Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Peace-making processes »

The support that businessmen and business organisations displayed for the peace processes in Israel and Northern Ireland was open and vocal, underscoring the supposed linkage between globalisation, peace and economic growth, and the supposed leadership role of business. The purpose of this study is to examine the motivations of the business communities in Israel and Northern Ireland in becoming involved in the peace processes, their organisation to promote peace, decision-making processes at critical junctures, and their actual impact on the political outcomes. Study of the business communities demonstrates that their empowerment enabled them to exert political influence but fell short of hegemony that would enable them to set the wider political agenda. The impact of both business communities, for different reasons, was therefore limited.

Though UN peacekeeping has changed dramatically since its inception, peacekeepers are still ostensibly committed to the “holy trinity” of consent, impartiality, and minimum use of force. Impartiality has come under special pressure, as peacekeepers are increasingly expected not only to observe the situation, but to take forceful action against “spoiler” groups that threaten the peace or human rights. This essay draws on official statements, outside analysis, and a number of interviews with peacekeepers conducted by the author and his research assistant, to demonstrate that a wide variety of understandings of “impartiality” currently exist, potentially undermining peacekeeping operations. The author attempts to systematize these variations according to how they understand the standard of impartiality, the process for making impartial decisions, and the scope of operations that fall under the concept. Ultimately, the author argues for an understanding of impartiality that is practically focused on achieving peace and includes structured consultations with all parties as a conceptual necessity, not just a helpful technique.

This book offers a comparative survey of 18 contemporary peace processes conducted by leading international scholars.
 There is no standard model of peace processes and all will vary according to the context, type of conflict, timing, national and global economic climate, and factors like natural disasters. Therefore, making comparisons between peace processes is difficult, but it is beneficial – indeed, imperative – and is the principal motivation behind this volume. What works in one context may not work in another, but it can be modified and adapted to fit another context.
 The book is structured to maximise comparison between processes, and the case studies chosen are topical and span the major regions of the world. The concluding chapter systematically compares the case studies around 11 variables that cover the conflict context, peace process procedures, the responsiveness of the peace process to demands, and levels of participation and inclusion. Each peace process is then given a numeric score according to each of these variables, and the book thereby reaches judgements on whether each case can be termed a ‘success’ or a ‘failure’.
 This book will be essential reading for students of peace studies, conflict resolution, war and conflict studies, security studies, and IR.

Abstract Conflicts globally have reportedly declined even though the number of African countries plagued by internal cross border strife has increased. Given this trend, the African peace and security architecture has evolved considerably over the past decade, culminating in the award of the Nobel Peace Prize – to one of the key actors in peace-making process, Ahmed Abiy Ali. Hence, this paper explores how the inter-state conflicts in Africa, such as the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, reflect some colonial continuities of violence. We, therefore, stipulate the justification for the Nobel Peace Prize to illustrate how norms evolve, and further, how identities are constituted in peace-making. This, we argue, is parallel to other situations in African countries as manifested through identity, legitimacy, and authority in shaping political decisions, within the mutually constitutive relationships between agents and political structures. The paper, therefore, situates the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea into the African context using a model of the decisive action by Abiy, with limited Western influence towards peace, hence providing rationale for subaltern voices and indigenous peace processes in Africa.

Over the last two decades, national and international peacebuilding initiatives have increasingly emphasised the need to include a wider range of actors in post-conflict and peace processes. The importance of developing women’s skills and full participation in the peacebuilding sphere has been recognised and promoted by legal norms such as the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), adopted in 2000. Even though the progress made on women’s participation in peacebuilding processes cannot be ignored, the effective implementation of policy frameworks remains limited, especially in conflict and post-conflict countries. In this context, this paper analyses the role of community-based initiatives in empowering local women in peace-making and peacebuilding processes, using the case study of the Second Liberian Civil War (1999-2003) and the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET). This article emphasizes the importance of inclusive peacemaking through a review of Liberian women’s peace activism throughout the official talks.

