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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Panmunjom »

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Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 25 juillet 2024

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1

Kartini, Indriana. « Deklarasi Panmunjom dan Prospek Perdamaian Korea di Era Moon Jae-In dan Kim Jong-Un ». Jurnal Penelitian Politik 15, no 1 (21 septembre 2018) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jpp.v15i1.752.

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Abstrak Deklarasi Panmunjom yang ditandatangani oleh dua pemimpin Korea, Moon Jae-in dari Korea Selatan dan Kim Jong-un dari Korea Utara menandai era baru dalam perdamaian di Semenanjung Korea. Meskipun sikap skeptis akan implikasi positif bermunculan baik di dalam negeri maupun dunia internasional, namun komitmen dua negara Korea untuk mengakhiri perang patut diapresiasi oleh komunitas internasional. Tulisan ini menganalisis bagaimana Deklarasi Panmunjom berpengaruh terhadap keamanan regional dan internasional serta bagaimana prospek perdamaian dan unifikasi Korea pasca perjanjan Panmunjom. Berdasarkan analisis melalui pendekatan kualitatif, dapat disimpulkan bahwa meskipun terdapat beberapa persamaan antara Pertemuan Tingkat Tinggi Panmunjom dengan Pertemuan Tingkat Tinggi sebelumnya di tahun 2000 dan 2007, namun yang perlu digarisbawahi adalah kenyataan bahwa kedua negara Korea masih memiliki keinginan untuk menciptakan rezim perdamaian. Meskipun dalam mewujudkan hal tersebut masih diperlukan keterlibatan dua negara sekutu masing-masing negara Korea, yakni AS dan Cina. Kata Kunci : Deklarasi Panmunjom, perdamaian Korea, Korea Selatan, Korea Utara, Moon Jae-in, Kim Jog-un
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Yang, Joon-seok. « Panmunjom as an Escape Route to Freedom during the Cold War : Examining the Cases of Exile from the Communist Camp in the 1980s ». Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 44, no 2 (28 février 2023) : 5–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.5.

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This study analyzes the process and significance of the Czechoslovakian Orszag exile case (1981), the Soviet Union Matuzok exile case (1984), and the Zuo Shiokai exile case (1989) that took place at Panmunjom in the 1980s. As a characteristic shared by the three exile cases, first, the three people from communist countries attempted to escape the communist camp through the experience of détente and free will despite the intensification of the second cold war and chose Panmunjom as the escape route to the United States, their final destination. Second, following the unprecedented escape from the communist camp, an international mechanism for the transfer of refugees was was established through an initial issue that connected the Republic of Korea, the United States, and the United Nations. Third, despite the intense fighting in Panmunjom, the global shifts brought about by the collapse of the bipolar Cold War system, hosting of the Seoul Olympics, and the continuation of inter-Korean dialogue for humanitarian projects and economic exchanges prevented the exile cases from escalating into a serious confrontation. During the Cold War, Panmunjom served as both a place for dialogue and an exit to freedom.
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Buss, Claude A., et Paik Sun Yup. « From Pusan to Panmunjom. » Pacific Affairs 66, no 2 (1993) : 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759390.

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Lim, Sung Taek. « Legislation and Institutional Task According to the Panmunjom Declaration ». Unification and North Korean Law Studies, no 20 (30 décembre 2018) : 19–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31999/sonkl.2018.20.19.

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Yang, Cheol-Ho, et Yun-Young Kim. « Consideration of Measures to Prevent Recurrence of Forcible Repatriation of North Korean Defectors ». Korean Society of Private Security 21, no 5 (30 décembre 2022) : 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.56603/jksps.2022.21.5.85.

