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1
Cole, Charlotte F., Cairo Arafat, Chava Tidhar, Wafa Zidan Tafesh, Nathan A. Fox, Melanie Killen, Alicia Ardila-Rey et al. « The educational impact of Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim : A Sesame Street television series to promote respect and understanding among children living in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza ». International Journal of Behavioral Development 27, no 5 (septembre 2003) : 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01650250344000019.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A pre-and post-test study assessed the effects of Israeli and Palestinian children’s viewing of Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim, a television series presenting messages of mutual respect and understanding. Israeli-Jewish, Palestinian-Israeli, and Palestinian preschoolers ( N = 275) were interviewed about their social judgments. Results showed that although some of the children had negative conceptions about adult Arabs and Jews, children, on the whole, did not invoke these stereotypes when evaluating peer conflict situations between Israeli and Palestinian children. Exposure to the programme was linked to an increase in children’s use of both prosocial justifications to resolve conflicts and positive attributes to describe members of the other group. Palestinian children’s abilities to identify symbols of their own culture increased over time. The results indicate the effectiveness of media-based interventions such as Rechov Sumsum/Shara’a Simsim on countering negative stereotypes by building a peer-oriented context that introduces children to the everyday lives of people from different cultures.
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Ben-Meir, Alon. « THE CASE FOR AN ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION ». World Affairs 185, no 1 (10 février 2022) : 9–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00438200211066350.
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This extended article argues a case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation, proposes the central elements necessary to realize this in practice, and offers policy advice to the key players as well as to policy makers in the United States, Germany, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. After 73 years of conflict, following the Arab Spring, and the intermittent violence between Israel and the Palestinians, the Palestinians will not give up on their aspiration for statehood. Ultimately, a two-state solution remains the only viable option to end their conflict. The difference, however, between the framework for peace discussed in the 1990s and 2000s—where the focus was on establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza—versus the present time is that many new, irreversible facts have been created: the interspersing of the Israeli and Palestinian populations in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Israel; the status of Jerusalem, where both sides have a unique religious affinity; Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the majority of which will have to remain in place; the intertwined national security concerns involved; and the resettlement of/compensation for Palestinian refugees. I argue that independent Israeli and Palestinian states, therefore, can peacefully coexist and be sustained only through the establishment of an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would subsequently be joined by Jordan, which has an intrinsic national interest in the resolution of all conflicting issues between Israel and the Palestinians. To that end, all sides will have to fully and permanently collaborate on many levels necessitated by the changing conditions on the ground, most of which can no longer be restored to the status quo ante.
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Kohlbry, Paul. « Owning the Homeland : Property, Markets, and Land Defense in the West Bank ». Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no 4 (2018) : 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.4.30.
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This article examines the formation of land defense in relation to changing legal and economic conditions in the occupied Palestinian territories. It argues that as a result of settler capital and law, Palestinian land defense should be understood as emerging through, rather than apart from, private property. Specifically, it explores how private property and market forces shaped agrarian land defense (1970s–1980s) and real estate land defense (post-2007). In the 1970s and the 1980s, land defense sought to protect agriculture against market forces that drew Palestinians off the land and into wage labor in Israel. Beginning in the 1990s, the exclusion of Palestinians from Israeli wage labor and new forms of West Bank governance created the conditions for real estate land defense to appear. Taking the real estate project TABO as a case study, this article details its political logic, unexpected market effects, and its social and economic limits.
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Brynen, Rex. « Imagining a Solution : Final Status Arrangements and Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon ». Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no 2 (1 janvier 1997) : 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537782.
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Possible final status arrangements for the Palestinian refugee issue are explored, with emphasis on their consequences for the Palestinians in Lebanon. It is suggested that the right of return will be limited largely to the West Bank and Gaza, where it will be shaped by local economic conditions. Available compensation funds may be inadequate. Greater research and policy planning are needed in these areas. Moreover, because Lebanon will continue to host a significant Palestinian population for many years to come, both Palestinian-Lebanese dialogue and improvement in the social, economic, and legal status of the Palestinians are imperative.
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Ayer, Lynsay, Brinda Venkatesh, Robert Stewart, Daniel Mandel, Bradley Stein et Michael Schoenbaum. « Psychological Aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict : A Systematic Review ». Trauma, Violence, & ; Abuse 18, no 3 (27 octobre 2015) : 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838015613774.
