Thèses : « Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina »

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Eralp, Ulas Doga. « The effectiveness of the EU as a peace actor in post-conflict Bosnia Herzegovina an evaluative study / ». Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4577.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 340. Thesis director: Dennis J.D. Sandole. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 12, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 327-339). Also issued in print.

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Tošić, Mladen. « State-building processes in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609479.

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Kappler, Stefanie. « 'Mysterious in content' : the European Union peacebuilding framework and local spaces of agency in Bosnia-Herzegovina ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2536.

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This thesis aims to investigate EU peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina, focusing on the ways in which EU actors engage with local cultural actors and vice versa. Given that, in the liberal peacebuilding tradition, civil society has been considered a key actor in the public sphere, peacebuilding actors have tended to neglect seemingly more marginal actors and their subtle ways of impacting on the peacebuilding process. However, this thesis contends that processes of interaction are not always direct and visible, but centre on discourse clusters, which I frame as imaginary ‘spaces of agency’. Through the creation of meanings within a space of agency and its translation into other imaginary spaces, actors develop the power to impact upon the peacebuilding process, often in coded ways and therefore invisible in the public sphere, as peacebuilding actors, including the EU, have created it. A typology of the modes of interaction and possible responses between spaces helps understand the complexities and nuances of peacebuilding interaction. The thesis uses this framework to analyse several exemplary spaces of agency of the EU, rooting them in institutional discourses with specific reference to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Based on this, I investigate a number of responses to those spaces on the part of local cultural actors, as well as how the latter contribute to the emergence of alternative localised spaces, where the EU’s spaces fail to connect to the everyday dimensions of peace. I suggest that this represents a way in which local actors try to claim the ownership of peacebuilding back in subtle ways. This also points to the ability of actors that have traditionally been excluded from the peacebuilding project to contextualise abstract and distant processes into what matters locally, as well as their capacity to reject and resist when the EU’s spaces remain irrelevant for local peacebuilding imaginations.

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Boyce, Brian M. « Political soldiers and democratic institution-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FBoyce.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Richard Hoffman. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81). Also available in print.

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Lindvall, Daniel. « The limits of the European vision in Bosnia and Herzegovina an analysis of the police reform negotiations / ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-31392.

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Sofic, Elvira. « Koalitionsdemokrati i Bosnien och Hercegovina : En fallstudie av demokratiutvecklingen i Bosnien och Hercegovina ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-69935.

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This study aims to investigate the democracy development i Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since 1995, when the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed, Bosnia has been undergoing an democratization, but despite that the country is still year 2017 classified as ”partly free”. In this study the democracy-enhancing factors: civil society and the political system are being related to the Dayton Peace Agreement and are tested against liberal democratic values and Consociational Democracy theory. This study is a qualitative case study and following questions are being looked into: - Which factors within the civil society and political system limit the democracy development in Bosnia and Herzegovina? - To what extent does the Dayton Peace Agreement limit Bosnia and Herzegovina’s democracy development? - To what extent is Bosnia and Herzegovina an Consociational Democracy? The fact that Bosnia has a divided and multiethnic society puts a foundational ground for a possible consolidated consociational democracy. Furthermore, the functions of the civil society, political system and the Dayton Peace Agreement are being discussed and the shortcomings of each are being highlighted. The results of this study indicate that Bosnia’s long democratization development is primarly based on the unwillingness to cooperation between the three constitutional groups, the exclusion of minority groups and the Dayton Peace Agreement’s regulations on a political system that is not sustainable for a stable democratic state.

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Kent, Gregory. « Diaspora Power : network contributions to peacebuilding and the transformation of war economies ». University of Bradford, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4180.

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yes
How economies of countries at war (war economies) transform in `peace¿ is a critical new area of research in political economy and war and peace studies. The dynamics that affect the way war economies perpetuate or mutate after a peace agreement is signed is the context for this examination of non-state actor roles ¿ normally attention is on state and international organisations ¿ in the problems of peacebuilding. Here the focus is on diaspora networks, what might be described as national or transnational civil society groupings whose role is autonomous but carried considerable potential to assist reconstruction of the war-torn homeland.

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Macoun, Pilská Alžběta. « Mezinárodní nevládní organizace v postkonfliktní rekonstrukci (případová studie Bosna a Hercegovina) ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193792.

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The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.

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Hodzic, Alma. « Hur sker utvecklingen i Bosnien ? : En studie om nationsbyggandet i Bosnien och Hercegovina – utifrån tre perspektiv ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34945.

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Nation building is vital in post-war states to bring the people that have been at war together. To restore peace in a state, many different actors need to work together to bring stability, safety, and advancement to a new nation. There are several methods of nation building, and this thesis evolves around three of them. This is a qualitative study where three theories on nation building are used to analyze the development of nation building, and the obstacles Bosnia and Herzegovina still has to reach a national identity. Several studies are used in this thesis to show how the development has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The method consisted of searching in databases for peer-reviewed articles, finding documents from international actors, and statistics. This thesis reveals that Bosnia and Herzegovina still has a long way to go before it becomes an nation where the citizens feel united, no matter which ethnicity they belong to.