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Forced repatriation of North Korean defectors has been and continues to be done mainly by the Chinese government. After the South Korean government rescued the fishermen who were drifting at sea, if they hoped to return to North Korea, they were repatriated through Panmunjom. However, in November 2019, two North Korean defectors announced their intention to defect to the South Korean government, but on November 7, due to their crime and intention to defect, they tied them with a rope and put an eye patch on them and transported them to Panmunjom. There was an unprecedented case that removed the. At that time, the government insisted on the legitimacy of forced repatriation, but domestic and international human rights groups and international organizations condemned it as a violation of domestic and international laws and demanded countermeasures. The common view of the majority of legal experts is that the case is a violation of domestic and international law. With this in mind, this article analyzed the actual situation of North Korean defectors' forced repatriation to North Korea and, as countermeasures, specifically suggested a change in the public's awareness of North Korean defectors, formation of public opinion on the status of North Korean defectors as 'refugee sur place', legal measures, and provision of institutional arrangements. This study can be used as evidence to prevent the forced repatriation and repatriation of North Korean defectors.
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Cho, Bae-Joon. « Panmunjom Regime : a Global Historical Exploration for Peace as Social Solidarity ». S/N Korean Humanities 1, no 2 (16 septembre 2015) : 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17783/ihu.2015.1.2.129.

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Clemens, Walter. « GRIT at Panmunjom ? How to Cope with Conflict in Northeast Asia ». Korean Journal of International Studies 12, no 2 (31 décembre 2014) : 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjis.2014.12.12.2.305.

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8

Grasso, June, et Hua Qingzhao. « From Yalta to Panmunjom : Truman's Diplomacy and the Four Powers, 1945-1953. » American Historical Review 100, no 2 (avril 1995) : 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169200.

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Kim, Bogook. « A Study on the 8.18 Panmunjom Incident : Focusing on Hungarian Diplomatic Documents ». Journal of Asiatic Studies 65, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31930/jas.2022.03.65.1.153.

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Kim, Bogook. « Panmunjom Incident of 1976, Was It a Planned Provocation or Accidental Incident ? » Study of Humanities 35 (30 juin 2021) : 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31323/sh.2021.06.35.09.

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박정민. « Parliamentary Ratification of the Panmunjom Declaration and the Development of Inter-Korean Relations ». Review of North Korean Studies 21, no 3 (décembre 2018) : 126–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17321/rnks.2018.21.3.004.

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12

Mudji, Dewi Astuti, Tino Rila Sebayang et Fathira Iftihani Noor. « Motif Perilaku Korea Utara Mengingkari Deklarasi Panmunjom Ditinjau dari Regional Security Complex Theory ». JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL 7, no 2 (14 février 2022) : 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52447/polinter.v7i2.5480.

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This paper aims to find out the reasons for North Korea's behavioral motives for rejecting the Panmunjom Declaration. The Korean peninsula returned to a tense situation after North Korea violated several value agreements that threatened South Korea and regional security stability by continuing to test its nuclear weapons and blow up its liaison office in retaliation for South Korea's failure to prevent anti-North deployments. Korean propaganda from defector groups at the border. By using descriptive analytical research method with a qualitative approach, this paper uses primary and secondary data obtained from books, journals, articles, and official government and non-government documents. In addition, this paper uses the Regional Security Complex Theory, the concept of the National Interest, the theory of rationality in policy making. The results of this paper indicate that the motive for North Korea's behavior is to maintain the security of its country from threats from the United States and other countries and so that its country is considered a nuclear country whose position is equal to other countries and demands the lifting of the sanctions embargo. Moreover, the current state of tension is being used by North Korea to increase its influence in the dialogue
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13

Choe, SeoJi. « The Legal Nature of the “Panmunjom Declaration” Examined through the Transformation of the Paradigm ». Inha Law Review : The Institute of Legal Studies Inha University 22, no 1 (31 mars 2019) : 599–640. http://dx.doi.org/10.22789/ihlr.2019.03.22.1.599.

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14

Cohen, Warren I. « From Yalta to Panmunjom : Truman's Diplomacy and the Four Powers, 1945-1953.Hua Qingzhao ». Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs 33 (janvier 1995) : 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950114.