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Despite ongoing local and international peace efforts, the Jews, Arabs, and other residents of Israel and the Palestinian territories (i.e., the West Bank and Gaza) have endured decades of political, social, and physical upheaval, with periodic eruptions of violence. It has been theorized that the psychological impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict extends beyond the bounds of psychiatric disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Exposure to the ongoing conflict may lead to changes in the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act; while these changes may not meet the thresholds of PTSD or depression, they nonetheless could have a strong public health impact. It is unclear whether existing studies have found associations between exposure to the conflict and nonclinical psychological outcomes. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize the empirical research on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and its psychological consequences. As a whole, the body of literature we reviewed suggests that exposure to regional political conflict and violence may have detrimental effects on psychological well-being and that these effects likely extend beyond the psychiatric disorders and symptoms most commonly studied. We found evidence that exposure to the conflict informs not only the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act but also their attitudes toward different religious and ethnic groups and their degree of support for peace or war. We also found that Palestinians may be at particularly high risk of experiencing psychological distress as a result of the conflict, though more research is needed to determine the extent to which this is due to socioeconomic stress. Our review suggests the need for more studies on the nonclinical psychological aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as well as for longitudinal studies on the impact of the conflict on both Israelis and Palestinians.
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Tsarev, Matvei. « Approaches of Bennet-Lapid’s Government to Key Regional Security Threats to Israel’s Security ». Oriental Courier, no 1 (2023) : 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310025308-6.
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This analytical article examines the approaches of the Israeli government led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid, who assumed power in Israel on June 13, 2021, to two key threats to Israeli security: a potential “nuclear deal” with Iran (Iran's nuclear program advancement) amid Iranian regime's support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip and the problem of Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement. The author reviews Bennett’s and Lapid’s speeches and keynote articles from 2010 to 2021, when both leaders of the new government either had different posts in Benjamin Netanyahu’s governments, or were in opposition to the latter. Such an approach allowed the author to better understand the process of shaping Israel's strategy to the key threats to its security in the region. It is especially relevant in conditions of active development of knotty and order-forming crisis of international relations system, whose potential may affect subsystem of international relations in the Middle East. The author concludes that regarding the Iranian nuclear problem, the most relevant strategy is deterrence by increasing risk (e. g., gradually destroying key elements of Iran's nuclear program), less likely is a pre-emptive escalation strategy (completely depriving Iran of the opportunity to threaten Israel before Tehran can implement its threats, or even declare them). This shows that Israel is focused on preserving the status quo. On the contrary, in the attempt to eliminate the problem of Iranian support for Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip, Israel may pursue a strategy of escalatory domination, which signals its interest in changing the status quo. The Palestinian problem resolution will largely depend on the success of the Israeli government's political and economic actions toward both Palestinians living in the West Bank (those controlled by the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah and those living in Israeli-controlled territories) and the Arab population of the State of Israel. The author suggests that it is possible to stop the Palestinians' Islamization process by creating a state mythologeme. Only the creation of a new ideology can become a multiplier of the state's extractive capacity, which for Arabs in the Israeli society would mean the legitimization of the central executive's right to govern them.
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El Kurd, Dana. « Support for Violent Versus Non-Violent Strategies in the Palestinian Territories ». Middle East Law and Governance 14, no 3 (14 octobre 2022) : 331–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-14030005.
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Abstract What determines support for violent versus nonviolent strategies? I argue that strategy preference is motivated by an individuals’ assessment of their society’s cohesion. Perception of strong social cohesion, as existing literature argues, should increase individual support for nonviolence, as it gives people confidence that their society will be able to carry out that strategy effectively. I build on this work to show that perception of social cohesion does not always reflect individual conditions; in situations where social cohesion is weak, violence becomes attractive specifically to those who recognize this reality. The paper tests these arguments in the case of Palestine, using survey data and experimental methods, specifically polling data from the Arab Opinion Index in the West Bank and Gaza. The evidence shows that individuals who perceive society to be more cohesive prefer violence less. However, respondents may perceive social cohesion as weak, even while they personally enjoy strong social ties and greater social embeddedness. In this scenario, they are more likely to prefer armed resistance because they use their social ties to gain information and assess risk more effectively. Individuals who are networked in political power structures, members of political parties and those with higher levels of education, are those that both enjoy greater social ties and prefer violence to nonviolence. Their social situation helps them to recognize the weakness of social cohesion in society at large and, based on this perception, make certain choices. This suggests that violence in the Palestinian territories is not a spontaneous eruption, but rather a strategic choice that individuals endorse on the basis of a reasoned assessment of available options and constraints.