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Spajić, Zdenko. « Intervention and war in a post-cold war world the view of Pope John Paul II on the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991-1995) / ». Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Ramic, Nedim. « Jämförelse av den demokratiska utvecklingen i Bosnien-Hercegovina och Kroatien ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27518.

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This essay will try to explain and compare the different development steps which Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina have taken after the war. How could countries with such similar backgrounds develop in such different ways? By analyzing and comparing the two countries the purpose was to examine how these countries which had so much in common could develop in so different ways. My two questions are: What similarities and differences are there between the development which Bosnia and Croatia have taken after the war? Why have Croatia succeeded and not Bosnia? My analysis showed that the main reason to the difference between these countries was that Bosnia is divided; all ethnic groups in Bosnia only consider what's best for their own ethnic group and not what's best for the country. Croatia however has expelled the Serbs which made it easier for them to have a succesfull democratic development.

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Holíková, Alena. « Postkonfliktní rekonstrukce na příkladu Bosny a Hercegoviny : role jednotlivých aktérů ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124827.

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The civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which took place between 1992 and 1995, is perceived as the most tragic conflict in Europe since the Second World War. The process of postconflict reconstruction has been running there for 17 years and there have been numerous actors involved. But still, the process has not been finished. The diploma thesis deals with the question of the role played by particular involved actors in the process of postconflict reconstruction. In the first part of the thesis the theoretical framework of postconflict reconstruction is presented. In the second part the contemporary situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Dayton Peace Agreement are outlined. The third part fully focuses on the analysis of particular groups of actors. Three groups of actors are analysed: the international community, the local ruling elite and the international and local nongovernmental organisations. The aim of this work is to identify the objects of those actors in the process of postconflict reconstruction and consequently to evaluate their opportunities to achieve those goals. The SWOT analysis is applied to analyze the role of the actors.

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Králová, Barbora. « EU jako mírová mocnost ? Mise EUFOR Althea v Bosně a Hercegovině ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198866.

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This paper presents the role theory and the role conception power for peace which was created for the European Union on the basis of its values, norms and rules. Five criteria that define power for peace were applied to the peace mission EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After verification of all criteria it was proved that the EU has acted as power for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and it has therefore fulfilled its role conception.

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Kilim, Ehlimana, et Jenny Persson. « Repatriation in Bosnia and Herecgovina, an Analysis of Institutional Problems in BiH, with examples from Ilidza ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-939.

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The aim of this study is to analyse the institutional problems which restrain the repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to and within Bosnia and Hercegovina with examples from the municipalities of Ilidza, Bosnia and Hercegovina. With intention to fulfil the aim of this study we will try to answer what problems that are connected to the Dayton Peace Agreement and how those problems impact the repatriation issue. Further we intend to discern what role the culture, values and norms play in the repatriation process. We also try to answer what formal institutional problems exist in BiH and what importance they constitute on the repatriation process. Finally we are discussing whether it is possible or not to institutionalise the repatriation process. The thesis is based on the interviews we made in BiH during the spring 2001.

During the war in BiH, more than 2,3 million people were displaced from their homes. Each of the wartime regimes allocated abandoned properties and established complex legal and administrative barriers to return, designed to make the separation of the population irreversible. In this way the separation of the population was permanent. Several years of international efforts have achieved a legal framework that recognises property rights as they stood at the beginning of the conflict, and establishes a legal and administrative claims process for the repossession of the property.

DPA is considered one of the most complicated peace agreements ever constructed and it consists of several objectives, which aim to uphold a tolerant and democratic constitutional state. There are several paradoxes connected to Annex 7 and the fact that both entities were allowed to have their own constitutions, in which they do not recognise each other constitutional rights, may seem peculiar when they at the same time are supposed to constitute one unity, one country. The federal bodies in the country began to develop before the national bodies were functioning. This has created inconsistencies between the different bodies and between the different legal frameworks and DPA still has a long way to go before being completely implemented.

Ethnic nationalist feelings play an important role in political life in BiH and they constitute an effective impediment in the repatriation process. Nationalism has become a common element in the daily life in BiH. Thinking of that the entity constitutions refer to the citizens in the opposite entity as others shows how they perceive each other. After the war each ethnic group seems to concentrate on protecting their own rights, otherwise they will be lost. Citizens in BiH do not have the same constitutional rights in both entities and before this question is solved, a safe minority return is not possible.

The functioning of the judicial system is an important factor in the repatriation process. A problem is that the laws are often contradictory or incomplete. This problem is visible on the local level, where politicians often do not know which law to refer to the result is that the local actors do not know how to interpret the laws and then they often do it arbitrarily or they just ignore the laws. The result is often a situation of passing the buck and the citizen stands powerless to the public officials’ demands. This problem is referred to as the state wall of administrative silence and it is a frequent phenomenon at the local level that severely delays the repatriation process. This attitude reciprocity has been common in both municipalities for a long time, as well as in BiH in general, which has resulted in a slow and inefficient repatriation process.

Post-war Bosnia and Hercegovina finds itself at a crossroads between an antiquated mechanism that protects state authorities on the one hand, and a modern state institution that serves the citizens and protects their rights on the other. In BiH the new institutions imposed by external powers meet the old institutions, which still are powerful. Those are not synchronised in a way they should, i.e. the old structure or the structure leftover from the collapse of Yugoslavia impedes the new structure rather then collaborating with it. The issue of repatriation has been caught in a structural chaos and BiH has a long way to go before a non-political integration can become a reality.

