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1
Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. « Pakistan : State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration ». Pakistan Development Review 56, no 2 (1 juin 2017) : 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.
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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State
2
Filimonova, Alina L. « Foreign Policy Doctrines of Islamist Organisations in Pakistan (Late 1940s – Early 1970s) within the Context of Islamic Perception of International Law ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 2 (2022) : 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017212-0.
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The article analyses the specifics of how Pakistani Islamists define the guidelines and aims of State’s foreign policy. It is during the initial period of Pakistan’s existence, scrutinized by the authors, that the basis for this vision was laid: at that time the Islamists were urged to form their own perception of Pakistan’s role and position in the world, as well as to transmit their attitude towards the official foreign policy of the Pakistani government. Since both these tasks were being accomplished in consonance with Islamic norms, the current study involves a general review of respective doctrines and demonstrates how they were interpreted within the Pakistani context. The article also provides evidence that at this stage there came into existence specific factors within Pakistan which influenced the Islamists’ worldview – including the matters of foreign policy. The main factors of this kind, laid out in the article, are the following: firstly, the attitude of the State government towards the Islamists and the level of their access to power; secondly, the place of “Islamic theme” within the foreign policy promoted by the State. Created as a Muslim state, Pakistan from the very beginning faced the need to define the role of Islam in policymaking – the task that considerably affected both domestic and foreign policy, complicating inter-State relations. Detailed study of the established points determines under which circumstances Pakistani Islamists developed their views of foreign policy and to what extent these views came in harmony with dogmatic Islamic perception of International Law.
3
Rathore, Altaf Hussain, et Kashif Rathore. « STATE OF HEALTH ». Professional Medical Journal 21, no 05 (13 décembre 2018) : 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29309/tpmj/2014.21.05.2496.
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The plight of surgical diseases in Pakistani workers in the gulf countries ishighlighted. Objective: To highlight the health problems of Pakistani workers in GS. It is doneby taking the information from the expatriates returning from the gulf states who present to usin the foundation hospital, Rajana, district Toba Tek Singh (TTS), for the treatment of varioussurgical illnesses. It is concluded that Pakistanis working in the gulf countries are not satisfiedby the treatment received in those states. Only one out of 50 patients was satisfied with thetreatment he got for his disease.
4
Prokhorov, Ruslan. « Pakistani-American Relations : Current State and Perspectives ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, no 2 (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015900-7.
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The article examines the political cooperation of Pakistan with the United States of America. The importance of maintaining dialogue is emphasized at all levels of interstate contacts, even in the most difficult conditions. Military and military-technical cooperation is highlighted as a traditional direction of Pakistani-American relations. Trade and economic relations between the two states are analyzed, including an analysis of the economic indicators of US-Pakistan cooperation in comparison with the traditional economic partners of Pakistan. The article covers the implementation of educational and ethnocultural programs by US government and public organizations. Summing up, it is concluded that bilateral contacts between the United States of America and Pakistan will continue and be predominantly of a partnership nature.
5
Faqih, Muhammad, et Ellyda Retpitasari. « KONSEP KETATANEGARAAN PAKISTAN PERSPEKTIF FIQH SIYASAH ». Tafáqquh : Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 9, no 1 (1 juin 2021) : 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v9i1.383.
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The purpose of this research is to find out the pakistani constitutional system in terms of tate institutions and fiqh siyasah. The method used is library reaserch with two approaches, namely conseptual approach and historical approach. The results of the research of the concept of Pakistani state regulation fiqh siyasah perspective in the era: (1) In general the state of Pakistan can be said to be a country with a weak democracies system, this is motivated by the unstable system of government and constitutional system since Pakistan's independence in 1947. In addition, the cause of the instability of the country is the violence and feud between three social forces, namely Hindus who are the majority in India, indian Muslims who are minorities and The British as invaders with modern political and technological forces that developed in the country of pakistan. (2) The establishment of the Indian Muslim League, Muhammad Ali Jinnah initiated the theory of "two nations" and formally presented the demands of a Muslim homeland separate from India. In a 1940 resolution the Muslim League conveyed the establishment of an independent and fully sovereign Pakistani state. (3) On 15 August 1947 Pakistan was born as a fully sovereign state for Indian Muslims. Islam and Muslims in Pakistan have made a real contribution in the development of civilization in the Islamic world. Pakistan is a country that takes Islam as a source of law has become a phenomenon in the study of the relationship of the country and religion in Islam.
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NÆSS, ANDERS, et BJØRG MOEN. « Dementia and migration : Pakistani immigrants in the Norwegian welfare state ». Ageing and Society 35, no 8 (6 juin 2014) : 1713–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x14000488.
