Thèses sur le sujet « Partis de droite – France – 20e siècle »
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Colas, Jean-François. « Les droites nationales en Lorraine dans les années 1930 : acteurs, organisations, réseaux ». Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100151.
Texte intégralIn Lorraine, in the 1930's, right-wing political parties did not manage to organize themselves durably and thoroughly but they were represented by numerous elected members, who resisted the push of left-wing parties, notably in 1932 and 1936. The republican Federation did not succeed in giving a concrete expression to its project to set up a solid organization. The « national » then got organized in punctual groupings from 1934 onward in several cities. The activits militated in Action française or in the patriotic Youths at the beginning of the 1930's. After february 6, 1934, Francisme, the Solidarité française, chiefly in the Moselle, and above all the Croix de feu expended unquestionably. Farmers also got organized, even if countrysides remained quiet altogether. Leagues' activists adhered to the parties which succeeded in the dissolved leagues in 1936. However, the P. S. F. Was the only party which evolved into a large scale party. Militants also took part in local assemblies in order to fight communism : the Front lorrain and the R. N. L. . Local leaders from the Croix de feu and later the P. S. F. Were related to other « national » organizations. Their background was similar : they were right-wing men, war veterans, reserve officers and Catholics. But they eventually obeyed La Rocque when he enjoined them to become independant. The P. S. F was then exposed to the hostility of other political groups from 1937 onward. The Croix de feu and the P. S. F. Could rely on the support of local newspapers, elected representatives, manufacturers and Catholics'spokesmen. However, notables reluctantly accepted La Rocque's electoral strategy. Lorraine political life evolved toward radicalisation and bipolarisation. Several MPs were related to leagues. They were connected to conservative Catholics, as were the leagues. They fought the same opponents : freemassons and left-wing parties. Anticommunism federated the « national », including certain activits opposed to the republican system. Representatives and notables of the republican Federation, implacable opponents to Front populaire, mixed with these militants. Xenophobe ideas spred, partly inspired by anti-german feelings. Never the less, other MPs remained moderate and the P. S. F ; appears as a centrist party. The « spirit of Lorraine » explains both anticommunism and national' mistrust of Germany, even if many accepted the Munich agreeement
Thomas, Jean-Paul. « Droite et rassemblement du PSF au RPF, 1936-1953 : hommes, réseaux, cultures : rupture et continuité d'une histoire politique ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0009.
Texte intégralGoure, Jean-Paul. « Les droites dans l'agglomération stéphanoise de 1851 à 1958 ». Saint-Etienne, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002STET2091.
Texte intégralA town infamous for its filth, stench and ugliness. A black town. A town of prostitution, squalor and alcoholism. A town voting the "wrong" way, torn apart by strikes. A town which murders a prefect. A dangerous town. A revolutionary town. A red town. So many assertions which need to be demystified, especially in political terms. Saint-Etienne seldom votes for extremes or for the worst possible line offered by politicians wishing to achieve their own ends. Nor has it been drawn to politicians who are headstrong in following unworkable policies in spite of all the evidence. Passionate outbursts against freemasons and Jews are the acts of e few desperate youths. Social marginalisation and racism do not form part of the cultural identity of the town. The extrême right has never played a major role here. Whenever the Republic has been threatened by uncompromising right-wing hard-liners, the inhabitants of Saint-Etienne have voted massively for the Left. Saint-Etienne is not a revolutionary town but a republican town. It was never sensitive to the siren calls of the Great Man, of the Saviour. It agreed to General de Gaulle's return to power because he embodied a path between a discredited Parisian political class, vainly casting about to support the status quo, and seditious movements in Algeria threatening the Republic. Neither is Saint-Etienne a town which ever was tempted by the dreams of communism. Over time the votes cast in Saint-Etienne reflect those in the rest of France, even though there might have sometimes been some discrepancy between the regional vote and national vote, as was the case for instance in 1936. In fact, the voters of Saint-Etienne, to some degree, have rejected the political game : whatever the election abstention is high. The favoured candidates are elected because they are perceived as particularly human or as being "men in the street" rather than because they belong to a particular party, as was the case for A. Pinay or A. De Fraissinette. The paradox of a working class town voting for the Right is only superficial. The inhabitants of Saint-Etienne are above all moderates who refuse illusions
Freysselinard, Éric. « Louis Marin (1871-1960), itinéraire, place et rôle d'un dirigeant des droites françaises du premier vingtième siècle ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL040.pdf.