Abstract Literature examining the participation of youth during peace processes is limited. Previous work has often focused on youth as “peacebuilders” and agents of change or threats to peace in the post-accord period, with little emphasis on how young people participate during the negotiation phase. This article seeks to fill this gap by assessing youth inclusion and participation in Myanmar’s ongoing peace negotiations. The study finds that, while youth have not had formal inclusion avenues in the peace negotiations, there are cohorts of young people who perceive themselves to be legitimate stakeholders in the peace process, who have attempted to gain access to decision-making in the peace negotiations, and have played active roles in supporting the process. It is argued that recognizing youth as key stakeholders in the peace accord will play a vital role in building sustainable peace within Myanmar’s nascent democracy.

La tesi si propone di mettere in luce gli aspetti più caratteristici e rilevanti dei trattati di aderenza nella loro declinazione visconteo-sforzesca, con l’obiettivo di evidenziare lo sviluppo e, soprattutto, i caratteri innovativi di un legame che, destinato a perdurare nell’età moderna, offre una rinnovata chiave interpretativa dei processi genetici di una “nuova” statualità alla fine dell’età di mezzo. Vincoli elastici, flessibili e ritagliati direttamente sulle base delle contingenze in cui venivano stipulati, i trattati di aderenza (o colleganza, accomandigia, raccomandazione, …) conobbero una vasta diffusione nell’Italia bassomedievale e rinascimentale, in particolar modo dalla metà del XIV secolo, e avevano lo scopo di coordinare i principali poteri degli scacchieri italiani e le realtà minori che allignavano dentro o al di fuori degli stessi, in particolar modo i signori rurali o, in qualche caso, le comunità: riassumendo ai minimi termini, il principalis si vedeva infatti garantito sostegno militare, mentre l’adherens riceveva protezione e legittimazioni di vario tipo. L’utilizzo che i signori – e poi i duchi – di Milano fecero di tale strumento risulta di grande interesse, in quanto Visconti prima e Sforza poi ricorsero con particolare costanza al legame sia per consolidare i processi di state-building interni allo stato, sia i processi di espansione esterni ai confini del principato. Sin dalla metà del Trecento, infatti, i signori di Milano utilizzarono frequentemente i trattati di aderenza per individuare alleati direttamente a ridosso – se non addirittura all’interno – dei territori nemici. Tale meccanismo fu particolarmente sfruttato durante l’età di Gian Galeazzo Visconti, che rese la pressione dei suoi aderenti quantomai efficace contro le potenze avversarie (in particolare Firenze) innervando di sostenitori aree strategiche come la Romagna e la Lunigiana. Con la morte del primo duca di Milano nel 1402 il vincolo attraversò un lungo periodo di crisi, dovuto alla debolezza di Giovanni Maria Visconti, e fu solo in seguito alla sua violenta scomparsa (1412) che Filippo Maria Visconti poté ricostruire, al pari dello stato, anche la rete di aderenti, declinata dal terzo duca in senso difensivo piuttosto che offensivo. Nel momento in cui la dinastia si estinse e il ducato cadde nelle mani degli Sforza, il legame si ritrovò inserito all’interno dei delicati equilibri della Lega italica: l’aderenza divenne così un modo non più per aggredire i nemici o per difendersi, per definire e profilare la propria sfera di influenza, ormai in qualche modo “stabilizzata” e non più sottoposta a eccessivi scossoni. Dal punto di vista nei processi di state-building, invece, il legame mantenne caratteristiche costanti nel corso del tempo: tramite le accomandigie i signori e i duchi di Milano riuscirono infatti a meglio vincolare a sé le animate famiglie signorili che punteggiavano gli spazi dello stato, in particolare in aree come il Piemonte e l’Emilia. Lì i trattati, che pure non persero le loro caratteristiche militari, rivelarono tutto il loro potenziale come elementi di coordinazione e di disciplinamento: la loro fortuna risiede proprio nelle loro caratteristiche elastiche, che se da una parte rendevano il vincolo così costruito instabile, dall’altra ne sostanziano l’effettiva modernità, e che ne garantirono la lunga durata (seppur con alterne fortune) ancora per tutto il ‘500 e oltre.<br>The research proposes to investigate the most characteristic and relevant aspects of the treatises of adherentia under the Visconti and Sforza, with the aim of highlighting the development and, above all, the innovative characteristics of a bond which, destined to last in the modern age, offers a new interpretative key to the genetic processes of a "new" statehood at the end of the Middle Age. Those treaties were elastic, flexible and tailored directly on the basis of the contingencies in which they were stipulated, and the bonds of adherentia (or collegatio, accomandatio, recomendisia, and so on) knew a wide diffusion in medieval and renaissance Italy, especially from the middle of the 14th century: they had the aim of coordinating the main powers of the Italian chessboards and the minor realities inside or outside them, especially the rural lords or, in some cases, the communities; summing up, the principalis was guaranteed military support, while the adherens received protection and legitimations of various kinds. The use that the lords – and then the dukes – of Milan made of this instrument is of great interest, as Visconti and Sforza resorted with particular constancy to the link both to consolidate the state-building processes inside the state and the expansion processes outside the principality's borders. Since the middle of the fourteenth century, in fact, the lords of Milan frequently used treaties of adherentia to identify allies close to – or even inside – enemy territories. This mechanism was particularly exploited during the age of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who made the pressure of his adherentes as effective as possible against the opposing powers (in particular Florence) and made strategic areas such as Romagna and Lunigiana a source of supporters. With the death of the first duke of Milan in 1402 the bond went through a long period of crisis, due to the weakness of Giovanni Maria Visconti, and it was only after his violent death (1412) that Filippo Maria Visconti was able to rebuild, like the state, the network of adherentes, which the third duke declined in a defensive rather than offensive way. When the dynasty became extinct and the Duchy fell into the hands of the Sforza, the bond found itself inserted within the delicate equilibrium of the Italic League, thus becoming a way no longer to wage war, but was rather used to define and profile the spheres of influence, now somehow "stabilised" and no longer subject to excessive shocks. From the point of view of the state-building processes, on the other hand, the bond maintained constant characteristics over time: through the accomandigie, the lords and dukes of Milan managed to better bind the restless noble families that dotted the spaces of the state, particularly in areas such as Piedmont and Emilia. There the bonds, which did not lose their military characteristics, revealed all their potential as elements of coordination and discipline: their fortune resides precisely in their elastic characteristics, which, if on the one hand made the bond so constructed unstable, on the other, substantiated its effective modernity, which guaranteed its long duration (albeit with alternating fortunes) throughout the fifteenth century and beyond.