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15

Yang Hae Soo. « The Results and Assignments of the Third Inter-Korean Summit : Focusing on '4.27 Panmunjom Declaration' ». Journal of Social Science 21, no 2 (novembre 2018) : 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31625/issdoi.2018.21.2.1.

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Olsen, Edward A. « From Pusan To Panmunjom. By GeneralPaik Sun Yup. Washington, D.C. : Brassey's (U.S.), Inc., 1992. $24.95. » Journal of Asian Studies 52, no 3 (août 1993) : 738–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058896.

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17

Barnett, Robert. « From Yalta to Panmunjom : Truman's Diplomacy and the Four Powers, 1945-1953 (review) ». China Review International 1, no 2 (1994) : 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.1994.0022.

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Badruzaman, Idham. « ASEAN Way in Korean Peninsula Peacebuilding ». Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) 2, no 1 (26 juillet 2020) : 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.34.

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As stated by Johan Galtung, one fundamental principle in establishing peace is to involve the conflicting parties into a constructive dialogue. By this principle, ASEAN avoids isolative approach by welcoming Pyongyang in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 2000 and cultivating a trustworthy relationship afterwards. Driven by ASEAN Fundamental Principle in The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) 1976, ARF appeared to be effective to maintain North Korea in negotiating table, as it also remains to be the only multilateral framework North Korea is in. This ASEAN soft diplomacy in peacebuilding also gains the positive support by Seoul as the engagement with ASEAN through its new southern policy intensifies. With ASEAN contribution as neighboring regional organization, many progresses of peacebuilding, such as Panmunjom Agreement, could be achieved. This paper analyses the role of ASEAN through its way of peacebuilding and soft diplomacy in mediating two Koreas and to help in maintaining peace in the region. This paper argues that ASEAN’s impartiality and traditional friendship among ASEAN members and two Koreas are the keys of ASEAN role in this regard.
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19

Lee, Dongmi. « A Study on the Storytelling and its Application : Focusing on the Panmunjom and the surrounding DMZ ». Journal of Region & ; Culture 6, no 4 (31 décembre 2019) : 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26654/iagc.2019.6.4.023.

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Kiho-Noh. « A Study on Legal Characteristics and Effectiveness of Panmunjom Declaration by the South and North Korea Summit ». Journal of Law and Politics research 18, no 2 (juin 2018) : 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17926/kaolp.2018.18.2.333.

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21

Chae, Suk Jin. « From Cruel Enemy to Intimate Family : The 2018 Panmunjom Inter-Korean Summit as a Global Media Event ». Media & ; Society 29, no 2 (31 mai 2021) : 166–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.52874/medsoc.2021.05.29.2.166.

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22

Yoon, Sung-Min. « Analysis on the Panmunjom Declaration and the US-North Korea Summit and Korean Churches’ Specific Action Plan ». Theology and Praxis 63 (28 février 2019) : 711–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14387/jkspth.2019.63.711.

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23

Onuh, (PhD), Samuel. « Effectiveness of Communication as A Tool for Improving the Relationship Between North Korea And South Korea ». International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 10, no 09 (22 septembre 2023) : 8016–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v10i09.02.

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The Korean war has lasted more than 70 years, and it is one of the longest conflicts in human history. One of the implications of the war has been that no line of communication existed between the North and the South despite the heightened tension. The data for this study were collected from secondary sources such as textbooks, Journal articles and internet sources while content analysis was used to analyse the data collected. This study revealed that after the former Soviet army cut off the phone connection between Seoul and Haeju shortly after liberation on August 26, 1945, the first hotline between the two Koreas was not set up at Panmunjom until September 22, 1971. There have been 50 active lines since 1971, including a hotline for leaders of the two Koreas as well as channels for military and intelligence cooperation. But all communication between the North Korean military and the United Nations Command (UNC) was kept going until North Korea abruptly shut off all contact with the South. Lastly, this study recommends among other things that increase inter-Korean contact, will enable exchanges and collaboration, including inter-Korean official discussions, and support the development of humanitarian aid.
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Chong, Key Ray, et Qingzhao Hua. « From Yalta to Panmunjom : The United States and China, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom, (1945-1953). » Journal of American History 81, no 2 (septembre 1994) : 791. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081376.

