Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Palazzo San Clemente (Florence, Italy) »

The historical research of the illustrated Nuremberg Chronicle [Schedelsche Weltchronik (English: Schedel’s World Chronicle)] of Hartmann Schedel com­prises the complex historical knowledge about numerous woodcuts which pre­sent views of various cities important in the world’s history, e.g. Jerusalem, Constantinople, or the European ones such as: Rome, some Italian, German or Polish cities e.g. Wrocław and Cracow; some Hungarian and some Czech Republic cities. Researchers have made a serious study to recognize certain constructions in the woodcuts; they indicated the conservative and contractual architecture, the existing places and the unrealistic (non-existent) places. The results show that there is a common detail in all the views – the defensive wall round each of the described cities. However, in reality, it may not have existed in some cities during the lifetime of the authors of the woodcuts. As for some further details: behind the walls we can see feudal castles on the hills shown as strongholds. Within the defensive walls there are numerous buildings with many towers typical for the Middle Ages and true-to-life in certain ways of building the cities. Schematically drawn buildings surrounded by the ring of defensive walls indicate that the author used certain patterns based on the previously created panoramic views. This article is an attempt of making analogical comparisons of the cities in medieval painting. The Author of the article presents Roman mosaics and the miniature painting e.g. the ones created in the scriptorium in Reichenau. Since the beginning of 14th century Italian painters such as: Duccio di Buoninsegna, Giotto di Bondone, Simone Martini and Ambrogio Lorenzetti painted parts of the cities or the entire monumental panoramas in various compositions and with various meanings. One defining rule in this painting concerned the definitions of the cities given by Saint Isidore of Seville, based on the rules which he knew from the antique tradition. These are: urbs – the cities full of architecture and buildings but uninhabited or civita – the city, the living space of the human life, build-up space, engaged according to the law, kind of work and social hierarchy. The tra­dition of both ways of describing the city is rooted in Italy. This article indicates the particular meaning of Italian painting in distributing the image of the city – as the votive offering. The research conducted by Chiara Frugoni and others indica­ted the meaning of the city images in the painting of various forms of panegyrics created in high praise of cities, known as laude (Lat.). We can find the examples of them rooted in the Roman tradition of mosaics, e.g. in San Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. They present both palatium and civitas. The medieval Italian painting, especially the panel painting, presents the city structure models which are uninha­bited and deprived of any signs of everyday life. The models of cities – urbs, are presented as votive offerings devoted to their patron saints, especially to Virgin Mary. The city shaped as oval or sinusoidal rings surrounded by the defensive walls resembled a container filled with buildings. Only few of them reflected the existing cities and could mainly be identified thanks to the inscriptions. The most characteristic examples were: the fresco of Taddeo di Bartolo in Palazzo Publico in Siena, which presented the Dominican Order friar Ambrogio Sansedoni holding the model of his city – Siena, with its most recognizable building - the Cathedral dedicated to the Assumption of Mary. The same painter, referred to as the master painter of the views of the cities as the votive offerings, painted the Saint Antilla with the model of Montepulciano in the painting from 1401 for the Cathedral devoted to the Assumption of Mary in Montepulciano. In the painting made by T. di Bartolo, the bishop of the city of Gimignano, Saint Gimignano, presents the city in the shape of a round lens surrounded by defence walls with numerous church towers and the feudal headquarters characteristic for the city. His dummer of the city is pyramidally-structured, the hills are mounted on the steep slopes reflecting the analogy to the topography of the city. We can also find the texts of songs, laude (Lat.) and panegyrics created in honour of the cities and their rulers, e.g. the texts in honour of Milan, Bonvesin for La Riva, known in Europe at that time. The city – Arcadia (utopia) in the modern style. Hartman Schedel, as a bibliophile and a scholar, knew the texts of medieval writers and Italian art but, as an ambitious humanist, he could not disregard the latest, contemporary trends of Renaissance which were coming from Nuremberg and from Italian ci­ties. The views of Arcadia – the utopian city, were rapidly developing, as they were of great importance for the rich recipient in the beginning of the modern era overwhelmed by the early capitalism. It was then when the two opposites were combined – the shepherd and the knight, the Greek Arcadia with the medie­val city. The reception of Virgil’s Arcadia in the medieval literature and art was being developed again in the elite circles at the end of 15th century. The cultural meaning of the historical loci, the Greek places of the ancient history and the memory of Christianity constituted the essence of historicism in the Renaissance at the courts of the Comnenos and of the Palaiologos dynasty, which inspired the Renaissance of the Latin culture circle. The pastoral idleness concept came from Venice where Virgil’s books were published in print in 1470, the books of Ovid: Fasti and Metamorphoses were published in 1497 and Sannazaro’s Arcadia was published in 1502, previously distributed in his handwriting since 1480. Literature topics presented the historical works as memoria, both ancient and Christian, composed into the images. The city maps drawn by Hartmann Schedel, the doctor and humanist from Nurnberg, refer to the medieval images of urbs, the woodcuts with the cities, known to the author from the Italian painting of the greatest masters of the Trecenta period. As a humanist he knew the literature of the Renaissance of Florence and Venice with the Arcadian themes of both the Greek and the Roman tradition. The view of Constantinople in the context of the contemporary political situation, is presented in a series of monuments of architecture, with columns and defensive walls, which reminded of the history of the city from its greatest time of Constantine the Great, Justinian I and the Comnenus dynasty. Schedel’s work of art is the sum of the knowledge written down or painted. It is also the result of the experiments of new technology. It is possible that Schedel was inspired by the hymns, laude, written by Psellos in honour of Constantinople in his elaborate ecphrases as the panegyrics for the rulers of the Greek dynasty – the Macedonians. Already in that time, the Greek ideal of beauty was reborn, both in literature and in fine arts. The illustrated History of the World presented in Schedel’s woodcuts is given to the recipients who are educated and to those who are anonymous, in the spirit of the new anthropology. It results from the nature of the woodcut reproduc­tion, that is from the way of copying the same images. The artist must have strived to gain the recipients for his works as the woodcuts were created both in Latin and in German. The collected views were supposed to transfer historical, biblical and mythological knowledge in the new way of communication.