This thesis seeks to answer the following question: How and to what extent does identity and Self-Other perception influence the foreign policy of the EU and Russia toward the establishment of a sovereign and viable Palestinian State? The thesis scrutinises the assumption that identity and Self-perception as well as perception of ‘otherness’ play a vital role in defining foreign policy-making, with policy toward the Middle East being no exception. The investigation focuses on how the EU’s and Russia’s desire to reinforce their ‘global actorness’ on the international stage informs their involvement in the Middle East peace process. This assumption brings into the analysis the dynamic of constructivism in the shaping of foreign policy. Through a constructivist approach, the thesis attempts to explore how Self-Other perception informs foreign policy-making, specifically by the EU and Russia, in relation to Palestinian statehood. Thus the thesis problematises existing views about the role of established IR schools in understanding foreign policy-making (namely, in terms of peace-making). The study seeks to deepen our understanding of the role of identity and Self-Other perception in EU and Russian foreign policy-making by going beyond conventional understanding of foreign policy-making that are fixated on ‘power’, with special reference to the question of Palestinian statehood. In this vein, I advance the argument that, contrary to the old assumptions of schools such as realism and liberalism, there is a role played by identity and ideas that needs to be assessed in the context of EU and Russian peace-making in the Middle East. The thesis tests these assumptions using a qualitative methodology to investigate the making of foreign policy by the EU and Russia. Discourse analysis is the main method employed to interpret the role of identity and Self-Other perceptions. This is done through a study of discourse made up of official documents and statements as well as interviews with diplomats with current and past involvement in the formulation of EU and Russian foreign policy.