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Song, Byeong-Sam. « Experience of division status and Futuristic fantasy as the overcoming of it —Re-reading Lee Ho-chul's “Panmunjom” ». JOURNAL OF MODERN LITERARY THEORY 76 (31 mars 2019) : 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22273/smlt.76.5.

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Chung, Sung-Yoon. « A Study of the U.S. Success to Coerce through Military Power : Case of the Axe Murder Incident in Panmunjom ». Journal of International Politics 19, no 2 (31 octobre 2014) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18031/jip.2014.10.19.2.5.

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김학재. « The origin and changes of the Panmunjom Regime : an institutional analysis of a precarious peace in the Korean Peninsula ». Economy and Society ll, no 119 (septembre 2018) : 130–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18207/criso.2018..119.130.

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Kwon, Ji-Min, et Seong-Ho Park. « Republic of Korea and DPRK’s Identities on Panmunjom in Comparative Perspective : A Difference in Perceptions of the Korean War ». Korean Journal of Political Science 29, no 2 (31 mai 2021) : 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.34221/kjps.2021.29.2.9.

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Kwon, Gi Won. « The Progress of the inter-Korean parliamentary talks and the Panmunjom Declaration : Focusing on the National Assembly's role in the declaration ». Journal of Parliamentary Research 15, no 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 25–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2020.2.2.

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Lee, Mi-Jung. « A study on the change of DMZ discourse for the transition from ’division’ to’ peace - Focusing on the relationship between Panmunjeom and Panmunjeom2- ». Studies of Korean Literature 68 (31 octobre 2020) : 539–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20864/skl.2020.10.68.539.

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Chuprii, Leonid, et Kan Den Sik. « Features of Solving Regional Conflicts in the Context of Current Challenges : Experience of Ukraine, Syria and Countries of the Korean Peninsula ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XIX (2018) : 671–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-41.

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Today the global community more often faces new, unconventional forms of war and conflicts, which have become an integral part of international relations of the present time. In many parts of the world, the intergovernmental rivalry increases on regional and local levels, which predetermines the threat of emerging of a significant amount of violent conflicts, majority of which escalate in the armed opposition. This issue is especially acute for Ukraine, countries of the Korean Peninsula, Syria and others. Historical events certify that in the areas, where geopolitical interests of the large states clash, the peace and safety cannot be guaranteed. Such countries as Ukraine, Syria, North and South Korea suffer because interests of superpowers have clashed. The history of the development of the world system has shown that the reallocation of spheres of influence is inevitable, which is why small and weak states and especially those which are in conflict areas, such as Korea, Ukraine, Syria, should find a way to guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity. For example, after the Korean War, South Korea has concluded an inter-allied treaty wıth the USA and today only limited contingent of the USA is located in territory of South Korea and negotiations on deployment of anti-missile complexes of the SAAD system are in progress. Moreover, South Korea is known to give today much attention to strengthening defensive capacity of the country. After the end of the war, North Korea has taken a different path and without regard to inter-allied agreements with the USSR and China took a course for expanding missile and nuclear weapons. Today, superpowers do not carry responsibility for weak countries’ security. This is proved by the challenges Ukraine experiences. It is known that Ukraine has voluntarily given up nuclear armament, as stated in the Budapest Memorandum, with the USA, Great Britain and Russia acting as guarantors. Yet, Russia has started aggression against Ukraine, annexed Crimea and continue to carry out military operations in Donbas. However, certain positive trends should also be noted. On April 27, 2018, a historic meeting between leaders of the DPRK and South Korea took place, which resulted into signing of the Panmunjom Declaration for Peace, Prosperity and Unification of the Korean Peninsula. Heads of the two states have agreed to sign by the end of the year a peace treaty that will put an end to the war between the countries. The author expresses hope that the progress in relations between the two countries will continue and they eventually become a united state. Keywords: regional conflicts, hybrid war, conflict areas, denuclearization, Korean Peninsula, Ukraine, Syria.
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Mishin, Valery Yu, et Anna V. Simonenok. « President Moon Jae-in's Policy on the Settlement of the Inter-Korean Relations : Searching for a Balance between the Desirable and the Possible ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no 466 (2021) : 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/466/13.