Texte intégralLouis Marin, proud of his Lorraine origins, was an ethnologist and an advocate for minority groups. He had a successful academic career before his election at the Moral and Political Sciences Academy in 1944. He was a member of Parliament representing Nancy for 46 years, President of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle for 22 years, appointed Minister eight times, and he became President of the Republican Federation right-wing party in 1925. Marin was an enemy of Germany, opponent of the left-wing parties and masonic leagues, Catholic, a conservative in favour of reforms, and friend of François de Wendel. He managed to transform his party into an effective weapon against the “Cartel of the Left”. His intransigence against Germany led him to be isolated and lose support from other politicians, including Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis and Jean Ybarnégaray. In 1940, as his comrades such as Xavier Vallat and Philippe Henriot joined the Vichy government, he was one of the only right-wing members of Parliament to resist the German occupation. His ideological steadfastness and opposition to new political figures (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle), led him to withdraw from public life several years after the war and focus on his private life with his wife Fernande, who would dedicate her last twenty years to honoring his memory. This thesis depicts a man steeped in contradictions and flaws; having a bastard father, losing his mother because of the Germans and marrying his wife late in life without ever having children. It also analyses the difficulties of the right-wing parties to create unity, as a result of ideological issues as well as those of ego. Marin indeed saved the honour of the French right-wing in 1940, but failed to become a true leader
Gratien, Jean-Pierre. « Marius Moutet, de la question coloniale à la construction européenne : 1914-1962 ». Paris 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA010570.
Texte intégralBoisard, Stéphane. « L'émergence d'une nouvelle droite : monétarisme, conservatisme et autoritarisme au Chili (1955-1983) ». Toulouse 2, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001TOU20054.
Texte intégralThis thesis studies the emergence during the 1950 and 1960 decades of a New Right in Chile, its political nature and its ideological orientations. Originating at the Catholic University of Santiago, the New Right is then composed of two distincts groups : one is a young team of neoliberals economists trained at the University of Chicago and known as the "Chicago Boys" and the other is a conservative student movement influenced by Catholic fundamentalists, the Gremail Movement led by Jaime Guzmán. Three main structuring events punctuate the convergent evolution of those two groups that led to the creation of a political party in 1983, the "Independant Democratic Union". Within a background of total decay of the traditional right wing parties, the first event is the student rebellion at at the Catholic University in July 1967. As a reaction of defence of their social class, the two groups, opposed to the reformist students, meet for the first. Second, the democratic election of Salavador Allende in September 1970, the socialist candidate to the Presidency, sees the creation of the New Right and its involvement in the political fight. The New Right, part of the powerfull newspaper El Mercurio, actively participates in the October 1972 strike, prepares an alternative economic program and is in contact with the seditious Generals. Last, the military coup of September 11 1973 gives the New Right access to power. From 1975 onwards, while the "Chicago Boys" take charge of the different economic ministries, Jaime Guzmán imposes himself as the main ideologue of the regime and plays a very important part in the writing of the 1981 Constitution. On a ideological point of view, the New Right comes to maturity at the beginning of the 1980's with the creation of reviews such as Realidad and Estudios Publicos, which celebrate the reconciliation of neoliberalism and fundamental catholicism. The New Right and the General Pinochet dictatorship are envisioned in a dialectic relationship : one could not have existed and stay in power without the other. The systematic violation of Human Rights is the moral price that the New Right accepted to pay in order to perpetrate its ideology
Botopoulos, Costas. « Les socialistes à l'épreuve du pouvoir : France, Grèce, Espagne dans les années quatre-vingt : idées et pratiques constitutionnelles ». Paris 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA010279.
Texte intégralThe three socialist parties of France, Greece and Spain arrived in power having declared their intention to change profoundly the political system in their countries. The experience of power proved that it was the parties themselves, their political role and the way they function, which were to be transformed ; the socialist governments accepted the political institutions they inherited and did not even try to impose w new constitutionnal logic
Secondy, Philippe. « La droite extrême dans l'Hérault : 1890-1944 : sociologie historique d'une configuration politique ». Montpellier 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001MON10012.
Texte intégralLecoeur, Erwan. « Le Front national : sens et symboles. La construction d'un repli identitaire "ethnico-religieux" dans la France de la fin du XXe siècle ». Tours, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002TOUR2023.
Texte intégralPérissol, Guillaume. « Le droit chemin. Jeunes délinquants en France et aux États-Unis au milieu du XXe siècle ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL055.