In Reggio Emilia, the sculptor Prospero Spani, also known as Clemente (1516-1584), created two statues representing Adam and on the facade of the cathedral. Along with Saint Daria and Saint Crisanto, they were both commissioned in 1552. The two statues indisputably draw inspiration from Dawn and Dusk, which are part of the monument dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici in the New Sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence, work of Michelangelo Buonarroti. In January 1892, Eva’s leg by Prospero Clemente broke and fell to the ground. During the restoration, it was noticed that the leg and all other statues were empty inside. There is no formal documentary evidence of Clemente travelling to Florence, where Buonarroti's New Sacristy was opened to the public in 1556 and where, only later on, by the will of Cosimo I, were carried out some engravings representing the whole composition. Despite the existence of other drawings, casts were mainly responsible for spreading Michelangelo’s inventions for the Medici tombs. In the sixteenth century, it was only possible to talk of a culture of casts after 1540 King Francis I Valois’ initiative to ask Francesco Primaticcio – who was already occupied working for him at the decoration of Fontainebleau – to procure the moulds of Rome’s best ancient statues in order to reproduce them. Among the commissioned casts there were also those from Michelangelo, an artist who was extremely admired by the French. As known, masterpieces realised for the King of France had an immediate impact in Italy, which was primarily possible thanks to Primaticcio’s numerous trips in Emilia, where the painter had his own home and used to recruit his collaborators.

In Reggio Emilia, the sculptor Prospero Spani, also known as Clemente (1516-1584), created two statues representing Adam and on the facade of the cathedral. Along with Saint Daria and Saint Crisanto, they were both commissioned in 1552. The two statues indisputably draw inspiration from Dawn and Dusk, which are part of the monument dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici in the New Sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence, work of Michelangelo Buonarroti. In January 1892, Eva’s leg by Prospero Clemente broke and fell to the ground. During the restoration, it was noticed that the leg and all other statues were empty inside. There is no formal documentary evidence of Clemente travelling to Florence, where Buonarroti's New Sacristy was opened to the public in 1556 and where, only later on, by the will of Cosimo I, were carried out some engravings representing the whole composition. Despite the existence of other drawings, casts were mainly responsible for spreading Michelangelo’s inventions for the Medici tombs. In the sixteenth century, it was only possible to talk of a culture of casts after 1540 King Francis I Valois’ initiative to ask Francesco Primaticcio – who was already occupied working for him at the decoration of Fontainebleau – to procure the moulds of Rome’s best ancient statues in order to reproduce them. Among the commissioned casts there were also those from Michelangelo, an artist who was extremely admired by the French. As known, masterpieces realised for the King of France had an immediate impact in Italy, which was primarily possible thanks to Primaticcio’s numerous trips in Emilia, where the painter had his own home and used to recruit his collaborators.