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Moon Jae-in came to power in May 2017 in the wake of the Korean political crisis and impeachment of the previous president Park Geyn-hye. Since the very first days of his leadership President Moon has set a course for a sequential transformation of the inter-Korean relations and prevention of the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The cornerstone of his program was the idea that the denuclearization of North Korea and the establishment of the long-lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula is possible provided that the North-South relations are normalized and Pyongyang is involved into the constructive peaceful dialogue. The authors demonstrate how Moon Jae-in was able to start the renaissance in the inter-Koran relations. He used the experience of the previous liberal governments of the Republic of Korea and successfully developed and enhanced the famous Sunshine Policy with his own ideas. The first stage of Moon Jane-in's presidency was marked with some serious foreign policy achievements. Thanks to the tactic of “summit diplomacy” President Moon was able to achieve significant reduction in tensions on the Korean Peninsula, which resulted in the fact that relations between the North and the South became more friendly and trustworthy. The historical documents signed during these summits - the Panmunjom Declaration (April 2018) and the Comprehensive Military Agreement (September 2018) - and their fast practical implementation can also be considered as President Moon's success. Further advancement of Moon Jae-in's course for building positive relationships with the DPRK faced serious obstruction from the United States. The authors show how simultaneously with settlement of inter-Korean relations President Moon had to deal with another difficult task - neutralization of the external factors (US sanctions and disagreements between Washington and Pyongyang) that were harmful for the development of the North Korea-South Korea relations. The tactics of being a mediator between the United States and North Korea chosen by Moon Jae-in was quite efficient in the beginning. The blatant enemies - Pyongyang and Washington - clamped down on their confrontation and sat at the negotiating table. However, the intransigence of Washington on the issue of a gradual and phase-based denuclearization of North Korea and withdrawal of sanctions altogether with the non-constructive criticism of the South Korean opposition made Moon Jae-in a hostage of the situation, limiting his potentially independent and substantive steps in foreign policy. Meanwhile, the authors of the research have come to the conclusion that on some issues President Moon was able to achieve much more than his predecessors. Despite the fact that he was unable to achieve a full-scaled settlement of the inter-Korean relations he did everything possible under the existing circumstances. Nowadays one can say that the challenges of the North Korean nuclear missile program and security on the Korean Peninsula are no longer entirely military topics, they are even more likely to be diplomatic issues. This fact is un-doubtfully his great accomplishment. Thus, it is possible to foresee good perspectives for the further declining level of the regional tensions and for the development of the inter-Korean relations.
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Changhee Kim. « Peace Settlement of the Korean Peninsula and 4.27 Panmunjeom Declaration ». Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 40, no 1 (août 2018) : 119–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.40.1.201808.119.

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Kim, Chang Hee. « Peace Settlement of the Korean Peninsula and 4.27 Panmunjeom Declaration ». Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 40, no 1 (15 août 2018) : 119–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2018.40.1.119.

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Bevan, Jake. « Welcome to Panmunjeom : encounters with the north in contemporary South Korean cinema ». New Cinemas : Journal of Contemporary Film 8, no 1 (1 septembre 2010) : 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ncin.8.1.45_1.

