist in Vologda and then Novorossiisk on the NEP and then collectivization in Soviet agriculture. Tolerant, largely written by readers, without political or religious affiliation, and international, the Hospodář was a productive forum for experience, imagination and discourse in the international Czech diaspora on the early Soviet Union.
6
Vladimirov, Katya. « Social Origins of the Soviet Party Elites, 1917–1990 ». Russian History 41, no 2 (18 mai 2014) : 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102013.
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The Soviet system replicated the imperial reign it destroyed by establishing the rule of a new elite: the Soviet party bureaucracy. True beneficiary of a revolutionary transformation, this elite came from peasant sons, promoted and rewarded by the Soviet system. This provincial surplus was a major force behind the Soviet empire: many of these young, uprooted individuals were extraordinarily successful. From slums and humble origins, they reached the inner circle of party power and remained there for almost forty years. This article profiles one of the most powerful groups within the upper echelon of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the members of the Central Committee, using statistical database analysis to examine the dramatic social transformation of this demographic group and its evolution to successful power domination.
7
Hessler, Julie. « A Postwar Perestroika ? Toward a History of Private Enterprise in the USSR ». Slavic Review 57, no 3 (1998) : 516–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500710.
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One of the firmest popular conceptions of the Soviet Union in the United States is of a system diat categorically banned private enterprise. Embraced by specialists and the general public alike, this conception reflects the official Soviet stance diat the private sector was eradicated during losif Stalin's “great break” of 1929-30. Indeed, over the course of diose two years, individual peasants were compelled to collectivize, private stores forcibly shut, private manufactures socialized, and even doctors and dentists pressured to cooperate or to close shop. The concept of an interdiction against all private economic activity found support in the words of the dictator–Stalin's assertions that the Soviet Union was a society “without capitalists, small or big,” that socialist, not capitalist, property was the “foundation of revolutionary legality,” and many other statements of a similar ilk. Stalin proved his commitment to this model by his readiness to resort to coercion against its violators: at his instigation, repressive laws threatened entrepreneurs with five to ten years in prison camp for profitable private business. Such developments appeared as unequivocal as they proved lasting; when commentators discussed perestroika in the late 1980s, the only historical precedent they could identify was Lenin's New Economic Policy six decades before.
8
Lisnevska, Alina. « The screen performance as an instrument of propaganda (on the example of Ivan Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna», 1933) ». Integrated communications 25242644 (2019) : 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-2644.2019.7.10.
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The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.
9
Lévesque, Jean. « Exile and Discipline : The June 1948 Campaign Against Collective Farm Shirkers ». Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no 1708 (1 janvier 2006) : 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2006.129.
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In February and June 1948, the Stalinist state issued two decrees aimed at a radical solution of the problem of labor discipline among Soviet collective farm peasants. Borne out of the initiative of the Ukrainian Communist Party Secretary N.S. Khrushchev, who found examples of community self-policing in tsarist legislation, the decrees granted collective farm general meetings the right to deport to distant parts of the Soviet Union peasants reluctant to fulfi ll the minimal labor requirements set by the state. Based on a wide array of formerly classifi ed Russian archival documents, this study draws the complete story of this little known page in the history of Stalinist repression. It demonstrates that despite the harshness of the measures employed, the decree did little to force peasants back to work on collective farms given the seriousness of the postwar agrarian crisis.
10
Morozova, T. I. « Ways and Tools of Channeling the Official Image of Soviet Authorities to the Population of Siberia during the Period of the New Economic Policy ». Vestnik NSU. Series : History and Philology 21, no 8 (25 octobre 2022) : 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-8-119-131.
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The article analyzes one of the key aspects of the representation of authorities, i. e. channeling their official image to the population. Based on the achievements of Russian historiography and information from published and newly found archival sources, it identifies ways and tools used by the Soviet Authorities to deliberately and purposefully construct the idea about itself in the minds of Soviet citizens in Siberia and effectively channel it during 1921–1929. Among the main translators of the official image of the Soviet authorities were such institutions as the Communist Party, Soviets, trade unions, the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Komsomol), various public organizations, media press, cultural and political educational institutions. The article shows that these translators used tools that generally can be divided into three groups. The first one is traditional or universal tools, including congresses, conferences, meetings, elections, theaters, museums, clubs, libraries, books, newspapers, and magazines. The second group – tools established by the Soviet regime, including illiteracy elimination organizations, Izba Chitalnya (“village reading rooms”), Soviet party schools, Peasant Club, and “red” corners. The third group – unique or innovative tools: “nomination”, patronage of the city over the village. The article concludes by arguing that in the early years of the New economic policy (NEP) the efficiency of the majority translators and tools of the representation of the Soviet authorities were limited. However, as the Central committee of the RCP(b) abandoned the emergency policy in Siberia and the economic situation in the country and in the region had been improved, their work and influence were gradually restored. Because of this, the authorities got back their abilities of self-presentation in different forms, in different languages, among urban and rural residents, men and women, Russians and national minorities, and literate and illiterate citizens.