La vicenda del trasferimento della capitale del regno d’Italia da Torino a Firenze è nota e non mancano importanti studi di riferimento sugli aspetti storico-politici e amministrativi di questo delicato passaggio. Meno indagate risultano alcune questioni più propriamente tecniche, di carattere urbanistico e soprattutto architettonico: in questo ambito la letteratura approfondisce il tema dell’ingrandimento della città scelta provvisoriamente come capitale, ossia Firenze, e dei nuovi significati che Torino, ormai ex-capitale, tenta più o meno consapevolmente di assumere, mentre sfiora soltanto il problema della scelta delle sedi per l’apparato burocratico. La ricerca di dottorato colma, in maniera innovativa, tale vuoto perché, a partire dal trasferimento delle sedi governative da Torino e a Firenze, si pone l’obiettivo di rintracciare il dibattito culturale da esso generato. In questi stessi anni iniziano infatti a delinearsi specifiche politiche per i beni culturali, chiamate a superare i localismi pre-unitari per elaborare un quadro di tutela nazionale: le differenti logiche di intervento, in un’alternanza tra prerogative locali e governative spesso in disaccordo, scatenano vivaci discussioni facilmente ripercorribili attraverso la pubblicistica del tempo e gli sberleffi offerti dalla satira, ricca di vignette sul tema, che raccoglie gli umori dell’opinione pubblica e offre una prospettiva sul senso di un disorientamento diffuso tra i cittadini. Il trasferimento, fortemente intriso di provvisorietà, si presta quindi ad essere un interessante caso studio, una sorta di banco di prova per comprendere quali siano state le difficoltà di trovare un sottile equilibrio tra le strategie di tutela per gli edifici messi a disposizione, tutti di grande valore storico e architettonico, e le necessarie modifiche per le nuove destinazioni d’uso. Un equilibrio reso ancora più precario se messo a confronto con la stretta tempistica delle operazioni di trasloco di mezzi, documenti e uomini. Nell’ottobre del 1864 è stabilito che le operazioni dovranno attuarsi nel più breve tempo possibile e comunque a partire dal maggio dell’anno successivo. In pochi mesi occorre quindi provvedere alla sistemazione di tutte le sedi fiorentine, lasciando uno strascico di ulteriore incertezza circa il destino di quelle torinesi, abbandonate in fretta e furia. Esistono attenzioni e criteri specifici per riconvertire le sedi ministeriali a nuovi impieghi? Certamente le disposizioni sulla soppressione dei conventi e le leggi sull’esproprio giocano un ruolo di primo piano, qui analizzato criticamente e posto a confronto con le moderne teorie sul restauro che proprio in questi stessi anni si dibattono con vivacità. Il tema della provvisorietà accompagna quindi costantemente gli eventi e suggerisce di ricostruire le vicende in una prospettiva storica più ampia, che travalica i primi anni di unità nazionale e giunge al passato recente: nel momento in cui i ministeri trovano una sistemazione nella città di Roma, la celeberrima ‘terza Roma’ destinata ad assumere il ruolo di capitale definitiva del regno d’Italia, vanno identificate nuove destinazioni d’uso negli edifici torinesi e fiorentini. Possono essere individuate logiche comuni tra le due città apparentemente chiuse ad ogni confronto tra loro? L’aspra dialettica tra le esigenze governative e gli obiettivi municipali non determina più ora il prevalere delle istanze del governo centrale, ma si configura in una netta vittoria da parte delle due città. Torino e Firenze sono consapevoli dei vincoli rappresentati dalla normativa statale, soprattutto quella in via di definizione riferita ai beni culturali e, facendo presa sulla sua debolezza e fragilità, individuano con astuzia le pieghe attraverso le quali far emergere le loro specifiche esigenze, anche in chiave di risarcimento per il periodo in cui sono state messe a disposizione della macchina statale. La tesi è organizzata in un primo capitolo dedicato all’inquadramento normativo riferito ai ‘monumenti’, oggi diremmo beni culturali, nel periodo pre e post unitario: il servizio di tutela, assai disomogeneo nelle varie realtà locali, cerca con difficoltà di proporsi in una prospettiva nazionale. Il percorso tracciato, com’è noto, evidenzia importanti criticità che perdurano per molto tempo e non possono essere trascurate nella ricostruzione delle scelte politiche attuate durante il trasferimento della capitale. Per comprendere la complessità di tali operazioni, è stato necessario identificare la ‘consistenza’ di una macchina burocratica così complessa. L’organizzazione amministrativa nei vari uffici ministeriali cambia anche considerevolmente in funzione del peso politico assunto da ciascun ministero, e le differenze in termini di competenze, unità e numero di uffici si traducono in spazi architettonici più o meno ampi, collocati in edifici di proprietà statale dall’alto valore rappresentativo oppure relegati in stabili anonimi e regolati da contratti di affitto. Per organizzare il consistente materiale di studio in modo chiaro ed esaustivo, è stato scelto lo strumento della schedatura delle sedi ministeriali torinesi e fiorentine, che occupa i capitoli centrali del lavoro. L’indagine è stata condotta facendo un costante riferimento alle fonti bibliografiche e documentarie, queste ultime conservate sia presso gli archivi storici della città di Torino e di Firenze, sia presso gli archivi di Stato di Torino, Firenze e Roma, in modo da privilegiare il costante confronto tra la dimensione municipale e quella centrale. Le voci