AbstractThis chapter focuses on the concepts of identity and conflict. Drawing from many others who place identity as the central factor explaining the mutually reinforcing dynamics of protracted conflicts and protracted peace processes, this chapter suggests that the processes of identity building in protracted conflicts bear specific characteristics due to the multigenerational aspects of these contexts. The argument developed is that peace processes in this kind of conflicts tend to become protracted themselves, turning into a structure of their own that impact perceptions about the ‘self’ and the ‘other’, thus influencing the negative dimension of identity—the detachment or difference from others—and, therefore, the very behavior and interests of actors involved in the conflict. For this reason, identity and violence must be read as mutually constituted in the cases of historical conflicts, making it impossible to discuss conflict transformation without addressing the main categories of identity and violence, as well as their interconnectedness.

AbstractBy unraveling the dimensions and dynamics of the ‘cycle of protractedness’, the concluding chapter contributes to the development and reexamination of key concepts in the field of International Relations, providing a renewed analysis of the role of the Israeli-Palestinian protracted peace process in the conflict and its transformation. It concludes that, even though dehumanization dominates in ongoing conflicts, it is possible to identify activities undertaken by local and international actors in the societal level that have developed alongside—as a consequence—and within the very framework—as a desired outcome—of the protracted peace process. In terms of policy design and policy making, the findings of this book provide some clues for the intensification of new—underexplored—avenues for conflict transformation that favor reconciliation rather than reinforcing dehumanization. Although focused on a single case study, being that of Israel and Palestine, the findings of this research can be applied to other cases of protracted social conflicts by way of lessons learned.

AbstractSentenza 238/2014 is an important judgment which does not only concern the concrete case at hand but also pushes for a change in the law of state immunity. However, such attempts at law-making by national courts may not always attain their goal but may exert adverse effects which are harmful for the international legal order. Sentenza 238/2014 may have an impact on three different yet related issues central to the future development of international law: the relationship between international and national law, exceptions to immunities, and individual reparations in cases of mass atrocities.This chapter criticises law-making through non-compliance with international judicial decisions by national courts. Judges in democratic states under the rule of law who try to push for law-reform, by initiating non-compliance with decisions of international courts, should be aware that they may act in the company, and thereby in support of, courts in regimes with autocratic tendencies, such as the Russian Constitutional Court, which refuses to comply with judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. Furthermore, the chapter argues that immunity from jurisdiction and immunity from execution should be kept distinct and that human rights exceptions should not be applied to immunity from execution. Such a differentiation remains justified because measures of constraint against property used for government non-commercial purposes intrude even further onto sovereign rights than the institution of proceedings before courts in the forum state. It is particularly difficult for states to protect assets and other property situated in a foreign state. These assets may therefore be more susceptible to abusive enforcement measures while simultaneously forming an essential basis for the actual conduct of international relations.The chapter concludes by advocating a cautious approach to individual reparations in cases of mass atrocities. This more cautious approach observes the complexities of ending armed conflicts and negotiating peace deals. An individual right to monetary compensation based on civil claims processes does not allow for taking into account broader political considerations related to establishing a stable post-war order. Such a right is conducive to bilateral settlements between the state parties concerned, which might create new injustices towards other groups of victims. It might also overburden negotiations for a settlement to an ongoing armed conflict.The chapter thereby starts from the assumption that the stability of the international legal order itself as guaranteed by concepts such as immunities or the respect for its judicial organs serves to protect human rights, albeit indirectly.