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ABSTRACTThis article is about dementia disease in the context of transnational migration. Focusing on the example of Pakistani immigrants in Norway, the article explores response processes surrounding signs and symptoms of dementia. Particular attention is lent to understanding how Norwegian-Pakistani families ‘negotiate dementia’ in the space between their own imported, culturally defined system of cure and care, and the Norwegian health-care culture, which is characterised by an inclination towards public care and biomedical intervention. Based on field observations and in-depth interviews with Norwegian-Pakistani families and hospital professionals working with dementia, we show that the centrality of the traditional family in Norwegian-Pakistanis' identity claims has significant implications for how Norwegian-Pakistanis relate to the Norwegian health-care culture, and for how signs and symptoms of cognitive decline are read and responded to in a migratory context.
7
Wachani, Juliyana Usman, Itrat Batool et Ghulam Murtaza Lahbar. « Application of the Concept of Islamic Welfare State is the Panacea to Remove the Evils of the Political System of Pakistan ». Global Political Review VII, no II (30 juin 2022) : 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-ii).10.
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Muslims were promised to establish a separate homeland with the enforcement of the Islamic political system in case of the establishment of a new state. But with the passage of time, politicians of Pakistan became negligent of the principles of the political system of Islam. Reports of international forums demonstrate that the performance of the chief organs of the Pakistani political system is not satisfactory. The research study sets the hypothesis that the application of the concept of the Islamic welfare state is the panacea for removing the evils of the political system of Pakistan. In this connection, a comparative study will be conducted to evaluate both Pakistan's and the Islamic political systems. The nature of the research study is qualitative along with a thematic analysis approach by conducting interviews with ten scholars having MPhil and PhD education. Finally, the findings will be derived on how far application of the concept of an Islamic welfare state is fruitful in removing the evils of the Pakistani political system.
8
Kapur, S. Paul, et Sumit Ganguly. « The Jihad Paradox : Pakistan and Islamist Militancy in South Asia ». International Security 37, no 1 (juillet 2012) : 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00090.
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Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received widespread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a “jihad paradox”: the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson.
9
Kukreja, Veena. « Ethnic Diversity, Political Aspirations and State Response : A Case Study of Pakistan ». Indian Journal of Public Administration 66, no 1 (mars 2020) : 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120906585.
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This article seeks to analyse the ineluctable dilemma of Pakistan, how to weave a viable national identity out of the regional and linguistic loyalties and their political-aspirations. Ethnic divide or ethnic militancy ranging from autonomy to political reorganisation has been a constant phenomenon haunting Pakistani politics. It also aims at highlighting failure of the Pakistani state to translate its socio-cultural diversity in political terms, something that is at the heart of the country’s persistent problem of political order and legitimacy. The state in Pakistan has taken recourse to coercive measures, irrespective of the type of government (civilian or military), from the very beginning to counter the political demands of various ethnic groups in the country. The Pakistani state’s response towards ethnic demands has been shaped by ‘law and order’ and ‘assimilation’ orientation rather than that of a dignified accommodation of the diverse ethnicities.
10
Qazi, Umer, Adnan Ahmad, Mirwais Khan et Riffat Aisha. « Credit Risk Management Practices and Banks’ Performance in Pakistan ». Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management, and Innovation 4, no 1 (21 février 2022) : 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52633/jemi.v4i1.155.
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The main objective of this study is to investigate whether the credit risk management of Pakistan's commercial banks listed on the Pakistan Stock Exchange is linked to financial performance. For this purpose, the researchers have attempted to analyze the data trends of five major banks of Pakistan as a proxy representation of the entire banking sector of Pakistan. Five (5) years of panel data collected from the State Bank of Pakistan Annual publication and annual reports of respective banks was used to conduct the research. The study found that underperforming Credit Risk Management (CRM) loans and Capital Adjustment Ratios (CDRs) have an impact on the financial achievement of Pakistani commercial banks as measured by return on equity (ROE) and return on assets. For panel data analysis, inferential statistics (regression models) were used in this study. After analyzing the data, the researcher found that CRM has a significant impact on the financial performance of Commercial Banks of Pakistan. Furthermore, the researcher encourages the Pakistani banks to grow their profitability in terms of better CRM. Pakistan's banking sector must develop suitable CRM strategies and policies through a sound credit appraisal before lending to consumers and banks; an appropriate CRM mechanism must be developed, and the credit awards system must be thoroughly reviewed, properly informed and used to repay loans. Pakistani Banks would develop and implement strategies to improve their performance & competitiveness as well as limit their lending risk exposure.