11
Dillon, Michael. « Fang Zhimin, Jingdezhen and the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet ». Modern Asian Studies 26, no 3 (juillet 1992) : 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009914.
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In June 1930, units of the 10th Red Army, which had been formed in northeastern Jiangxi by Fang Zhimin and Shao Shiping, entered the ancient porcelain town of Jingdezhen. The capture of the town brought the modern revolutionary politics of the Chines Communits Party (CCP) into contact with the local government and trades union organizations of a conservative, traditionally-minded town. Jingdezhen remained under the influence of the Red Army from 1930 until the strategic withdrawal from the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet in 1933 which was the forerunner of the complete withdrawal from the Jiangxi base areas and the Long March. There is ample information on the organization of the N.E. Jiangxi Soviet base and its best-known leader, Fang Zhimin, but most studies concentrate on the political structure of the Soviet government, the career and personality of Fang and the peasant milieu in which the Soviet emerged.1 Jingdezhen was not a peasant society or a major city: it was an intermediate small town world with part of the population permanently resident and many seasonal workers from the rural areas who provided a link with peasant communities.
12
STONE, ANDREW B. « "Overcoming Peasant Backwardness" : The Khrushchev Antireligious Campaign and the Rural Soviet Union ». Russian Review 67, no 2 (avril 2008) : 296–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9434.2008.00485.x.
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13
Shishkin, Vladimir I. « West Siberian Uprising of 1921 : Oblivion, Study, Memorialization ». Vestnik NSU. Series : History, Philology 20, no 8 (28 octobre 2021) : 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-8-113-123.
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The article is dedicated to commemorating the 100th anniversary of the 1921 West Siberian rebellion. It cut off Siberia, which was the main source of supplying food to Western Russia, from the European part of the country for almost three weeks. As a result, in late February – early March 1921, Soviet authorities found themselves on the brink of an abyss. In the Soviet period, this event was characterized as a major counter-revolutionary peasant rebellion, led by the underground Siberian Peasant Union, established by the Social Revolutionaries. This interpretation of the uprising contributed to its one-sided and, therefore, rather rapid oblivion and disappearance from public consciousness. The article highlights the names of the scholars who played a major role in debunking the Soviet myths about the West Siberian rebellion. Modern researchers have proved that the West Siberian uprising was predominantly spontaneous and was triggered by a combination of reasons caused by politics and the activities of the Soviet authorities. It was anti-communist in nature and its main demand was the restoration of true Soviet power but without the communists. At the same time, nowadays a partial shift in terminology, as well as in public consciousness, related to the awareness of the nature and essence of the uprising, becomes more noticeable. The article traces the first signs of recognition of the importance that has been given not only to the tragic end of the West Siberian rebellion but also to its heroic beginning. This was evidenced by the appearance in several settlements of new memorials of the uprising.
14
Haytoğlu, E., et A. Zh Arkhymatayeva. « Justification of politics during the Soviet Stalinist era in Kazakhstan from a historical point of view ». BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 132, no 3 (2020) : 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-132-3-68-83.
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The main aspects in historical development of the Republic of Kazakhstan were Stalin’s s policy in the 20 – 30s of the twentieth century which was famous as “the Great Repression”. The article was written on the basis of different researches and the historical record. It provides information on eliminating the traditional structure in Kazakhstan by the Soviet government in Stalin’s time, measures to weaken the social and economic forms of the traditional agriculture of the Kazakh people, the country’s industrialization policy, mass collectivization and creation of collective and State farms, the policy on confiscation of the wealthy peasants’ property and challenges related to the population decline. To establish the socialist structure based on the ideology of economy, the political structure and the culture in the Soviet time was carried out with unprecedented extent in the mentality of Kazakh society and consequences of ambiguity which have not occurred in the past .It is significant to realize general trends in the social transformations of the Eurasian multicultural space, the modernization and the culture in order to study this unique experience. The current situation analysis of the scientific knowledge requires understanding Kazakh history from a conceptual viewpoint and clarifying a number of events of selected period. Kazakhstan passed the difficult path in restructuring of a new policy, the economy and the social culture as part of the Soviet Union.