Texte intégralThe quality of mercy is not strain'd, It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven.” This Shakespeare quote was still used in the 1950s as the motto of the Boston Juvenile Court. It tended to replace the traditional repressive function of the law by an ideological function expressed by love. The American juvenile court model, highly imbued with the ideal of compassion and rehabilitation, had had a worldwide success since 1899, when the first juvenile court was created in Chicago. What lies behind the progressivism of the juvenile courts and the “judicial neohumanism” praised by Judge Jean Chazal after the 1945 law which heralded the veritable birth of juvenile courts in France? What signification can we give to the very rapid success of juvenile courts in the United States, Europe and throughout the world?The comparison between two interconnected Western countries can help answer these questions, while filling a historiographical gap, in order to better understand the juvenile justice system and the phenomenon of juvenile delinquency. The post-WW2 period is most pertinent for analysis, as acute questions concerning authority and education were being raised amid international delinquency panics. The study takes place in an innovative and interdisciplinary field, where youth history intersects with the history of justice and control. It is qualitative and quantitative, and is based on new archival material, such as the case files of the Boston Juvenile Court and the Seine Juvenile Court in Paris
Périssol, Guillaume. « Le droit chemin. Jeunes délinquants en France et aux États-Unis au milieu du XXe siècle ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL055.
Texte intégralThe quality of mercy is not strain'd, It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven.” This Shakespeare quote was still used in the 1950s as the motto of the Boston Juvenile Court. It tended to replace the traditional repressive function of the law by an ideological function expressed by love. The American juvenile court model, highly imbued with the ideal of compassion and rehabilitation, had had a worldwide success since 1899, when the first juvenile court was created in Chicago. What lies behind the progressivism of the juvenile courts and the “judicial neohumanism” praised by Judge Jean Chazal after the 1945 law which heralded the veritable birth of juvenile courts in France? What signification can we give to the very rapid success of juvenile courts in the United States, Europe and throughout the world?The comparison between two interconnected Western countries can help answer these questions, while filling a historiographical gap, in order to better understand the juvenile justice system and the phenomenon of juvenile delinquency. The post-WW2 period is most pertinent for analysis, as acute questions concerning authority and education were being raised amid international delinquency panics. The study takes place in an innovative and interdisciplinary field, where youth history intersects with the history of justice and control. It is qualitative and quantitative, and is based on new archival material, such as the case files of the Boston Juvenile Court and the Seine Juvenile Court in Paris
Fondraz, Ludovic. « Les groupes parlementaires au sénat sous la cinquième République ». Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010288.
Texte intégralNowadays, political groups occupy an essential part in our parliamentary institutions, but their own existence was contested for a long time because they were considered contradictory with the representative system which does not admit any division in the representation. After a slow evolution, the groups established their places in our parliamentary system, and besides their reglementary recognition, they accede, in 1958, to the constitutional consecration, even if it's only implicit. However, one only needs to look at the disposition of the rows in the two assemblies to notice that, if there are some similarities between the groups in the two chambers of the parliament, there are also many differences. The appearance of the majority logic in the senate's debates, at the beginning of the 1980s, oblige the high assembly to reconcile its usual policy of saving the independence of the parliamentary mandate with the practical requirements of the efficiency, given by political groups. To attain this collective efficiency, the centre groups have been forced to convert themselves to the principle of voting discipline, best garantee of the political unity of the groups. The majority logic produce a real socialisation of the senatorial life and the inevitable confrontations of the different political groups in the assembly. This conception of the organisation of the parliamentary works can be seen essentially by the omnipresence of the groups within the senate's regulation. First of all, political groups are present on the legislative level. They follow the project or the law proposition from its deposit until its eventual presentation to the constitutional council, and propose some modifications that they judge useful, using mainly the right of amendment. They also participate in controlling the government, which means now a large part of France's European policy
Desbuissons, Ghislaine. « Itinéraire d'un intellectuel fasciste : Maurice Bardèche ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991IEPP0006.
Texte intégralPrigent, François. « Les réseaux socialistes en Bretagne des années 1930 aux années 1980 ». Thesis, Rennes 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN20040.