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Ramic, Nedim. « Att förstå konflikter : En jämförelse av Angolas och Bosnien-Hercegovinas fredsprocesser ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-53144.

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This study has the ambition to examine and compare Angolas failed peace process with Bosnia-Herzegovina’s successful peace process through Kumar Rupesinghes theory in conflict transformation. By comparing the two peace processes through Rupesinghes theory we can get an answer why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia-Herzegovina’s lasted. This study has two purposes. Based on a comparison of Angolas and Bosnia-Herzegovina’s peace processes, how well is it possible to explain the outcome of the two countries peace process? How useful is Rupesinghes theory? The study showed that Bosnia-Herzegovina employed factors from Rupesinghes theory, in a much higher sense than Angola. They were especially more successful in employing the economic factors from Rupesinghes theory. This therefore can be a reason why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia’s lasted. In testing the theory’s usefulness the study showed that the theory is useful in many factors and can be used to give a qualified answer to why a peace lasts or fails. But the theory also has its flaws, some of the steps in the theory need a better explanation and some of the steps are more important depending on which country the theory is applied upon. Key words: Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kumar Rupesinghe, conflict transformation, civil-war, peace, peace processes, Bicesse, Dayton

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Dragovic, Denis. « Rethinking the role of Roman Catholic and Sunni Islamic institutions in post-conflict state building ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6136.

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This thesis develops a model that can be used to assess the ability of religious institutions to contribute to post-conflict state building. Highlighting the tendency in state building literature to stop short in discussing what seems to be inferred, but unnameable—religion—the research proposes a framework that identifies theoretical mechanisms through which religious institutions can contribute to post-conflict state building. Drawing from the theologies of Roman Catholicism and Sunni Islam the thesis then reflects upon why they would, of their own accord, lend their considerable legitimacy and resources. The thesis diverges from traditional approaches such as rational choice theory that suggest religious institutions act to maximise membership or assets, and instead embraces a teleological view recognizing the importance of belief structures in understanding a religious institution's motivations. It embraces salvation as a hermeneutical key to outline a Roman Catholic theology of state building while drawing upon the concept of justice for Sunni Islam. The thesis concludes by incorporating the particularistic nuances of Bosnia and Herzegovina's unique historically and culturally influenced religious practices, structures and theologies to suggest the ability and willingness of the two religions' institutions to contribute to their country's state building.

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Latif, Dilek. « Peace Building After Humanitarian Intervention : The Case Of Bosnia And Herzegovina ». Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606504/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT PEACE BUILDING AFTER HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Latif, Dilek Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. ihsan D. Dagi August 2005, 379 pages. This dissertation analyzes peace building process after humanitarian intervention. It conceptualizes peace building through questioning the feasibility of peace building following a humanitarian intervention. Addressing the deficiency of contemporary peace building approach, this thesis indicates the shortcomings of the various instruments of peace building in contributing peace and reconciliation on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Besides, it shows the drawbacks of the current practice that peace building is a learning process, which employs the lessons learnt to advance the efficiency of peace building process. There is a lack of comprehensive approach to peace building, based on case studies, evaluating the shortcomings and merits of all the instruments of peace building that provides a general strategy. Despite abundancy of policy oriented research to contribute policy making, academic work to analyze such a complicated phenomena has been frail. Within this context, contribution of the dissertation is to demonstrate the entire picture and question viability of the peace building process in war-torn societies. Therefore, it is enriching the study on the peace building operations. Failure of institutionalization of peace in BiH after almost a decade of rigorous peace building efforts of the international community shows the fault of the mainstream understanding of peace building. The dissertation also unveils that engagement in Kosovo is the product of a similar strategy, which in practice either repeated the same fruitless methods or tried to build on the experience obtained in Bosnia but failed to heal up the troubles and challenges faced in Kosovo. Overall, the study points out the inevitability of a novel approach and an alternative peace building strategy beyond the policy-related focus.

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Muranovic, Azra. « A Straitjacket Peave Agreement : A Study on Nation-Building and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48655.

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This master’s thesis is a result of research conducted during six weeks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the contribution of the Dayton peace agreement to process of nation building in Bosnia has become counter productive as it contains elements of both nation-state and state-nation foundation. The study strives to understand the question of identity and how people in Bosnia view themselves and Others, and how they view the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in combination with the Dayton peace agreement. Qualitative methods such as semi-structured and focused interviews as well as participatory and direct observations built the base for the data collection. The hermeneutic method is used as an approach to comprehend and to handle the findings. As my personal background contains pre-understandings of the chosen topic, I have chosen to use them throughout the research instead of ignoring them as the objective of this study is not to come to a final response of this topic, but instead to bring forward an alternative angle of the identified problem. The result of this study indicates that people in Bosnia and Herzegovina tend to identify in terms of ethno-national identity groups primarily where religion and territory have a decisive role in shaping identity, while a common Bosnian identity has fallen behind. It also reveals that the Dayton peace agreement damages the idea of a common Bosnian identity and questions the idea of Bosnia all together. This research suggests that a nation-state bottom-up process in Bosnia is little perceptible, due to the lack of a common Bosnian identity. The results from this study indicate that Bosnia does not fit the state-nation definition, nor the nation-state definition for several reasons while both state-nation and nation-state building are visible on regional levels. The Dayton peace agreement has initiated a very difficult political situation with extremely complex state structures and limited possibilities for change. The ethno-national division of three, and the constitutive tying of particular groups to specific territories, has hampered both the societal and political situation in Bosnia.