15
Huttenbach, Henry R. « In Memoriam : Donald W. Treadgold (1922–1994) : Teacher, Scholar, Humanist ». Nationalities Papers 23, no 2 (juin 1995) : 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408376.
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Don—by which name I knew him since I became his graduate student in 1956—belonged to a rare breed of academicians: he was a devout man for whom the personal adventure of life and human history in its totality had a moral dimension; in his quest for understanding himself and others, there was always an underlying moral drama; there was not just the realm of the true and the false but also a fundamental layer of the right and the wrong. For Don, there was always the issue of good and evil. In the end, men and women, the lofty, such as Stolypin (about whom he wrote insightfully), and the humble, such as the Russian peasants in Siberia (to whom he also gave considerable scholarly attention), all were accountable for their individual and collective actions. We are all free moral agents, he observed, including Lenin (about whose early political struggles he wrote brilliantly). It is a perspective Don never abandoned as the Soviet Union dissolved into the amorphous and morally complex post-Soviet era, a characteristic which qualified Don as a persistent humanist. The individual human person endowed with the capacity to sustain immutable moral values was Don's ultimate interest as an historian and teacher.
16
Amirkhanova, Madina M. « RURAL POPULATION OF DAGESTAN. 1920–1930s : (HISTORICAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC ASPECT) ». History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no 3 (10 octobre 2022) : 664–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch183664-678.
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The article is devoted to the demographic processes in the Dagestan village in one of the most dramatic periods of its history. The purpose of the study is to study the number, age and sex composition of the rural population, ethnic structure, migration. The scientific novelty of the work is seen in the fact that a comparative analysis of demographic processes in rural areas was carried out based on the materials of the three All-Union population censuses of 1926, 1937 and 1939. Attention is drawn to the negative consequences of the Civil War for the population of Dagestan. The results of a comparative analysis of the sex composition of the villagers are presented; a constant predominance of the female population over the male population is revealed. Attention is paid to the uneven territorial distribution of the villagers. The changes observed in the national composition of the republic are revealed. According to the All-Union Population Census of 1939, small people were not singled out, they were included in the main nationalities. The author comes to the conclusion that during the period under study in the Dagestan village, the demographic situation gradually improved. The number of villagers grew mainly due to natural increases. When writing the work, official documents of the republican Soviet and party bodies, survey materials of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate, and the works of Russian social scientists were used.
17
Margolin, Victor. « Stalin and Wheat : Collective Farms and Composite Portraits ». Gastronomica 3, no 2 (2003) : 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2003.3.2.14.
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In late 1939, USSR in Construction, the Soviet propaganda magazine, published a special issue on the Stalin Collective Farm in the Ukraine. The inside front cover of the magazine contained an anonymous paean to socialist farming, attributing its success to the foresight and support of Joseph Stalin, the nation's leader. On the page flanking the euphoric opening text was a near full-page portrait of Comrade Stalin composed of multi-hued grains including millet, alfalfa, and poppy. Grain, or the absence thereof, was fundamental to the development of collective farms in the Soviet Union. By early 1929, government pressure to form large state-run farms had increased and Stalin declared war on the kulaks, or rich peasants. The kulaks responded by killing their livestock, destroying their crops, and demolishing their homesteads. Nonetheless, collectivization, backed by the Party apparatus, continued relentlessly. Needless to say, none of the resistance to collectivized agriculture was evident in USSR in Construction's depiction of life on the Stalin Collective Farm. At the end of the issue, the apparent happiness and prosperity of the workers were attributed to the virtues of socialism. In the later 1930s, with the inauguration of Stalin's "cult of personality," the nation was consistently equated with Stalin himself, hence the choice of his profile for the composite grain portrait. The seamlessness with which a multitude of grains could become a composite portrait of the nation's leader shows how successfully the Soviet government was able to rewrite the history of agricultural collectivization. The pain, loss, and resistance of the small landowners was successfully obliterated and replaced by a new narrative in which collective farm workers prospered and found happiness within a political system that was now synonymous with the beneficence of a single individual, Joseph Stalin.
18
م.د. نجلاء عدنان حسين. « الثورة الروسية عام 1917 ». journal of the college of basic education 25, no 104 (1 octobre 2019) : 1552–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35950/cbej.v25i104.4730.