Texte intégralSocialism in Brittany from 1930 to 1980 originates from the implementation of the networks and activities which are at the basis of socialism (SFIO, PSU, PS) and which revealed fractures/continuities in activist generations. The political opening in the 1930s, intensified by the strengthening of elected representatives’ networks in 1945, is different from the changes which took place in the 1960s-1970s and which lead to the emergence of the new socialist party in the context of profound changes in local society. The development of socialist networks in the 1980s is the starting point of the partisan system dominance from 2004 onwards. From sheets to files, the prosopography presents an analysis of courses, networks and identities and emphasises a characteristic of the Breton socialism, similar to an elected representatives’ social democracy.Interlinked activist networks are becoming part of plural socialist environments composed of independent subgroups. The centrality of secular identity is countered by the emergence of Christian networks. The privileged links with labour unions change according to periods, but remain consistent with the shifts in social movements. The rural block explains the frailty of the activist network in the country side, before the emergence of rural networks and progressive labour unions irrigating the activist environment. This study is in line with the views and practices of a global history, from a multiple approach: a history seen from below, a social and cultural history of politics, a history through networks, a regional political history and alocal history of socialism, a history of the elected representatives
Studnicki, Mickaël. « Droites nationales, genre et homosexualités en France. Des années 1870 aux années 2010 ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL124.
Texte intégralThe thesis offers a renewed political history of the French national far right-wings through the study of its main leagues (Action Française, Croix-de-Feu, Ligue des Patriotes), its political movements (National Front), newspapers and major thinkers. It will study the continuities, transformations and breakings of this political trend while analyzing the genesis, changes and evolutions of its speech about homosexuality on a long time basis: from the beginnings of the Third Republic which match to the outbreak of the “homosexual” category and to the birth of the first national movements, until the early 2010s with the public debates about the Same Sex Marriage and the “gender theory”
Vodovar, Christine. « Le PSI, la SFIO et l'évolution des systèmes politiques italien et français de 1943 à 1956 ». Paris 10, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA100002.
Texte intégralLaunay, Maxime. « Une armée nouvelle ? La gauche et l’armée française (1968-1985). Antimilitarisme, libertés publiques, défense nationale ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL067.
Texte intégralHow was the relationship between the left-wing and the army, long antagonistic or at the least incompatible, able to evolve between 1968 and 1985 to the point of becoming institutionalised and contributing to a consensus on national defence? Three central notions form the main: the first relating to the rejection of the role assigned to the military institution (anti-militarism), the second to the place foreseen for the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the State for the members of the military (civil liberties), and the last dedicated to the principles of a military policy in the name of the interests of France (national defence). The army, broken after the Algerian war, then caught up in the protests of the "1968s", went through an new crisis in the mid-1970s. However, neither the army nor the left-wing were monolithic blocks: multiple actors, depending on the balance of power, contributed to cross-aggiornamenti. While the socialist government rallied in favour of nuclear deterrence, came to power, and came to terms with the institutions of the Fifth Republic, the military rethought its role in society, reviewed its relationship with discipline, and accepted the arrival of the left-wing in power with loyalty, despite initial mistrust. If the time was ripe for continuity in 1981, this encounter led to a de-ideologisation and a lasting de-politicisation of military and defence issues in public debate. Based on a body of military and police archives, governmental and parliamentary institutions, left-wing organisations, and oral interviews, this thesis intends to show that the history of the French left-wing is inseparable from that of the army
Martel, Jean-Philippe. « Les mauvais genres de la droite pessimisme historique, hybridité générique et surenchère négative chez Paul Morand et Louis-Ferdinand Céline ». Thèse, Université de Sherbrooke, 2009. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/2811.
Texte intégralTracol, Matthieu. « La rigueur et les réformes : histoire des politiques du travail et de l'emploi du gouvernement Mauroy (1981-1984) ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010700.
Texte intégralThe Mauroy government is usually associated with the 1983 “austerity turn”. It is commonly agreed after the eurphoria following their electoral victory, the socialist power suddendly adopted economic austerity. The study of labour and employment policies can undermine this idea in two ways. Firstly, the political changeover allowed modernist high-ranking civil servants to reach key decision-making positions in social policies. They were under the influence of Jacques Delors and of the CFDT union, who both strongly supported collective bargaining. Already in 1981, sicoial reforms were initiated in an atmosphere of rigour, in ordre not to cause irrerversible economic and budgetary slippage. The reduction of working time, developed within the StatePlanning Commision was realized by focusing on decentralized social negotiation and wage moderation. The lowering of the retirement age to 60 years was initially associated with the increase of the contribution period. The Auroux labour laws did not put into question the power of entrepreneurs. Secondly, the inflection point of the Mauroy government policy is actually not to be found in 1983, but in the first half of 1982. After project of the 35 hour working week was scrapped, the fighting against unemployment was no longer a primary objective for the gouvernment. It was then in a dead end with no major reform to achieve. Its agenda was indeed dominated by financial problems (the UNEDIC deficit, which led to a dramatic reduction of unemployment benefits, and retirement fundings), but that does not mean that there was a widespread conversion of socialiste lite to neoliberalism at the time
Dewaele, Hélène. « Les relations entre droites autoritaires françaises et espagnoles de 1931 à 1940 ». Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0109.