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Atallah, Devin G. « A community-based qualitative study of intergenerational resilience with Palestinian refugee families facing structural violence and historical trauma ». Transcultural Psychiatry 54, no 3 (18 mai 2017) : 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461517706287.
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The purpose of this study was to explore resilience processes in Palestinian refugee families living under Israeli occupation for multiple generations. Qualitative methods, critical postcolonial theories, and community-based research approaches were used to examine intergenerational protective practices and to contribute to reconceptualizations of resilience from indigenous perspectives. First, the researcher developed a collaborative partnership with a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in a UN refugee camp in the occupied West Bank. Then, with the support of this NGO, semistructured group and individual interviews were completed with a total of 30 participants ( N = 30) ranging in age from 18 to 90 years old coming from 5 distinct extended family networks. Using grounded theory situational analysis, the findings were organized in a representation entitled Palestinian Refugee Family Trees of Resilience (PRFTR). These findings explain resilience in terms of three interrelated themes: (a) Muqawama/resistance to military siege and occupation; (b) Awda/return to cultural roots despite historical and ongoing settler colonialism; and (c) Sumoud/perseverance through daily adversities and accumulation of trauma. The study findings shed light on how Palestinian families cultivate positive adaptation across generations and highlight how incorporating community-based perspectives on the historical trauma and violent social conditions of everyday life under occupation may be critical for promoting resilience. Results may be relevant to understanding the transgenerational transmission of trauma and resilience within other displaced communities internationally.
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BARRY, Mamdouh Gh A., et Owda S. A. HAMAEL. « ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION AND ITS IMPACT ON THE EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT OF THE CHILDREN OF PALESTINIAN ADMINISTRATIVE PRISONERS FROM THE PRISONERS’ POINT OF VIEW : THE WEST BANK AS A MODEL ». RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no 05 (1 septembre 2022) : 189–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.19.12.
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The study is concerned with an aspect related to the field of education, as it is concerned with the issue of educational attainment by the children of administrative prisoners in the Israeli occupation prisons, because of this social group of clear repercussions on the Palestinian society, and because this category has the importance it occupies from the nature of the age stage experienced by the children of administrative prisoners, including The stages of childhood that we can reduce to the primary and basic school stage, followed by the secondary school stage, and extend to university studies in many cases. This study talks about the Palestinian family whose children were deprived of living under the father’s tenderness and care for long and intermittent periods. We are talking about a group of prisoners who are subject to repeated arrest several times after their release, which negatively affects the social conditions of the family, including study and education. This study sheds light on a part of the state and society’s resources, and it is classified under the right to human resources, given that investing in people is the best form of economic investment. Head of the family . And because the administrative prisoner is represented in the Palestinian national custom like other prisoners as a model of sacrifice and struggle, which put him in the first ranks that were offered and drained for the sake of the homeland and the constants. Therefore, this study examines the conditions, factors and influences that the children of administrative prisoners experience within the family, the community, and the school. This study derives its data from several interviews and questionnaires conducted inside the prison and within its sections, where the two researchers, who are administrative prisoners, conducted these interviews with some married administrative prisoners who have children in schools and universities and from various cities of the West Bank. These questions were divided between the structural and the objective and included answers about the reflection of the social and economic reality of the family of the administrative prisoner on the educational attainment of its children, and because the society represented by institutions, schools, mosques and the street has a decisive role in influencing negatively or positively the reality of the lives of the children of the administrative prisoner, and because of this impact of important repercussions on The educational attainment of the children of the captive. And because the economic and life burdens have become strenuous in the absence of the father, and the wife has become the one who bears many of these burdens, which multiplies the responsibilities that fall upon her and because of its negative repercussions on the level of her psychological, administrative, physical and mental capabilities. All of this inevitably has effects on her children and these effects also It has dimensions on the child's personality, abilities, skills and sentiments, and on top of that his academic achievement, which is the subject of this scientific study. The danger that the prisoner's family faces is that this administrative prisoner is accustomed to frequent detention by the occupation, and his name is on the list of arrests on the computers of the military administration of the Israeli occupation in the occupied West Bank. This recurring situation, which is punctuated by repeated incursions into the house and the house and a night raid to arrest the prisoner from time to time, where he stays for several months and may reach 24 months at its most extreme, and is released after a significant period, and as a result of the escalation of scenes of the national situation in the Palestinian street from time to time His arrest again, the matter did not stop there only, but his house was broken into after his arrest for the purposes of inspection, spreading panic and destroying the furniture and belongings of the house. These raids were taking place at a time when the husband was caught between the clutches of families for days and weeks.