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Basic, Lejla. « Kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina : religiös pluralitet, ett upphov till krig ? » Thesis, University of Gävle, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-3588.

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Syftet med uppsatsen är att belysa de tre olika religionernas roll på Balkan ur ett historiskt perspektiv, för att vidare kunna besvara frågeställningen, på vilket sätt gav den religiösa pluraliteten upphov till kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina?

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Spear, Joanna. « The Potential of Diaspora Groups to Contribute to Peace Building : A Scoping Paper ». University of Bradford, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4185.

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Yes
This paper is a preliminary consideration of the question of how Diaspora from Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sierra Leone could contribute to peace building in their home states. Often Diasporas are regarded as obstacles to peace building, so it is not the assumption of this scoping paper that the relationship between Diasporas and peace building will always be positive. That being said, neither does the paper make the assumption that the Diaspora are homogenous groups that behave in consistent and coordinated ways. The aim is to consider what scope there is for tapping into more positive elements of Diaspora relations with their homelands as they emerge from conflict.

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Jujic, Lejla. « Kampen som fortgår : En studie om våldtäktsoffer i Bosnien Hercegovina : Med fokus på maktförhållanden och tystnad ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-73613.

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The following study seeks to explore the theme of what has become known as a serious security problem within the genderfield as well as the peace and development field, strategic rape as a weapon in war. More specifically, the essay analyses women's experiences of rape in the Bosnian war, in order to explore how big of a space is dedicated for these experiences to be expressed in the aftermath of war and in the process of building a nation. The empirical findings consist of stories told by women who have experienced rape during the war, available for the general public to find. With a theoretical framework consisting of a combination of feminist theories surrounding the gender order, the analysis seeks to focus on what power relations and different types of silences can be found in the stories told by war rape victims. The conclusion states that all of the power relations are based on the unequal relationship between the male and female, which influences the relationship between war rapevictims and war criminals, politicians and the victims surrounding. The silence brought to life by stigma transforms into various forms, the main ones referring to the war rapevictims and witih the politicial sphere.

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Golubic, Selma, et Felinda Wennerberg. « Konkret normkontroll som garant för konstitutionalismen : En komparativrättslig studie av den konkreta normkontrollen i Sverige och i Bosnien och Hercegovina ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-30608.

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I Europa finns det flertal exempel på länder där den politiska makten utnyttjat sin maktposition, vilket har resulterat i ett lidande för befolkningen. Många länder och dess medborgare har varit utsatta för diktaturstyre, maktmissbruk och kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter. En konstitution kan fungera som ett medel för att garantera medborgarna vissa fri- och rättigheter samt att begränsa den styrande makten från att kränka de värderingar som är tänkta att prägla samhället. Den mest grundläggande författningen i ett rättssystem utgörs av en eller flera grundläggande författningar, dessa grundlagar anger riktlinjer för vilka värderingar och normer som ska styra samhället. Grundlagen, konstitutionen eller statsförfattningen ska tillförsäkra en normgivande funktion i ett rättssystem genom att reglera bland annat bestämmelser om sin överordnade ställning. Den överordnade ställningen innebär att den genom sina stadganden ska vägleda den lagstiftande makten till att anta lagar som är förenliga med grundlagen. Konstitutionen kan också tillförsäkra alla medborgare deras rättigheter att delta i det politiska rummet, genom att föreskriva grundläggande värderingar som tillförsäkrar att minoriteters rättigheter garanteras. Ett viktigt element i konstitutionalismen är just att begränsa att en politiskt vald makt inte ska kunna ändra på grundläggande författningar som enbart syftar till att gynna majoritetsåsikter i landet. Däremot finns det inga krav på vilka värderingar som konstitutionen ska föreskriva, ett lands författning kan vara god eller ond och tillförsäkra medborgarna skilda rättigheter och binda landets lagstiftande makt på olika sätt. Bosnien och Hercegovina (BiH) är ett land som grundar sig på en konstitution som landet själv inte har författat. Konstitutionen är unik eftersom den är skapad av omvärlden i samband med Dayton Peace Agreement med syftet att bygga upp en stat som ska tillförsäkra fred och rättvisa. Sverige däremot är ett land som har en lång tradition av fred och ett stabilt välfungerande samhälle, ett land där den politiska makten verkar med folkets förtroende. Konstitutionen har historiskt sett inte haft en stark ställning i Sverige och behovet av att begränsa den politiska makten har inte alltid varit en prioritering. För att försäkra konstitutionens genomslag i ett land och att den efterlevs av den lagstiftande makten krävs det någon form av kontroller som kan tillförsäkra konstitutionens effekt. Kontrollerna kan göras i form av preventiv normkontroll som utövas innan parlamentet antagit en lag och ett system av efterhandskontroll av redan antagna lagar. Båda formerna av kontroll utövas i BiH och i Sverige. I BiH utövas den preventiva normkontrollen av The Constitutional Legal Commitee (Ustavnopravna Komisija), vilka granskar alla lagförslag och andra juridiska akter under lagstiftningsprocessen i parlamentet. I Sverige finns ett liknande organ, Lagrådet som på begäran av regeringen eller aktuellt riksdagsutskott uttalar sig om ett lagförslags grundlagsförenlighet innan lagen ska antas av riksdagen. Utöver den preventiva kontrollen finns det även en möjlighet att genomföra efterhandskontroll av lagarnas grundlagsförenlighet i länderna. I BiH har författningsdomstolen ensam kompetens i att utöva den konkreta normkontrollen och har möjlighet att kräva en ändring av en lag eller att kräva upphävning av en rättsakt som bedömts vara oförenlig med den nationella konstitutionen. I Sverige utövas den konkreta normkontrollen av alla de allmänna domstolarna men också av förvaltningsmyndigheterna. Om något av dessa organ skulle förklara att en lag inte är förenlig med grundlagen kan de enbart åsidosätta den grundlagsstridiga lagen i det aktuella ärendet.9 BiH och Sverige är länder med tämligen olika konstitutioner och de har valt skilda metoder för att garantera konstitutionens genomslag. Uppsatsen kommer att belysa ländernas likheter och skillnader vid den konkreta normkontrollen samt undersöka vad för effekter dessa skilda modeller av konkret normkontroll ger för att försäkra konstitutionens värderingar och dess genomslag.