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The Russian Revolution of 1917, or the Bolshevik Revolution, was one of the most important historical events in Europe during the First World War. This revolution changed the course of Russian history. Its outbreak led to the formation of the Soviet Union, which was dismantled in the late 20th century. Because of a number of popular unrest and protests against the rule of Russian tsars and the Russian Empire, whose reign was characterized by the slow development of the country because of the existence of a political system subject to autocratic regimes and the control of nobles and landlords in all aspects of life in Russia, made the Russian society in the late century Nineteen rural people in the majority of workers and peasants, with the influence of the clergy and the imperial palace, accompanied by a primitive social structure, a backward economy and an autocratic government. Life in Russia was in the style of the Middle Ages. Russia retreated from the European industrial revolution until 1860, This led the people to wage a revolt against the Russian reactionary tsarist government in 1917. It was one of the most famous leaders of the Russian Revolution, Vladimir Lenin, who was called the " Revolutionaries of this revolution the Bolsheviks name or Almnschwk means the majority.
19
Loshchilov, I. E. « The First Edition of the Vsevolod Ivanov’s “Armor Train 14, 69” (1922) : The History of Early Reception ». Studies in Theory of Literary Plot and Narratology, no 1 (2019) : 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2410-7883-2019-1-29-49.
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The article is devoted to the history of the reception of the first edition of the story of Vsevolod Ivanov “Armored train 14, 69”, created by the writer in 1921 and first published in the first issue of the magazine “Krasnaya Nov” in 1922. The first edition is known in two versions: magazine and book: the story came out as a separate edition in the summer of that year. Until 1932, the story was printed in the first book edition, with minor variations. The same edition formed the basis of the modern scientific publication (2018). After 1932, the text of the story, which retained its “classic” name, was repeatedly redone by the author with the participation of editors and censorship. The article collected information and quotes from reviews, reviews, and reviews primarily from 1922–1925. It is shown that the first critics paid special attention to the politics and ideology of the story and its author. Only a few of them appreciated the truly revolutionary poetics and aesthetics of the story, written by the author in line with the plot and narrative experiment of the literary group “The Serapion Brothers”, to which Vsevolod Ivanov joined immediately after moving from Siberia to Petrograd. In many responses, the story was compared with the novel by Boris Pilnyak “The Naked Year”, excerpts from which were printed in the same issue of the magazine. Party and proletcult criticism was satisfied with the propaganda potential of the story, its “usefulness” for agitation in favor of the Soviet regime. However, both in the Soviet Union and in exile they often drew attention to the fact that the "red" and "white" ("White Guard") lines developed in the early edition on an equal footing, in the plot counterpoint. In later editions, the feeling of equality of two lines gave way to an unequivocal advantage in favor of the “reds." The author’s ideology was often read as peasant or neo-people’s (“Scythian”, “Socialist Revolutionary”), which also caused doubts among the literary ideologists of the country of the victorious proletariat. A simplification of the psychological portrait of the characters was noted, which was fundamentally important for the “Serapion Brothers”. The most insightful judgments about the story belonged to the member of this literary group, critic and literature historian Ilya Gruzdev and futurist poet Alexei Kruchenykh. Both drew attention to the dialectical interaction of storylines with extra-plot elements (phonetic zaum, imitation of vernacular and accents, onomatopoeia, etc.).
20
Zhukova, Oksana. « “Forward to the bright future of socialism!” : the role of images and symbols in promoting collectivization in Soviet Ukraine ». SHS Web of Conferences 63 (2019) : 10003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196310003.
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In every country, state symbols such as the national flag, emblem, and national anthems represent the independence and sovereignty of the state. In the Soviet Union as well as in other autocratic states symbols also played an important role in propaganda, influencing peoples’ attitudes to the actions of the state at all levels. These symbols could also be found, together with powerful imagery in posters, on buildings, monuments and many other things visible and incorporated in the routine life the people. Ukraine has huge historical heritage of symbolism and propaganda from when the country was a major part of the USSR. After the creation of the USSR a political, socio-economic, cultural and spiritual experiment on the construction of a communist society, which in the case of Ukraine was unprecedented in scale and tragedy, began. The collectivization of the village is one of the most tragic pages in the history of Ukraine. As the most important grain-growing region of the country at the time its production was vital to feed the growing cities and industrialisation. The forced collectivisation led to starvation in the 1930s and millions of people died. In order to counter this most public information showed people another side of collectivization. Propaganda was used, such as posters and slogans, to persuade the peasants to join the collective farms and to promote the real or fictitious results of the workers, and, conversely, to attack people who did not want to believe in the “bright future” of the USSR and to denounce “kulaks” and “saboteurs”. Materials from archives and published sources show many examples of Ukrainian images and symbols of that time which shed a light on the way the collectivisation process was portrayed and promoted.