di schedatura delineano in sintesi i caratteri storici e architettonici di ciascun edificio, mentre approfondiscono maggiormente l’ambito cronologico riferito alle esigenze governative e locali sino ai più recenti cambiamenti: l’analisi quindi supera lo studio delle sue peculiarità artistiche, del resto già presenti in molte pubblicazioni indicate in una bibliografia specifica, allo scopo di intrecciare inediti rapporti tra il singolo stabile e le vicende risorgimentali e post risorgimentali, in una chiave di lettura innovativa. Incrociando i dati desunti dalle schede, interpretati anche sulla base del sistema normativo sui beni culturali di inizio Novecento, si è giunti alla stesura del capitolo conclusivo che individua per le sedi ministeriali ormai dismesse cinque famiglie in base alla funzione che le accomuna: didattica, militare, culturale, amministrativa e residenziale. L’indagine cercherà di capire se è possibile cogliere una logica comune di recupero e riutilizzo degli edifici, che diventano chiara espressione della volontà di trasmettere una serie di valori omogenei, nel solco del difficile percorso verso l’acquisizione di una solida identità nazionale. I complessi architettonici sottoposti all’indagine sono stati l’espressione di un continuo cambiamento d’uso, quasi destinato a non avere mai fine. Possibile che le scelte operate siano state dettate soltanto da fortuite contingenze e da singole occasioni d’uso? Poco probabile. L’approfondimento critico dello studio attraverso l’indispensabile confronto con il coevo piano normativo dedicato ai beni culturali, inserito volutamente all’inizio e alla fine della stesura della tesi, ha permesso di cogliere alcuni atteggiamenti comuni alle due città, forse non sempre consapevoli, che testimoniano una chiara espressione di attenzione ad un bisogno di volta in volta collettivo o municipale. E’ stato possibile dimostrare che l’identità nazionale tra la fine dell’Ottocento e l’inizio del Novecento è stata costruita, varrebbe la pena dire strutturata, soprattutto tentando di rispondere a queste esigenze: istruire i cittadini, rafforzare la memoria collettiva e garantire l’unità tanto amministrativa quanto militare, a fondamento di un sentire comune che, almeno nelle intenzioni dei diversi attori politici e amministrativi, presto avrebbe potuto e dovuto accomunare tutto il popolo italiano.

In Italy the first half of the Cinquecento was marked by both flourishing artistic innovation and deep-seated religious uncertainty, the latter revealing itself most clearly in a widespread impetus towards reform. The relationship between these two cultural spheres--long a fraught problem in art historical scholarship--is made visually manifest in the religious works produced by the Florentine painter Jacopo da Pontormo. By re-examining Pontormo's three monumental religious commissions--the Certosa del Galluzzo (1522-27), the Capponi Chapel (1525-28), and the choir of San Lorenzo (1545-1557)--this dissertation maps the complex dialogue between artistic and devotional practice that characterized this era. Further, in highlighting the active role of the painter in this dynamic I propose a not only a new understanding of Pontormo, but also enrich our current notions of artistic agency in the Renaissance period. The foundation of these arguments derives from a re-evaluation of the specific historical context on the one hand, and the implementation of a broader framework of visual culture on the other. Taking its cue from Giorgio Vasari's 1568 edition of The Lives of the Artists, modern scholarship has tended to view much of the art from the early sixteenth century through a post-Tridentine lens; paintings are labeled controversial or heretical, when in fact such notions would not have been relevant in these earlier decades. Published five years after the conclusion of the Council of Trent, Vasari's Lives is predominantly characterized by the author's own attempts to codify artistic pedagogy and style in the service of the Medici Duchy, whose newly consolidated ties with the papacy were of primary importance. A further difficulty presented by following Vasari's example is the relatively narrow view of the artistic environment that his account affords. Aimed as it was towards the social elevation of the individual Renaissance artist, Vasari's narrative undervalues the importance of other genres and media--such as prints, Mystery plays, terracotta sculptures, and sacri monti--to the work of well-established painters like Pontormo. Each chapter examines a single, monumental project, delineating the artist's responsiveness to, and engagement with, the unique devotional and artistic challenges inherent to the individual commission. Chapter One resituates Pontormo's use of the maniera tedesca within the broader contexts of northern devotional practices and the parallels they form with affective strategies employed by other genres including sacre rappresentazioni and sacri monti. Chapter Two focuses on the painter's decision to portray himself the guise of Nicodemus, and the ways in which this identification evoked an entire web of historical associations--linked to hagiographic tradition and local legend--that would have been accessible to contemporary viewers. Finally, in Chapter Three I investigate Pontormo's pictorial approach, which combined an overarching diagrammatic simplicity with a complex, allusive figural language, as a means of communicating to the different levels of Florentine society that would have been his audience in this important parish church.