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Martín, i. Díaz Jordi. « Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/650917.

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During the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia and amid a concomitant process to ethnically divide Bosnia, Sarajevo suffered through a siege which after three-and-a-half years resulted in a completely new social, political and territorial order. Following the signing of the peace agreement in Paris in December 1995, to end the war in Bosnia, the city simultaneously experienced a transition from war to peace and from socialism to capitalism. This double transition was marked by increasing intervention from the international community, who deployed an administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina to supervise the implementation of the peace agreement. Despite the fact that no specific local peace-building mission was established in Sarajevo, the Office of the High Representative (OHR), in charge of supervising the civilian annexes of the agreement, became particularly involved in the supervision, coordination and even execution of several key processes shaping its urban transformation, in areas such as the management of land, economic transition and the reconstruction of Sarajevo’s intrinsic ethnic diversity. Thus, this dissertation analyses the role of the OHR in the urban transformation of the symbolic Bosnian capital during the post-war period with an ultimate focus on the impact of those policies, developed mostly between 1995 and 2003, in the current ethnic and spatial configuration of the city.
En l’àmbit dels estudis urbans Sarajevo no és un cas d’estudi menor degut al seu simbolisme, amb un pes significatiu en la història contemporània continental, així com també per la llarga tradició de diversitat, inicialment religiosa i posteriorment ètnica, i de convivència al llarg de la seva història. Sarajevo és, de fet, un cas peculiar, sinó únic, en el sentit que la coexistència entre les diverses comunitats és una característica intrínseca de la ciutat, havent estat promoguda pels principals governs responsables dels tres períodes de major expansió urbana. Aquesta llarga tradició va rebre una de les seves principals agressions durant el col·lapse de la Iugoslàvia socialista. En el marc d’un procés de territorialització ètnica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, desenvolupat principalment pels líders polítics serbobosnians conjuntament amb els sèrbies, Sarajevo va acabar sent sotmesa a tres anys i mig de setge que van provocar una profunda transformació de l’ordre social, ètnic, polític i territorial. Després de la signatura dels acords de pau a París el desembre de 1995, coneguts com els Acords de Dayton, que van posar fi a la guerra a Bòsnia, la ciutat va emprendre el període postbèl·lic destruïda, encerclada i dividida, amb una àrea assetjada sota control del Govern de Bòsnia i Hercegovina i els sectors perifèrics, i fins i tot alguns barris centrals, sota domini de les tropes serbobosnianes.

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Goodwin, Stephen R. « Fractured land, healing nations : a contextual analysis of the role of religious faith sodalities towards peace-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19806.

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This thesis addresses the role of religion(s) in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in the wider context of the emergent states of the former Yugoslavia. The thesis argues that although religion has been used to promote nationalist ideologies and the cause of war, it also can be a positive force for building peace. The dissertation further argues that the religious dimension includes the element of myth in the self-understanding of the Serbs, Bošniaks and Croats, and seeks to account for the influence of their myths in creating ethno-religious conflict. The thesis argues that the Western structural and materialist approach to peace-building can be strengthened to address pressing inter-personal needs of society more effectively by engaging the moral and ethical resources that religion has the potential to contribute. The dissertation will offer a critical evaluation of interventionist efforts of the international community towards peace-building, taking account of the evidence that cessation of military hostilities is countered by modest results in restoring civil society. In light of this, the thesis examines the role of religious sodalities as locally-generated initiatives in peace-building that express the hopes of peoples of faith. It is argued that religion in this capacity complements, rather than substitutes, secular initiative. The dissertation therefore makes use of primary research data gathered from among religious leaders, women, and students from the Muslim, Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant communities as evidence of why and how persons of religious faith contribute to peace-building and social restoration in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Theological reflection on the three elements of (mytho)history, the sacred texts and the context of Bosnia-Herzegovina enables a contextual analysis of peace-building to emerge. The theological concept of ‘restoration’, which is derived from the primary research interviews, is framed with discussion of the creation and the eschaton in the sacred texts – the Bible and Qur’ān – as a comprehensive Leitmotif for peace-building. Social expression of restoration transpires in the religious faith sodalities where authentic spirituality is exercised towards forgiveness and healing, and re-creates wholeness from fragmentation. The thesis demonstrates that in the religious faith sodalities the personal narrative of the individual believer, together with the meta-narratives of Christianity and Islam, effectively counter the ideological narratives of nationalism, and, when extensively shared with others, build peace across national boundaries.