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Mahamid, Fayez Azez, Guido Veronese et Dana Bdier. « The Palestinian health-care providers’ perceptions, challenges and human rights-related concerns during the COVID-19 pandemic ». International Journal of Human Rights in Healthcare 15, no 4 (26 juillet 2021) : 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhrh-04-2021-0083.
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Purpose One of the most affected groups during the COVID-19 pandemic was health-care providers due to the direct and continuous exposure to the virus and a lack of sufficient medical equipment. Palestinian health-care providers were exposed to several challenges related to their work environment as they worked in war-like conditions; therefore, this study aims to explore health-care providers’ perceptions, perspectives, challenges and human rights-related concerns during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Palestine. Design/methodology/approach The sample comprised 30 health-care providers 26–35 years, who were purposively selected from among health-care providers in two Palestinian cities, Nablus and Tulkarm, located in the north of the West Bank. Thematic content analysis was applied to transcripts of interviews with the practitioners to identify key themes. Findings The thematic content analysis showed that the pandemic and quarantine negatively affect the mental health outcomes, daily routine and social relations of health-care providers. The main challenges related to human rights violations and faced by the health-care providers include a lack of sufficient infrastructure, lack of medical equipment’s and protective gear, military occupation and a shortage of health-care providers in general, especially those who practice in speciality fields such as neurology, oncology, pediatric surgery and clinical psychology. Practical implications Further investigations are recommended to test different variables related to health-care providers’ work during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper also recommends conducting studies targeting Palestinian health-care providers’ training and supervision services to improve their skills and resiliency in dealing with future crises. Originality/value The present work is the first to examine health-care providers’ perceptions, perspectives, challenges and human rights concerns during the COVID-19 pandemic in Palestine. This novel sample resides in a political and social environment characterized by high environmental stressors due to decades of military and political violence (e.g. militarization, poverty, lack of employment opportunities, cultural pressures, human rights violations, etc.)
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Elmaliach, Tal. « Jewish Radicals : Zionism Confronts the New Left, 1967–1973 A Comparative Look : Introduction ». Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (1 juin 2023) : 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0187.
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The identity crisis that many Jewish radicals in the West grappled with in the 1960s and early 1970s was the subject of Sol Stern’s essay “My Jewish Problem – and Ours,” which appeared in the August 1971 issue of Ramparts, one of the most important organs of the American New Left.1 Stern, a key New Left activist and a former editor of the magazine, pointed to a paradox at the root of this crisis. Classical Marxism viewed Jewish nationalism as diametrically opposed to Marxist ideology. Nonetheless, in the wake of the Holocaust and the founding of the state of Israel, the global Left supported the Jewish national cause. This support was, however, short-lived. It was shaken first by Israel’s collusion with Britain and France during the Suez crisis of 1956. The escalation of the Israeli-Arab conflict in the second half of the 1960s then completed the global Left’s turn against Israel.2 Stern and his Jewish comrades consequently found themselves torn between their allegiance to the New Left and their continued support for Israel, sustained by their conviction that the Jewish state had faced a deadly threat from its enemies in 1967. Following a series of aggressive military and diplomatic moves by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser during the tense early months of that year, war broke out on June 5 and ended six days later in a decisive and unanticipated Israeli victory. Israel captured large swathes of Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian territory, most consequentially the West Bank and Gaza Strip, areas densely populated by Palestinian Arabs, including many who had become refugees just nineteen years earlier in the war of 1948. Most Jews, and many in the Israeli leadership, viewed these two areas as part of the Jewish birthright and saw their capture as the liberation of territories that justly belonged to the Jewish people and state. While the Jewish members of the New Left believed that Israel should relinquish the West Bank and Gaza Strip and permit them to become an independent Palestinian Arab state, they maintained that Israel had captured them in a war of self-defense. As they saw it, Israel’s astonishing victory was the triumph of a country with a strong socialist tradition against the forces of reaction. Stern maintained that the West’s Jewish leftists found themselves facing a new edition of the classic Jewish Question – to integrate into the modern world, they were expected to divest themselves of their particularist identity and adopt exclusively universal values. This volume examines the social, political, and ideological manifestations of this resurgence of that dilemma. Each article focuses on how the issue played out in a particular country – the United States, France, Argentina, and Israel – between 1967 and 1973, when the drama reached its climax. In each of these places, the New Left attacked Israel and pro-Zionists activists reacted, leading to internal tensions on each side. University campuses emerged as the main theater of action. In tracing these confrontations, this collection casts new light on the difficulties faced by experience of young Jewish radicals struggling to integrate their particularist ethnic sentiments with their socialist universal values. The conflict that followed the Six-Day War can, however, only be understood against the background of the relationship between the Jews and the Left prior to 1967.