21
Briuchowecka, Łarysa. « Польща в українському кіно ». Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (14 septembre 2016) : 25–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.5.
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POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka
22
Briuchowecka, Łarysa. « Polska w kinie ukraińskim ». Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (14 septembre 2016) : 89–150. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
POLAND IN UKRAINIAN CINEMAMultinational Ukraine in the time of Ukrainization conducted a policy which was supportive of the national identity, allowed the possibility of the cultural development of, among others, Jews, Crimean Tatars, and Poles. Cinema was exemplary of such policy, in 1925 through to the 1930s a number of films on Jewish and Crimean Tatar topics were released by Odessa and Yalta Film Studios. However, the Polish topic, which enjoyed most attention, was heavily politicized due to tensions between the USSR and the Second Commonwealth of Poland; the Soviet government could not forgive Poland the refusal to follow the Bolshevik path. The Polish topic was particularly painful for the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic due to the fact that the Western fringe of Ukrainian lands became a part of Poland according to the Treaty of Riga which was signed between Poland and Soviet Russia. This explains why Polish society was constantly denounced in the Ukrainian Soviet films The Shadows of Belvedere, 1927, Behind the Wall, 1928. Particular propagandistic significance in this case was allotted to the film PKP Piłsudski Kupyv Petliuru, Piłsudski Bought Petliura, 1926, which showed Poland subverting the stability of the Ukrainian SSR and reconstructed the episode of joint battles of Ukrainians and Poles against the Bolsheviks in the summer of 1920 as well as the Winter Campaign. The episodes of Ukrainian history were also shown on the screen during this favorable for cinema time, particularly in films Zvenyhora 1927 by Oleksandr Dovzhenko and a historical epopee Taras Triasylo 1927. The 1930s totalitarian cinema presented human being as an ideological construct. Dovzhenko strived to oppose this tendency in Shchors 1939 where head of the division Mykola Shchors is shown as a successor of Ivan Bohun, specifically in the scene set in the castle in which he fights with Polish warriors. Dovzhenko was also assigned by Soviet power to document the events of the autumn of 1939, when Soviet troops invaded Poland and annexed Western Ukraine. The episodes of “popular dedications” such as demonstrations, meetings, and elections constituted his journalistic documentary film Liberation 1940. A Russian filmmaker Abram Room while working in Kyiv Film Studios on the film Wind from the East 1941 did not spare on dark tones to denunciate Polish “exploiters” impersonated by countess Janina Pszezynska in her relation to Ukrainian peasant Khoma Habrys. Ihor Savchenko interpreted events of the 17th century according to the topic of that time in his historical film Bohdan Khmelnitsky 1941 where Poles and their acolytes were depicted as cruel and irreconcilable enemies of Ukrainian people both in terms of story and visual language, so that the national liberation war lead by Khmelnytsky appeared as a revenge against the oppressors. The Polish topic virtually disappeared from Ukrainian cinema from the post-war time up until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The minor exclusions from this tendency are Zigmund Kolossovsky, a film about a brave Polish secret service agent shot during the evacuation in 1945 and the later time adaptations of the theatre pieces The Morality of Mrs Dulska 1956 and Cracovians and Highlanders 1976. Filmmakers were able to return to the common Polish-Ukrainian history during the time of independence despite the economic decline of film production. A historical film Bohdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky by Mykola Mashchenko was released in 2008. It follows the line of interpretation given to Khmelnitsky’s struggle with Polish powers by Norman Davies, according to whom the cause of this appraisal was the peasant fury combined with the actual social, political and religious injustices to Eastern provinces. The film shows how Khmelnitsky was able to win the battles but failed to govern and protect the independence of Hetmanate which he had founded. The tragedies experienced by Poland and Ukraine during the Second World War were shown in a feature film Iron Hundred 2004 by Oles Yanchuk based on the memoirs of Yuri Borets UPA in a Swirl of Struggle as well as in documentaries Bereza Kartuzka 2007, Volyn. The Sign of Disaster 2003 among others.Translated by Larisa Briuchowecka
23
ANY, CAROL. « SOVIET UNION ». Russian History 35, no 1-2 (2008) : 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633108x00265.