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Meinshausen, Paul. « Reconceptualizing The Relationship Between The International Community And The Nationalist Parties In Bosnia-herzegovina ». Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12609868/index.pdf.

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This thesis is an endeavor to develop a more thorough and nuanced understanding of the relationship between international and local actors in the post-Dayton state-building process in Bosnia. While state-building in Bosnia has received a considerable amount of attention and study, apprehension and depiction of the relationship between the international community and Bosnian governing officials has remained relatively homogeneous. This dominant account of the relationship has been that it is a contentious and oppositional one. To criticize the approach I highlighted two of its problematic aspects. These were the conception of the state, in the abstract, as a highly unified and cohesive entity. And, the depiction of internal and external as isolated and fixed actor-identities. The central argument of this thesis is that the international community and the nationalist parties (representing respectively the external and internal state actors) have become united in a mutually advantageous and mutually-reinforcing process of sharing power, responsibility, and blame. This process has been apparently oppositional but effectively cooperative, so that the outcome of twelve years of state-building has been the continued relevance and effective entrenchment of both the international community and the nationalist parties in the Bosnian state.

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Jurcevic, Karolina. « Ethnic divisions in Bosnia-Herzegovina - The inequality between three different ethnic groups in the country and how media is used to portray them ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21486.

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The aim of this thesis is to observe how media and activism can be a part of the post-conflict peace building in Bosnia as well as to highlight the work and importance of NGOs in the country. This thesis will focus on how these NGOs work with media and activism in order to contribute to the post-conflict peace building. Further, it will analyze elements of civic activism as well as grassroots activism to see how the organizations implement these in their work. Eight interviews have been conducted with two participants from four NGOs in the country. The result shows that whilst ethnic divisions still largely characterize the contemporary Bosnian society, there are instances where ethnic differences have been disregarded. Further, the result shows that the everyday work of these organizations showcase a great example of how ethnic divisions can be combated and how social change can be achieved.

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GRECO, CAROLINA GIOVANNA. « IL CONTRIBUTO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE AL PROCESSO DI DEMOCRATIZZAZIONE IN BOSNIA ERZEGOVINA : ESEMPI DI COOPERAZIONE AL FEMMINILE ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6228.

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Il tema della vivacità della società civile nelle regioni della ex Jugoslavia rappresenta - soprattutto se considerato in relazione con le numerose iniziative di pace intraprese negli anni '90 di fronte all'imminenza del conflitto - un tema ancora poco indagato dalla letteratura sia in Italia e nel mondo anglosassone sia, soprendentemente, nei Paesi dell'area balcanica. Il presente lavoro di ricerca si pone invece come obiettivo quello di dimostrare l'esistenza di una radicata tradizione di attivismo civico nelle ex Repubbliche jugoslave e in Bosnia Erzegovina in particolare, dimostrando come soprattutto l'attivismo femminile, dagli anni Settanta sino ad oggi, abbia notevolmente contribuito all'emergere di un nuovo soggetto politico che ha preso attivamente parte ai processi di democratizzazione e riconciliazione della società nel contesto postbellico. Lo studio delle forme e dei metodi di lotta del Neofeminizam rappresenta infatti una lente di ingrandimento privilegiata e poco utilizzata per la comprensione di più ampie dinamiche inerenti il complesso processo di transizione che la Bosnia oggi è costretta ad affrontare.
The theme of the vibrancy of civil society in the regions of the former Yugoslavia represents – especially when considered in connection with the many peace initiatives undertaken in the ‘90s – a topic that has been little studied in the literature both in Italy and in the Anglo-Saxon world, but also surprisingly, in the Balkans countries. This research work aims to demonstrate the existence of a strong tradition of civic activism in all former Yugoslavia Republics and in particular in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Especially female activism, from the ‘70s until today, has greatly contributed to the emergence of a new political subject that has taken an active part in the democratization and reconciliation processes in the context of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis of the forms and struggle methods of Neofeminizam represents a privileged and little used key for the understanding of broader dynamics inherent in the complex process of transition that Bosnia Herzegovina is forced to face today.

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GRECO, CAROLINA GIOVANNA. « IL CONTRIBUTO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE AL PROCESSO DI DEMOCRATIZZAZIONE IN BOSNIA ERZEGOVINA : ESEMPI DI COOPERAZIONE AL FEMMINILE ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6228.