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Krilov, A. V. « Features of democratic reforms in Jordan ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 2(29) (28 avril 2013) : 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-2-29-113-119.
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The article presents the analysis of the political, demographic and other aspects of the Palestinian community in Jordan, which has become a major factor in the Jordanian political life since the beginning of Arab-Israeli conflict and Israel’s occupation of the West Bank. The results of the research show that political and social-economic reforms of Jordanian King Abdullah II haven’t improve the status of the Palestinians, especially the status of the Palestinian refugee camps residents in Jordan. In contrast to the indigenous population (Bedouin population and some Caucuses or Circassian communities) they have no political representation, no access to power, no competitive education and business activity is under restrictions. Today the Palestinians and their descendants make up in Jordan at least two thirds of the population and most of them support the Hamas and other radical Islamic groups. Since the aftermath of the Black September Civil War (1970-1971) they continue to be the main factor that can destabilize the internal situation in the Hashemite Kingdom. Current unfavorable economic conditions and the extremely volatile situation on the borders of Jordan with Syria, Iraq and the area of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict are most likely to the growth of Islamist activity, including Islamic extremists calling for the overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy. In this context the possibility of mass anti-monarchy protests can’t be excluded. At the same time King Abdullah and his political proponents are well aware of this challenge and the dependence on the development of the situation in the Middle East, as well as financial and military support of powerful Western States and the Golf oil-producing monarchies. In seeking to preserve the existing status quo Jordanian authorities would deliberately put the country in a state of dependency on the political interests of the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, in return for all kinds of preferences, including military aid if a threat to the security of the Kingdom is expected.
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Hammoudeh, Weeam, Suzan Mitwalli, Rawan Kafri, Tracy Kuo Lin, Rita Giacaman et Tiziana Leone. « The mental health impact of multiple deprivations under protracted conflict : A multi-level study in the occupied Palestinian territory ». PLOS Global Public Health 2, no 12 (7 décembre 2022) : e0001239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0001239.
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Building on the literatures examining the impacts of deprivation and war and conflict on mental health, in this study, we investigate the impact of different forms of deprivation on mental health within a context of prolonged conflict in the occupied Palestinian territory(oPt). We expand the operationalization go deprivation while accounting for more acute exposures to conflict and political violence and spatial variations. We use multilevel modelling of data from the Socio-Economic & Food Security Survey 2014 conducted by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, which included a sample size of 7827 households in the West Bank(WB) and Gaza Strip(GS). We conduct the analysis for the combined sample, as for the WB and GS separately. We use a General Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ12) score as our main outcome measure of poor health. We used various measures of deprivation including subjective deprivation, material deprivation, food deprivation, and political deprivation. In addition to the different measures of deprivation, we included acute political, health, and economic shocks in our analysis along with background socio-demographic characteristics. The results indicate significant variance at the locality level. We find a significant association between poor mental health and subjective, economic, political, and food deprivation; health, economic, and political stressors; age, and being a woman. Post-secondary education and wealth have a significant inverse association with poor mental health. Subjective deprivation is the strongest predictor of GHQ12 score in the models whereby people who feel very deprived have GHQ12 scores that are almost 4-points higher than people who do not feel deprived. Economic conditions, particularly subjective measures, are significant predictors of mental health status. Our findings confirm that political and social factors are determinants of health. Feeling deprived is an important determinant of mental health. The community effect suggests that spatial characteristics are influencing mental health, and warrant further investigation.
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Al-Deen, Nadia Sa’d. « Educational and economic dimensions in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no 3 (1 juillet 2017) : 338–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1358956.