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Turygina, Natalia. « The Quiet Service of Maria Alekseevna Neklyudova (1866—1948) ». ISTORIYA 13, no 7 (117) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022009-8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Maria Alekseevna Neklyudova (1866—1948) spent her whole life caring for girls: first, at the Patriotic Institute, then at the Smolny Institute for Noble Ladies, as well as the Odessa Women‘s Institute named after Emperor Nicholas I and finally at the Kharkiv Women‘s Institute, which she took out into exile and which she directed until its closure in 1932. Later she took care of the girls of the student dormitory in Belgrade, during the Second World War it gave shelter to yonger girls. Neklyudova took these girls from Serbia to Austria, however this step did not save them from repatriation to the Soviet Union. But even in exile in the village of Kuzkino of the Kuibyshev (Samara) region, she continued to take care of children, now looking after the children of a peasant in whose house she found shelter and where she lived until her death in 1948. Thus, she devoted her entire adult life to serving children and did not leave this work, in spite of all the difficulties. Neklyudova may not have been perfect, but she did her best to protect her maidens from the hardships and adversities of the reality surrounding them. In this paper, on the basis of the archival data, some milestones of Maria Alekseevna's life path, unknown in modern historiography, are restored. The materials of the periodical press and the memoirs of contemporaries help to understand what guided this woman in her sacrifice and indifference to other people's fate. The author tries to answer whether such a choice was her personal merit or was predetermined by the upbringing that she herself received within the walls of women's educational institutions for hereditary nobles in the Russian Empire.
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Турков, Володимир. « MASS REPRESSIONS AGAINST THE POLISH NATIONAL MINORITY OF UKRAINE IN 1937-1938 ». КОНСЕНСУС, no 3 (novembre 2022) : 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-03/014-021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the fact that in 1937-1938 Stalin's totalitarian regime began mass repressions against the multi-ethnic population of Ukraine, including Poles. This period went down in history under the name of the years of "the great purge or the great terror", when the state security bodies, guided by the decisions of the higher party bodies, in particular the Central Committee of the CPSU(b), carried out mass repressions on the territory of the USSR and the union republics. The February-March plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU(b) in 1937 became the ideological basis for the implementation of repressions. The national direction of political repressions began to be carried out by the relevant orders and directive letters. In particular, the operational order of the NKVD of the USSR No. 00485 of August 11, 1937 initiated the deployment of the "Polish operation". Repression affected various social strata of the Polish population of Ukraine: peasants, workers, civil servants, representatives of the intelligentsia, leaders of the party-state apparatus. The NKVD authorities accused the Poles of various types of hostile activities: participation in counter-revolutionary activities, espionage for the benefit of Poland and other countries, treason, terror, sabotage, vandalism, counter-revolutionary insurgent activities, anti-Soviet agitation, membership in the ranks of the Polish military organization. The NKVD investigators sought testimony from the arrested Poles with the help of moral and psychological pressure and torture. All the arrested Poles received long terms of imprisonment in correctional labor camps or were sentenced to the highest degree of punishment - execution. 267,579 thousand people became victims of Stalin's terror against the Polish national minority in the Ukrainian SSR.
26
Baranova, Elena V., et Vitaliy N. Maslov. « Problems of post-war peasant migration in the acts on the arrival of resettlement echelons in the Kaliningrad Region ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 190 (2021) : 200–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-190-200-211.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The relevance of the research is determined by the necessity for study of the set of documents related to the migration of the rural population in the Soviet country after the World War II. The movement of the Soviet peasantry was an important part of the resettlement process on a national scale. An array of primary data from the echelon lists of migrants stored in a number of regional archives has not yet been introduced into scientific circulation. It is in them that informa-tion is concentrated on the composition of the migrant’s families, their nationality, education, pro-fession, labor activity, property and places of exit, up to village councils. We analyze the content of acts on the arrival of migrants to the Kaliningrad Region. Its agricultural workforce was formed primarily through migration organized by the authorities. The materials of the acts reflect impor-tant aspects of the organization and conditions of the controlled movement of the peasantry across the Soviet Union. Acts on the acceptance of resettlement echelons, along with statistical sources, memoirs and administrative and managerial documentation, allow you to reconstruct an objective picture of the Soviet resettlement campaign in the post-war period.
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Grothusen, Klaus-Detlev. « History of the Soviet Union ». Philosophy and History 22, no 1 (1989) : 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198922162.
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Kabytov, Petr S., et Nadezhda N. Kabytova. « A new study on the history of the Russian peasantry during the Civil War ». Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series : History. International Relations 21, no 3 (24 septembre 2021) : 410–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-3-410-415.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The review presents an analysis of V. V. Kondrashin’s textbook, which, on the basis of a large complex of archival and published documentary materials and scientific literature, recreated a panorama of the relationship of the Russian peasantry with the opposing power structures that appeared and functioned in Russia during the Great Russian Revolution – the Bolshevik government and its political opponents that arose during the Civil War, white and other regimes. It is noted that the author paid special attention to the conceptual views of Soviet, Russian and foreign historians, which made it possible to gain new knowledge about the practices of the behavior of peasants in various regions of Russia during social conflicts – uprisings and other protest actions and to trace their attitude to the agrarian policy of the Soviet government, as well as the governments and leaders of the white movement. Factors that influenced the choice of the Russian peasantry were identified – support for the Soviet government, which ensured its victory during the Civil War.