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Il tema della vivacità della società civile nelle regioni della ex Jugoslavia rappresenta - soprattutto se considerato in relazione con le numerose iniziative di pace intraprese negli anni '90 di fronte all'imminenza del conflitto - un tema ancora poco indagato dalla letteratura sia in Italia e nel mondo anglosassone sia, soprendentemente, nei Paesi dell'area balcanica. Il presente lavoro di ricerca si pone invece come obiettivo quello di dimostrare l'esistenza di una radicata tradizione di attivismo civico nelle ex Repubbliche jugoslave e in Bosnia Erzegovina in particolare, dimostrando come soprattutto l'attivismo femminile, dagli anni Settanta sino ad oggi, abbia notevolmente contribuito all'emergere di un nuovo soggetto politico che ha preso attivamente parte ai processi di democratizzazione e riconciliazione della società nel contesto postbellico. Lo studio delle forme e dei metodi di lotta del Neofeminizam rappresenta infatti una lente di ingrandimento privilegiata e poco utilizzata per la comprensione di più ampie dinamiche inerenti il complesso processo di transizione che la Bosnia oggi è costretta ad affrontare.
The theme of the vibrancy of civil society in the regions of the former Yugoslavia represents – especially when considered in connection with the many peace initiatives undertaken in the ‘90s – a topic that has been little studied in the literature both in Italy and in the Anglo-Saxon world, but also surprisingly, in the Balkans countries. This research work aims to demonstrate the existence of a strong tradition of civic activism in all former Yugoslavia Republics and in particular in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Especially female activism, from the ‘70s until today, has greatly contributed to the emergence of a new political subject that has taken an active part in the democratization and reconciliation processes in the context of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis of the forms and struggle methods of Neofeminizam represents a privileged and little used key for the understanding of broader dynamics inherent in the complex process of transition that Bosnia Herzegovina is forced to face today.

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Brubaker, Rebecca A. « From the un-mixing to the re-mixing of peoples : understanding the quest to 'reverse ethnic cleansing' in Bosnia ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dc72fdbd-1ee0-4396-8139-f6e296aa9d4c.

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This dissertation focuses on international actors' response to the ethnic cleansing perpetrated during the 1992 – 1995 Bosnian War. The work illuminates the multilateral attempt to reverse one of the outcomes of ethnic cleansing following the war, through the return of displaced people. The policy emphasis on "re-mixing" people, interpreted through a strategy of minority returns, and supported and coordinated on an international scale, was unprecedented. This dissertation asks: why did powerful states and international organizations pursue a re-mixing policy as a response to ethnic cleansing in Bosnia? At first glance, the choice seems counterintuitive. The policy was expensive. Post-1989, the West no longer needed "to keep Yugoslavia afloat." Furthermore, reversal required a degree and duration of international involvement that, at the time, was thought to be politically, militarily, and financially impossible. There are two existing explanations for this surprising phenomenon: international moralism and norm evolutionism. International moralists posit that international actors were moved to re-mix Bosnians out of a sense of guilt. Norm evolutionists argue that international norms governing appropriate responses to ethnic cleansing have shifted during the twentieth century towards support for re-mixing. In contrast to these two dominant views, this dissertation argues that the re-mixing policy initially emerged as a practical fix to a series of pressing, context-specific political challenges. State policymakers justified the re-mixing policy, however, on normative grounds. Though not the original incentive for action, international organizations on the ground then adopted the policy, empowered by states' normative justifications and thereby transformed the political rhetoric into concrete action. This dissertation corrects a common assumption that the origins and motivations behind the re-mixing policy were normative in nature, it contributes to a better understanding of how normative discourses emerge, mature, and transform into policy and it offers policy recommendations based on lessons learnt from this important and seemingly contradictory case.

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DZIEWULSKA, Agata. « Peace-building in Bosnia : Putting theory into practice ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5259.

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Examining board: Prof. John McGarry (Queen's University, Kingstone, Ontario, Canada) ; Prof. Mitja Žagar (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Ljubljana, Slovenia) ; Prof. Pierre-Marie Dupuy (European University Institute, Florence, Italy) ; Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute, Florence, Italy - supervisor)
Defence date: 16 December 2004
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Tudakovic, Emina Marija. « Post-Dayton : prospects for peace in Bosnia-Hercegovina ». Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/8294.

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In 1995, after a brutal four-year war in Bosnia and Hercegovina, the initialing of the Dayton Accords brought an end to the violence. By accepting the Accord, the former warring parties agreed on both a cessation of hostilities and a framework for a Bosnian and Hercegovian state. This state has legal existence in international law and consists of two entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Hercegovina and the Republika Srpska. The success of the peace agreement in putting an end to the violence has been witnessed in the past two and a half years. However, the question remains, and this is the principal focus of the thesis, what are the long-term prospects for peace in Bosnia? The analysis focuses on the long-term aspects of ethnic conflict regulation: peace-making and peace-building. The approach used in this analysis is two-fold. First, we rely heavily on Fen Osier Hampson's framework for evaluating the Accords as they fit into the wider body of literature on peace settlements. Second, we employ the assumption that the best way to prevent a recurrence of ethnic conflict is to reverse the processes that led to it in the first place. To that end, we identify some of the processes that led to the war and analyse the present situation in Bosnia as to whether or not these processes are being reversed. The author concludes that although the range of issues covered by Dayton can be generally evaluated as well-written and comprehensive, serious problems remain. Most importantly, the structures put into place do little to reduce the saliency of ethnic ties. Further, although there has been progress, many of the issues which fuelled the conflict remain a problem.