Texte intégralVallat, Manuela. « Le droit russe d'après la doctrine juridique française de 1905 à nos jours ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PEST0075.
Texte intégralMorel, Ludovic. « Thierry Maulnier : de la Jeune Droite révolutionnaire à l'ordre établi ? » Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LORR0301.
Texte intégralFrom the Action Française Movement, which he joins in the late 20's, to the AcadémieFrançaise, who elect him to a seat with them, and so consecrate his much honored literary career, Thierry Maulnier seems to have navigated between two extreme goals ; namely, promoting an "aristocratic revolution", siding with a "Young Right Movement" inspired by Maurras, and, later on, achieving some intellectual status within the Establishment. Then there comes the year of "Liberation" (of France from the nazi grip), when he is said to have joined in the System, thus betraying his former friends ; however, this well-spread interpretation is as faulty as the label "dissident from the Action Française", that has stuck to him to this day. In the 1930's, Thierry Maulnier explores the economic and social fields to situate himself and to find an alternative for the liberal/capitalistic democracy he cannot stand. The years of Vichy Government, and the German ocupation of France,brought a deep change in his vision of the world, a change that took him away from Maurras ; from then on, he continues his lonely course, far from the Young Right members, though he may meet some of their names in the reviews in which he is a contributor ; he gets involved in other forms of artistic and intellectual expression, such as drama ; yet, he will never reject or denounce his past. In spite of some genuine changes in his political postures, this singular intellectual route displays many persistent ideas, recognizable in his fights against communism, totalitarianism, decolonizing, in his defense of Western civilization that is sinking, according to him. Maulnier's six decades of intellectual life are like a window open on the XXth century history, and on the political trends he is acquainted with
Siloret, Martin. « La structuration partisane de l'écologie politique : une comparaison Bretagne-Pays de Galles (1974-1995) ». Thesis, Rennes 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017REN20038/document.
Texte intégralThis thesis analyses the structuring of green political parties from a comparative perspective and at a regional (sub-national) scale, from 1974 to 1995. We study five dimensions of this process: organisational structuring, evolution of cleavages with other political parties, electoral and strategic evolutions, careers of activists, and media coverage (including a study of green media). Our research highlights several processes taking place at regional and local levels which have a decisive influence on the national scale (e. g. the crucial part played by regional federations in the unification of LesVerts in 1984 and early strategic evolutions at a local level) as well as the regional impact of dynamics developing at the European level, above all after the formation of a Green group in the European Parliament in 1984. In both regions, the Green parties are shaped first of all by the cleavages opposing (or relating) them to other parties and by the careers of their activists, two factors from which also stem serious internal conflicts. In Brittany, the impact of May 1968 followed by a successful movement against nuclear power have contributed to the transformation of the green movement into apolitical force but Les Verts have then remained very fragile as an organisation, despite significant electoral gains from 1989 onwards. In Wales, the green movement as a specific force is weakened by the strength of the regionalist movement, the opposition to nuclear weapons from many Labour Party activists and the fact that many Green Party activists in Wales are newcomers from England. The Wales Green Party thus obtains low electoral results but nevertheless succeeds in making its campaigns and activism durable
Lanno, Régis. « Une sociologie de la littérature appliquée aux oeuvres : Maurice Blanchot, de l'entre-deux-guerres à la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG031.
Texte intégralThe aim of this work is to define the conditions of possibility of a sociological approach applied to literary works. That approach is illustrated by the analysis of political and literary articles, and novels of the writer Maurice Blanchot, from the inter-war period to the end of the Second World War. We define sociology of literary works as an approach that must be able to produce knowledge about both content and style. We postulate that the theoretical framework of interpretive sociology is the most likely to answer the epistemological and methodological obstacles of such a perspective. We try to evidence that the understanding of the literary works and the literary practice of Blanchot can be achieved by the reconstruction of his socialization experiences: his family history, his relation to his body, to illness and to love. We also postulate that his political commitment at the far right and his radical view of literary practice are based on the same existential unease