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Nam, Kijeong. « Linking peace with reconciliation ». Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no 3 (8 juillet 2019) : 328–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2018-0149.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Japan’s role in the peace process on the Korean Peninsula that began in early 2018. Design/methodology/approach This paper emphasizes the historical context of international politics in Northeast Asia, rather than power politics or geopolitics. The paper reaffirms the significance of the ongoing peace process on the Korean Peninsula by considering a synthesis of three joint declarations published in 1998, 2000 and 2002 between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan, the ROK and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and between the DPRK and Japan. Findings The normalization of diplomatic relations between DPRK and Japan, along with reaffirmation of the joint declaration between the ROK and Japan, and the Panmunjeom Declaration, would be a base for denuclearizing Northeast Asia. Originality/value In Northeast Asia, historical reconciliation among the two Koreas and Japan and peace-building between the two parties on the Peninsula are closely linked. Moreover, the three bilateral relationships among these three parties are also the basis for creating a new multilateral security order in Northeast Asia.
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Choi, Eunsuk. « After the ‘Panmunjeom Declaration’, the legal task of establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula ». Korean Journal of Unification Affairs 32, no 1 (30 mai 2020) : 251–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.46561/kua.2020.32.1.08.

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Lee,Weonhe. « Problems and Overview in Peace and Prosperity of the Korean Peninsula. - Focusing on the ‘Panmunjeom Declaration’ - ». Review of Korean Military Studies 7, no 2 (décembre 2018) : 153–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.34166/rokms.2018.7.2.153.

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Song, Byeongsam. « A Study on the Metafictional Setting and Context of Lee Ho-cheol’s Novel Panmunjeom2 ». Journal of Humanities and Social sciences 21 11, no 3 (30 juin 2020) : 1867–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22143/hss21.11.3.132.

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문순보. « The Decline of Détente and the Dynamics of South-North Korea and US Relations : Focusing on Ax-murder Incident at Panmunjeom ». military history ll, no 76 (septembre 2010) : 265–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2010..76.265.

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Ryu, Kee-hyun. « Panmunjom’s Opening to the Public in the 1950s and ’60s, and South and North Koreas’ Propagation of ». YŎKSA WA HYŎNSIL : Quarterly Review of Korean History 126 (31 décembre 2022) : 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.35865/ywh.2022.12.126.67.

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Paramasatya, Satwika, et Yemima Galih Pradipta. « The Dynamics of the Constellation in East Asia : Japan's Response towards Changes of the Regional Status-quo Post-Panmunjom Declaration ». AEGIS : Journal of International Relations 3, no 2 (26 novembre 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.794.

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<p>Security is an important aspect for a state. In particular, regional security plays important role in influencing state policies and actions. This paper departs from the High Level meeting between South Korea and North Korea in April 2018 which then produces an output in the form of peace agreement, the Panmunjom Declaration. The declaration has different impact to Japan, because it becomes the turning point of the status-quo in the East Asia region. Relations between states are generally driven and motivated by interests rather than the shared identity. This paper aims to analyze the actions and responses of Japan as a pacifist state towards the changes in the constellation of East Asia relations after the Panmunjom Declaration. In the end of this paper, it is concluded that what happened in the East Asia region is accordance to the concept of classical realism theory. The Panmunjom Declaration surely is an international event marked as turning point of East Asia regional status-quo, but could not be claimed as the main factor to drive Japan revising article 9. However, Japan's alertness towards North Korea remains same. Even though it is not the main factor, but the Panmunjom Declaration made Japan interprets its position differently in East Asia, and has influenced Shinzo Abe's narrative to further strive for the revision agenda to be realized immediately.</p>
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« Hua Qingzhao. From Yalta to Panmunjom : Truman's Diplomacy and the Four Powers, 1945–1953. (Cornell East Asia Series, number 64.) Ithaca : East Asia Program, Cornell University. 1993. Pp. 267 ». American Historical Review, avril 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/100.2.614.

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