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Emboldened by American partiality for the Israeli occupation and the feeble Arab-Islamic support for the Palestinian cause, Israel has been taking advantage, over the last five years, of the current events and changing conditions prevailing in the regional Arab system. The Israeli occupation authority employs the two contingent devices of education and the economy in occupied Jerusalem as a base for counter-action in its desperate effort to hit the collective political consciousness that demands terminating occupation, liberation and self-determination. The occupation authority in occupied Jerusalem has employed a systematic scheme to isolate the city from the rest of the West Bank territories. Their aim is to destroy its trade movement in order to tighten the loop of hegemony around the vital economic and social sectors, and to deprive the Palestinian Authority from returns of tourism. Life for the residents of the city has become complicated in every possible way, prompting them to abandon their city. All this would be a part of a ‘voluntary immigration’ policy as a prelude to Judaizing the city, evacuating its residents, replacing them with settlers and, ultimately, dropping the city off the partition claims. The measures adopted by the occupation authorities take advantage of the educational and economic dimensions and employ them as leverage for penetrating the articulating points of the resisting Jerusalemite society. This goal is being achieved by shaking the foundations of the educational system and by obstructing endeavours seeking to improve and propagate it. The occupation authority continued to perpetrate its scheme of ‘displacement/settlement’ when it recently expelled 100,000 Jerusalemites from their city. In light of the aforesaid, this research examines, as its main theme, the impact of putting the educational and economic dimensions to use in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem, on the fate of the city, and on the equation of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The paper also argues that it would be natural that a popular youth movement emerging in the face of Israel’s intransigence will nominate its own political leadership, dissociated from the political leadership of the Palestinian factions, so that insurrection can continue.
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Roy, Sara. « Palestinian Society in Gaza, West Bank and Arab Jerusalem : A Survey of Living Conditions, by Marianne Heiberg, Geir Ovensen et al. (FAFO Report 151) Preface by Terje Rod Larsen. 419 pages, figures, tables, appendices. Oslo : Norwegian Research Foundation for Applied Social Science (FAFO), 1993. (Paper) ISBN 82-7422-105-2 - Cry Palestine : Inside the West Bank, by Saïd K. Aburish. 205 pages. Boulder, CO, San Francisco & ; Oxford : Westview Press, 1993. $49.50 (Cloth) ISBN 0-8133-1797-5 ». Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 28, no 2 (décembre 1994) : 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400030145.
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Giacaman, Rita, Weeam Hammoudeh, Suzan Mohammad Mitwalli, Hala Khallawi et Hanna Kienzler. « Life and Health Under Israeli Military Occupation During COVID-19 : Report from the West Bank, Occupied Palestinian Territory ». International Journal of Health Services, 14 novembre 2022, 002073142211397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207314221139792.
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This qualitative study explores lived experiences of Palestinians in the West Bank during the COVID-19 pandemic intersecting with life under Israeli military occupation, structural violence, and racism. Insight is provided into the pandemic's effect on daily life and health and into coping and support mechanisms employed under apartheid conditions. Forty-three semi-structured interviews were conducted among a stratified sample of Palestinian adults. Interviews were digitally recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using thematic analysis. During the pandemic, Palestinian social lives were interrupted, jobs were lost, and incomes declined. Families fell into social and financial crises, with strife, insecurity, uncertainty, and fear negatively affecting physical and mental health. Pandemic effects were compounded by the Palestinian Authority's shortcomings and policies not taking into account citizens’ rights and social protection and by Israel's continued colonization of Palestinian land and violation of Palestinian human rights. Social solidarity was instrumental for coping during the pandemic just as it was during intensified political violence. One key feature that helped Palestinians survive promoting their cause for freedom, sovereignty, and self-determination is their social solidarity in times of strife. This has proven to be a crucial component in overcoming threats to the survival of a people during the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century.
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Itair, Mohammed, et Huda Armoush. « Unveiling Disparities : Investigating the Gap between Palestinian Authority Counter Segregation Policies and Local Implementation Amid Deteriorating Conditions in the West Bank ». Global Journal of Human-Social Science, 10 février 2024, 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.34257/gjhssfvol24is1pg19.