Abstract“Think global, act locally,” is the essence of glocalization and of glocal governance. Glocal governance means that local stakeholders, such as business, civil society, city councils, authorities and activists actively participate in decision-making processes. Different stakeholders, local, international and domestic ones, make decisions on common rules and regulations while operating, controlling, implementing and enforcing them locally—and wherever needed. Many of these decisions are taken in light of and in accordance with global or international standards. Such standards can be universal UN human rights norms that are, for example, enshrined in international human rights treaties and agreements, and WTO trade norms on tax regulation or copyrights and laws. Global norms can be international customary law, such as humanitarian law or the law of the sea, general guidelines, recommendations or rules and standards on security and elections as set by the OSCE.

This chapter argues for rethinking and reassessing our understanding of how mediation is related conceptually and practically to constitution making. In many cases of armed intra state conflict or social unrest calling for democratic transition, the core issues are of deep constitutional relevance, speaking to the political transformation of the state. To address the constitutional issues in such conflict contexts, peace or transition processes often combine peace making and constitution making. Despite this clear connection in practice, scholarship on the relationship between mediation and constitution making is largely absent. The chapter proposes new ways of thinking about how a mutual relationship may be forged to better contribute to the transformation of conflict for sustaining peace.

This chapter explores official negotiations as the key factor in conflict resolution processes in both the Northern Irish and Turkey’s Kurdish conflicts. The cross-case comparison allows for the generation of comprehensive insights into the conflict environment—which is a decisive factor for the nature of political resolution attempts—by providing an analysis of the root causes of the conflicts in both cases. The main events included the Good Friday Agreement and the role played by Sinn Fein and Gerry Adams on the one hand, Dolmabahçe Declaration and the role played by Abdullah Öcalan on the other. The analysis at this chapter broadens the process from ‘negative’ to ‘positive peace’ that includes transformation of the underlying reasons for conflicts and restoration of relationships. It provides clear evidence from both track-one experiences and their comparison which will help establish an extensive analysis in making peace. The chapter reaches a detailed analysis by including other actors and factors, namely ‘spoilers’ who aim to distract a peace process, and mediators in facilitating or hindering progress.

This chapter explores the ways in which structural condition such as political institutions, historical legacies and economic realities shape the limits of what is possible in mediation and resulting peace processes. Mediation scholarship focusing on international diplomacy and formal processes has paid little attention to the interplay between contested political processes ats regime level and the collective action of ordinary people in demonstrations, protests and revolutions. Yet both regime type and previous patterns of mobilisation and protest impact the space for manoeuvre in mediation. The chapter highlights how pre-existing configurations of political contestation, as well as unexpected manifestations of political agency affect what is deemed possible by both the regime and outside contenders, making these dynamics important aspects of a peace mediation process.

A strategic approach to peacebuilding seeks to achieve stable peace through an inclusive, comprehensive, and sustained peace process that complements a political settlement with other cooperative and mutually supportive activities. Such a process, grounded in recognition of the complex causation of violent conflict and a ‘positive peace’ concept, remains an ideal type rarely if ever found in the real world. This chapter compares the process leading to and following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan with this ideal, focusing particularly on external intervention. It briefly examines the historical background and causes of the conflict before considering which ‘ideal’ elements were present and which were missing in the peace process, the reasons why this was so and the material and ideational constraints that prevented the ‘Naivasha Process’ from achieving the perhaps unattainable ideal. The chapter thus seeks to develop constructive lessons for those planning for or conducting peace processes.

When civil war swept South Sudan in December 2013, mediators and political elites embarked on an eighteen-month peace process. This produced seven agreements signed and broken as belligerents targeted civilians. The final accord crumbled as violence escalated within the year. This chapter asks: Why negotiate and why mediate when talks beget slaughter? When belligerents seem uncommitted to a negotiated settlement, under what conditions do conflict parties and mediators retain a mutual interest in turning up at the peace table? The chapter sets the dynamics of elite negotiation against realities on the ground, piecing together civilian experiences from fatality counts and human rights reports. It uses these data to evaluate three theories about why mediators and negotiators kept South Sudan’s talks afloat: peace processes offer access to money, power and status; peace processes sustain neo-patrimonial bargaining; and peace processes empower stakeholders to condition each other’s commitments – for better or for worse.