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Bojicic-Dzelilovic, V. « Peace on whose terms ? War Veterans¿ Association in Bosnia and Hercegovina ». 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4232.

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no
The 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH) was the most violent phase of the dissolution of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), of which, for almost 50 years, BiH was one of six constituent republics. In the course of the war BiH¿s three main ethic groups- - Muslims, Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs, with active involvement of neighbouring Croatia and Serbia, fought each other in pursuit of its own vision of BiH political and territorial (re) organization. The causes and the character of the war remain contentious, the main disagreement being over the issue of whether it was a war of aggression by BiH¿s neighbours or a civil war. Essentially, it contained the elements of both, which determined the way the war was fought, the multiplicity of actors involved, and complexity of agendas played out in the course of the conflict, its settlement and peace building process. The fighting was brought to end by an intense international military and diplomatic campaign, which pushed the worrying parties into compromise none of which considered just. The task of implementing complex terms of the peace agreement was put overwhelmingly in the hands of international actors, while local parties pursued the strategy of obstruction, trying to assert their own interpretation of the peace agreement that would accommodate some of their war aims.This paper looks at war veterans associations, as one particular type of non- state actors engaged in undermining peace settlement in the specific context of BiH war. Because of their position on the continuum between combatants and outside actor, and the nature of relationship with the political leadership negotiating the peace agreement, this case could provide different insights into the issue of spoiling in the types of contemporary conflicts characterised by multiplicity of both actors and agendas, and complex strategies needed to pacify them. The paper starts by brief analysis of the political and economic goals behind the 1992-1995 war, narrowing inquiry into Bosnian Croats self- rule as a political project and goal of the strategy of spoiling pursued by Bosnian Croat war veterans associations. It then reflects on the terms of the peace agreement, indicating some of the main areas the implementation of which was actively obstructed by this group. The analysis of the war veterans association deals with their origins and the position in the Bosnian Croat post- war power structures, the sources of their funding and their official and hidden agenda. The probe into spoiling tactics focuses on three important aspects of the peace agreement i.e. refugee return, war crimes prosecution and institution building, and is followed by a brief analysis on the impact of various strategies the international community as a custodian of peace has used to sustain its implementation.

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ŠELO, ŠABIC Senada. « State building under foreign supervision : Bosnia-Herzegovina 1996-2003 ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5383.

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Defence date: 27 October 2003
Examining board: Prof. Damir Grubiša (University of Zagreb) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (EUI - Supervisor) ; Prof. Susan Woodward (City University of New York) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Žaba, Jakub. « Válka a nacionalismus. Formování bosňácké a srbské národní identity ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404674.

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The thesis analyzes formation of Muslim nationalism identity during the 20th century and then its radical discursive transformation in the context of the Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995 and the conflicting struggle with neighboring Serbian nationalism. Internal redefinition of the Muslim/Bosniak national identity is examined in the context of a number of structural, institutional and discursive continuities and discontinuities, as both a contingent and determined event at the same time. As a result of these heterogeneous processes, the current Bosniak national identity is mainly homogenized around the symbols of Islam and the national myth of eternal suffering of Bosniaks and the age-long genocidal endeavor of Non-Bosniaks that resulted in the "Serbian genocide/Holocaust" over Bosniaks between 1992 and 1995. Key words War, nationalism, national identity, ethnic conflict, nation-building, Bosniak nationalism, Muslim nationalism, Serbian nationalismm, Islam, genocide, Holocaust, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian war

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Dutton, Laura A. « Evaluating the criteria for successful elections in post-conflict countries : a case study including Iraq, Sierra Leone, and Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5281.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Previous research on post-conflict elections has found several criteria important in determining if an area is ready to hold elections and whether or not it is likely to succeed. Although rarely ranked in any determination of importance, several concepts are present in most post-conflict election research. Additionally, there is not an agreed set of standard criteria upon which success can be assumed. When researching the post-conflict election literature two questions arise: (1) is there a set of criteria established to determine if an area is ready to conduct post-conflict elections, and (2) do all criteria need to be present in order to ensure successful post-conflict elections? Most research agrees on common criteria but highlights or researches one dominant criterion, to which is then often attributed to the success of an election. This is found in Krishna Kumar’s focus on international assistance (Kumar, 1998), Staffan Lindberg’s attribution of success to repetition of the election process (Lindberg, 2006), Paul Collier’s focus on per capita income (Collier, 2009), and Marie-Soleil Frere’s research on post-conflict elections and the media (Frere, 2011). When reviewing multiple research sources, it is likely several factors at various times and in various elections will be credited with being the single source criterion for success. This kind of past research is well supported and conclusively argued, but still fails to provide a scope of understanding outside of a single event. In other words, it is case specific and not comparatively applicable across cases. Although this thesis does not intend to “McDonaldize” (Ritzer, 2009) the process of democratization, it does propose to define a common set of criteria necessary, even if in varying degrees, to conduct successful elections in post-conflict environments.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Peace-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina »

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