29
Laird, Sally. « Soviet Union ». Index on Censorship 17, no 5 (mai 1988) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534406.
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Cooper, Julian M. « Technology in the Soviet Union ». Current History 85, no 513 (1 octobre 1986) : 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.513.317.
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Leiken, Robert S. « The Soviet Union and Nicaragua ». Current History 88, no 534 (1 janvier 1989) : 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.534.39.
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Goldman, Marshall I. « Perestroika in the Soviet Union ». Current History 87, no 531 (1 octobre 1988) : 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.531.313.
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Colton, Timothy J. « The Soviet Union under Gorbachev ». Current History 84, no 504 (1 octobre 1985) : 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.504.305.
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Bowker, Mike. « A history of the Soviet Union ». International Affairs 62, no 2 (1986) : 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618419.
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Husband, William B., David MacKenzie, Michael W. Curran et M. K. Dziewanowski. « A History of the Soviet Union ». History Teacher 20, no 4 (août 1987) : 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493763.
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Mozokhin, O. B. « Participation of the Organs of the OGPU-NKVD of the Soviet Union in the Collectivization of Agriculture ». Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S3 (juin 2022) : S212—S220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622090131.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article analyzes the role of the OGPU-NKVD in carrying out the policy of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on the collectivization of agriculture, and it reports on the protest movements of the peasantry, on individual and collective protests against collectivization, and the suppression of these movements by punitive bodies. The measures of the authorities for the “liquidation of the kulaks as a class” and the organs of the OGPU-NKVD as a mechanism for carrying out repressions are specially studied.
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Chatterjee, Choi. « Santha Rama Rau : A Footnote to History ? » Literature of the Americas, no 13 (2022) : 224–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2022-13-224-247.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyzes Santha Rama Rau’s 1959 travelogue, My Russian Journey, and places it in the context of Soviet-American relations in the early decades of the Cold War. Rau, an eminent Indian American novelist, was commissioned by the literary travel magazine, Holiday, to write articles on the Soviet Union in the late 1950s. She was recruited for her literary ability, but her personal relations with important personalities in the United States and India gave her an unusual degree of access to members of the Soviet cultural elite. Rau’s leisurely travels through different parts of the Soviet Union resulted in a new kind of travel account of everyday life in the Soviet Union. I analyze three major themes in My Russian Journey: the problem of Soviet censorship, descriptions of elite lifestyles in the Soviet Union, and a comparison of Soviet and Indian national identity. I argue that the publication of Rau’s My Russian Journey marked an important milestone in Soviet American relations that was mediated through India.
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Mironov, Boris N. « The Peasants of the St. Petersburg and Moscow Provinces after Abolition of Serfdom ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no 4 (2021) : 1041–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.401.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the condition of the peasantry in the St. Petersburg and Moscow provinces in 1850–1890 against the background of the development of 50 provinces of European Russia as a whole. The aim is to test the adequacy of the concept of the agrarian crisis of the post-reform village, which occurred as a result of the unfair reform of the 1860s predatory towards peasantry. The article criticizes the dominant concept of the Soviet historiography, which is regarded as controversial in modern scholarship. The first part of the article assesses the dynamics of the standard of living of the peasantry based on the traditionally used data: firstly, on production factor and sources of income, and the degree of sufficiency of peasant incomes for normal life and, secondly, on anthropometric indicators. The analysis of anthropometric data is preceded by a methodological introduction, which explains the theoretical foundations of using the body length data and the technique and procedure of processing primary information to obtain an adequate picture. Special attention is paid to the interpretation of the results of anthropometric analysis, which poses a difficulty to classical historians. The analysis of traditional and anthropometric indicators characterizing the condition of the metropolitan peasantry of the capital and 50 provinces of European Russia leads to the conclusion: in 1861–1890, the standard of living of peasants in the capital provinces had improved, moreover, to a larger extent compared to European Russia as a whole. The agreement of the results of economic and anthropometric analysis enhances the reliability of the conclusion about the improvement of the welfare of the Russian peasantry during the first 30 years after the peasant reform.