ExpressDecision2 is a general-purpose web application designed to support the individual in making difficult decisions under uncertainty, which are emotionally driven and typically solved by using rational intuition. This web app is based on the self-regulation model of the thinking process developed within the framework of the systemic-structural activity theory. This paper demonstrates the application of two customized versions of ExpressDecision2: 1. ED2StatinChoice – for making a patient-centered and shared-with-clinician decision about taking statins for cholesterol reduction to prevent a heart attack or stroke. The two primary resources regarding taking statins for cholesterol reduction are The 2018 AHA/ACC Cholesterol Guideline and Mayo Clinic Statin Choice Decision-Aid tool. These and other guidelines and decision aids, as well as information derived from a health professional, provide the patient with essential information regarding the pros and cons of using statins, while also empowering the patient to make the ultimate decision regarding whether they should take statins. Overall, such a problem is both uncertain and difficult for the patient and so requires them to establish both short- and long-term goals, as well as relevant options for selection. ED2StatinChoice is designed specifically to help the patient make the best choice in such a difficult scenario. ED2StatinChoice complements existing decision-support tools, such as the Mayo Clinic Statin Choice Decision Aid. Its method of assistance involves clarifying the goal and various choices with subsequent aggregation of all pros and cons, thus helping make a motivated decision regarding which statin therapy is most preferable. 2. ED2InsuranceChoice – for making a client-centered and potentially shared-with-agent decision about buying an insurance policy in order to reduce financial uncertainty and make accidental loss more manageable. People buy health, car, life, home and other types of insurance to protect themselves from financial loss in the event of illness, car damage, house fire and other accidents, respectively. For example, they make decisions when choosing from among liability, comprehensive and collision insurance types. This decision-making process is guided by tangible statistical factors regarding people’s risks of accidental losses and by non-tangible factors, such as “peace of mind” due to being protected against financial loss in the event of an accident. It is important to note that peace of mind is an essential and decisive factor when selecting an insurance policy. It reflects subjective justification of rate adequacy for the premium: the premium should be reasonable and coverage must be sufficient. Unfortunately, such non-tangible factors as peace of mind from being protected against financial loss in an accident, as well as anxiety from losing money while paying an insurance premium for coverage that doesn’t get used unless you have an accident are not sufficiently reflected in existing models of insurance choice.

The Women, Peace and Security or Gender Peace and Security (WPS/GPS) agenda has expanded significantly over the 20+ years of concerted efforts at many levels to expand the role of women in conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Yet many authors note that the expansion of international agreements and national plans to support greater women’s participation in decision-making have yet to translate into concrete changes. This report examines progress in promoting women’s meaningful participation in decision making processes in conflict prevention and peacebuilding, with a focus on changes since 2018. Evidence on women’s meaningful participation in decision-making tends to focus on a small range of measurable outcomes with some studies considering the outcomes of women’s involvement in those processes to determine the extent to which they might be ‘meaningful’. Few studies examine differential outcomes of such initiatives for different groups of women, and most data does not allow for the disaggregation of intersecting identities between gender, ethnicity, race, disability, migration status and other key factors. Evidence collected for this report suggests that policies and programmes seeking to support greater women’s participation in decision-making in conflict prevention and peacebuilding often struggle to address the broader structural factors that inhibit women’s empowerment. Tackling longstanding and often deeply embedded harmful social norms has proven challenging across sectors, and in conflict or post-conflict settings with highly complex social dynamics, this can be especially difficult. Many of the issues highlighted in the literature as hindering progress on the WPS agenda relate to cross-cutting issues at the heart of gender inequality. Multiple authors from within women’s movements in conflict and post-conflict settings emphasise the need for policies and programmes that support women to act as agents of change in their own communities and which amplify their voices rather than speak on their behalf. Recent achievements in South Sudan and the Pacific region are indicative of the potential of women’s movements to affect change in conflict prevention and peacebuilding and suggest progress is being made in some areas, though gender equality in these processes may be a long way off.