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Spatial segregation in the West Bank remains a pressing issue with profound social, economic, and political implications. This study examines the gap between the Palestinian Authority's (PA) political statements and the local implementation of strategic planning measures to counter segregation in Palestinian communities. By analyzing the Strategic Development and Investment Plans (SDIPs) from 2018-2021, this research investigates the extent to which these plans address the challenges posed by Israeli settlements and promote inclusive urban development. The findings reveal significant shortcomings, including limited coverage of settlement-related challenges, inadequate strategies to confront settlement activity, and a lack of context-specific approaches; Out of the 122 plans analyzed, only 15 (12.3%) explicitly addressed the geopolitical situation, while 67 (54.9%) acknowledged settlements as a challenge. Disturbingly, 28 plans (22.9%) neglected the significance of Area C, highlighting a substantial oversight.
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Veronese, Guido, Yamina Dhaouadi et Abdelhamid Afana. « Rethinking sense of coherence : Perceptions of comprehensibility, manageability, and meaningfulness in a group of Palestinian health care providers operating in the West Bank and Israel ». Transcultural Psychiatry, 26 août 2020, 136346152094138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461520941386.
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Drawing on a salutogenic perspective, we explored sense of coherence (SOC) in a group of Palestinian mental health care providers living and working in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories (West Bank). Specifically, we conducted a qualitative exploration of the cultural characteristics of SOC and its components ( comprehensibility, manageability, and meaningfulness) in two groups of Palestinian Muslim helpers. We found that context-specific features of SOC can mobilize generalized resistance resources for coping with traumatic and stressful experiences, even in an environment characterized by political instability, military violence, and social trauma. Ten main themes emerged from the thematic content analysis: acceptance, reacting to adversity, acknowledging human insecurity (comprehensibility), self-control, talking to family, education as a resource for survival, connecting to the severity of the event, responsibility as a source of control (manageability), religiosity, and sense of belonging (meaningfulness). The Islamic faith, as expressed through the concepts of Sumud and Taslim, seemed to permeate individuals’ ability to attribute meaning to historical and transgenerational trauma, as well as to their ongoing traumatic conditions, thus acting as their ultimate source of health and wellbeing. A holistic, spiritual, and collectivist outlook helped respondents to approach their lives with optimism. We discuss the implications for mental health care providers and future research directions.
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Bogale, Binyam, Kjersti Mørkrid, Brian O’Donnell, Buthaina Ghanem, Itimad Abu Ward, Khadija Abu Khader, Mervett Isbeih et al. « Development of a targeted client communication intervention to women using an electronic maternal and child health registry : a qualitative study ». BMC Medical Informatics and Decision Making 20, no 1 (6 janvier 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12911-019-1002-x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Background Targeted client communication (TCC) using text messages can inform, motivate and remind pregnant and postpartum women of timely utilization of care. The mixed results of the effectiveness of TCC interventions points to the importance of theory based interventions that are co-design with users. The aim of this paper is to describe the planning, development, and evaluation of a theory led TCC intervention, tailored to pregnant and postpartum women and automated from the Palestinian electronic maternal and child health registry. Methods We used the Health Belief Model to develop interview guides to explore women’s perceptions of antenatal care (ANC), with a focus on high-risk pregnancy conditions (anemia, hypertensive disorders in pregnancy, gestational diabetes mellitus, and fetal growth restriction), and untimely ANC attendance, issues predefined by a national expert panel as being of high interest. We performed 18 in-depth interviews with women, and eight with healthcare providers in public primary healthcare clinics in the West Bank and Gaza. Grounding on the results of the in-depth interviews, we used concepts from the Model of Actionable Feedback, social nudging and Enhanced Active Choice to compose the TCC content to be sent as text messages. We assessed the acceptability and understandability of the draft text messages through unstructured interviews with local health promotion experts, healthcare providers, and pregnant women. Results We found low awareness of the importance of timely attendance to ANC, and the benefits of ANC for pregnancy outcomes. We identified knowledge gaps and beliefs in the domains of low awareness of susceptibility to, and severity of, anemia, hypertension, and diabetes complications in pregnancy. To increase the utilization of ANC and bridge the identified gaps, we iteratively composed actionable text messages with users, using recommended message framing models. We developed algorithms to trigger tailored text messages with higher intensity for women with a higher risk profile documented in the electronic health registry. Conclusions We developed an optimized TCC intervention underpinned by behavior change theory and concepts, and co-designed with users following an iterative process. The electronic maternal and child health registry can serve as a unique platform for TCC interventions using text messages.