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Ramsden, John, et David Carlton. « Churchill and the Soviet Union ». American Historical Review 106, no 4 (octobre 2001) : 1457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693107.
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Шуберт, Татьяна, et Tatyana Shubert. « Stages of Development of the Soviet Statehood of 1917—1940 and their Estimation in Works of Soviet Scientists ». Journal of Russian Law 2, no 7 (18 septembre 2014) : 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/4830.
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In this article the three stages of development of the Russian Constitution (1918, 1925, 1937), are discussed each of represents a certain phase of the constitutional development of the Soviet state. The first stage (1917—1925) is characterized with the transition from capitalism to socialism, the second one stages (1925—1937) is associated with the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR in 1925, reflecting changes in the state-building — the formation of the unanimous union of the republican states — the USSR and delegating some mostly important items to it, the formation of the new autonomous regions, the end of the civil war and the reconstruction of the national economics. The third stage (1937—1940) is connected with the adoption of the Constitution of the RSFSR in 1937 (based on the Stalin Constitution of the USSR), which was characterized with the victory of socialism, the industrialization of the country and the collectivization in the agriculture, sphere of economics, the construction of a society without exploiting classes based on the alliance of the working class and the peasantry.
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Krasavchenko, Tatiana N. « British Requiem for the Peasantry in the USSR : Gareth Jones and Malcolm Muggeridge ». Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no 1 (2021) : 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of this interdisciplinary article is the case of British journalists Gareth Jones and Malcolm Muggeridge. In 1933 they were the first and the only ones to draw the world’s attention to the tragedy in the USSR: Soviet power destroyed the foundation of traditional Russian society, i.e. the peasantry — for the sake of the rapid industrialisation of the country, the socialisation of agriculture and the radical transformation of man. The price of this new “main revolution” (according to G. Jones) or experiment, which originated in the brains of “rootless urbanists” — Bolsheviks (Muggeridge) were human-induced famine, death of millions of peasants in Ukraine, Volga, Cuban, and Rostov-on-Don regions. But fascinated by the embodiment of the idea of utopia, as well as proceeding from the interests of Realpolitik, the West ignored this tragedy. The article examines the conflict between the personality — Jones and society, Soviet and Western, as evidence to the fact that “a man can be destroyed but not defeated” (Hemingway). The subject of “famine” was developed in the works of A. Koestler, G. Orwell, research of R. Conquest, D. Rayfield, who in their ideas and opinions followed Jones and Muggeridge. Views on Russia of the latter ones and of an influential New York Times correspondent in Moscow — Walter Duranty, who in 1932 got a Pulitzer prize for his deceitful reports denying the famine in the Soviet Union, are presented here as ethically and culturally opposite: Stalin’s apologist Duranty viewed Russia as a country of Asians, of born slaves; Jones and Muggeridge saw it as a tragic country which was losing its mighty human potential — peasantry and natural course of development, and both of them anticipated the collapse of the Soviet regime. And the Soviet civilization collapsed, though 60 years later, for it was doomed: it is impossible to build Heaven on blood — to achieve world harmony at the cost of “a tear of a child” (Dostoevsky), i. e. the suffering of innocent people.
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Johnson, D. Gale. « Agricultural Productivity in the Soviet Union ». Current History 84, no 504 (1 octobre 1985) : 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.504.321.
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Ivanova, L. V. « Somalis in the Soviet Union : unrevealed history ». Kunstkamera 6, no 4 (2019) : 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/2618-8619-2019-4(6)-185-192.
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Thorpe, Charles. « Radical Intellectuals, History, and the Soviet Union ». Journal of Historical Sociology 30, no 1 (mars 2017) : 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/johs.12146.
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Joravsky, David, et Jaan Valsiner. « Developmental Psychology in the Soviet Union. » American Historical Review 95, no 4 (octobre 1990) : 1256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163640.
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Rieber, Alfred J. « Civil Wars in the Soviet Union ». Kritika : Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4, no 1 (2003) : 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2003.0012.
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Katz, Mark N. « The Soviet Union and the Third World ». Current History 85, no 513 (1 octobre 1986) : 329–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.513.329.
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Hajda, Lubomyr. « The Nationalities Problem in the Soviet Union ». Current History 87, no 531 (1 octobre 1988) : 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.531.325.
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Dupree, Louis. « The Soviet Union and Afghanistan in 1987 ». Current History 86, no 522 (1 octobre 1987) : 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.522.333.
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Burg, Steven L. « The European Republics of the Soviet Union ». Current History 89, no 549 (1 octobre 1990) : 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1990.89.549.321.
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