11
Ji, Chen. « The Study on the Vulnerability and Countermeasures of Pakistan’s Nation-state Construction ». Asia Social Science Academy 2, no 2 (30 avril 2022) : 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/isr.2022.2.2.21.
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The independence of Pakistan was an important event of the national independence movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America in the 20th century. Behind the event was the capacity building led by political parties. With the process of building a modern nation state, Pakistani political party’s ability has suffered a major “capacity decline” in reverse, which leads to the negative characteristics of Pakistan’s national construction such as “fragility” and “failed state”. Focusing on strengthening the construction of nation-state with party capacity building as its core, we will put forward corresponding countermeasures from four aspects of party capacity building.There are expression and integration of interests, formulation of program and policy, political mobilization and participation, political selection and employment, so as to effectively improve the core governance ability of political parties in many modern nation-states in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
12
Haqqani, Husain. « Pakistan and the Islamists ». Current History 106, no 699 (1 avril 2007) : 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.699.147.
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Lyon, Stephen M., et Sohaila Ashraf Hassan. « Kinship, Factions and Survival in Pakistani Politics ». Soziale Systeme 25, no 1 (1 août 2022) : 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2020-0006.
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Abstract Pakistan’s political volatility is well known and oft cited as a cause for concern both regionally and internationally. The state is accused of adopting duplicitous tactics and fostering violent paramilitary organizations in its efforts to undermine Indian hegemony and internal opposition. From the outside, the persistent functioning of the state can sometimes appear to be a mystery. Managing chronic conflicting adversarial relations over a sustained period of time demands particular social and political tools that must be resilient while ensuring robust reproduction of particular types of shared interests. Such social and political tools are diverse and operate to generate both stability and instability in state political institutions. The political networks of individuals and groups that actively seek to control and manipulate state institutions are formed through different types of relationship, but one of the most publicly visible is marriage. Marriage networks offer opportunities for indirect alliances through children, siblings and other kin members in ways that need not threaten ideologically rooted affiliations, such as those created through shared political party membership. In this working paper, we focus on the communicative potential of such marriage networks through comparing village networks of landowners and the families who engage actively in electoral politics in Punjab, Pakistan. Although these findings are based on more than two decades of research carried out in rural and urban Pakistan, they remain partial, because Pakistani politics is anything but tidy or simply. Nevertheless, any attempt to analyze Pakistani politics that neglects the impact of the complex personal relationship networks is unlikely to satisfactorily explain or even describe the current political situation of the country.
14
Qadri, Muhammad Ahmed, Rooh Ul Amin Khan et Muhammad Abbas. « Comparative Analysis of Pak-Indo Press Role toward Annexation of Special Status of Kashmir : From War to Peace Perspective ». Review of Education, Administration & ; LAW 4, no 2 (5 juin 2021) : 443–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i2.157.
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Indo-Pak Conflict on the territory of Kashmir started with Pakistan’s released in August 1947. At that time all the states were given the choice of choosing India or Pakistan. The then princely states rulers had to make their option. There have been some preliminaries, they said when selecting both states; one is the geographical proximity and the one was for the public ambition. In October 1947, given the fact that Kashmir was predominantly Muslim state that opted for the state of Pakistan, while the Kashmir’s Maharaja chose India in support. This choice was perceived by the Pakistani government as fraudulent, unfair and entirely unrecognized judgement. Furthermore, the religious orientation of more Kashmiri inhabitants can be seen as another factor in this conflict (Qumber, Ishaque and Shah 2017). This study aims to explore framing from war to peace-journalism after the Indian attempt of August 5, 2019, to annex the special status of Kashmir, in two English elite newspapers i.e. Daily Dawn, a Pakistani newspaper and the other is Hindustan Times an Indian Newspaper. The study explores news stories on front page along with editorials of these newspapers to understand how these newspapers covered and framed the issue?
15
Waheed, Ahmed Waqas. « State Sovereignty and International Relations in Pakistan ». South Asia Research 37, no 3 (24 septembre 2017) : 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728017725624.
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In Pakistan, the field of international relations (IR) theory remains firmly embedded in the ‘realist’ tradition, to the detriment of a wider range of considerations. This stranglehold, strengthened by the particular evolutionary trajectory of the Pakistani state as well as a complacent academia, seems to have created a vicious circle of knowledge reproduction, reinforced by various bids for power, or proximity to it. This article scrutinises specifically the dominant understandings in Pakistan of state sovereignty and security in a broadly historical perspective, showing how the rise of the military, combined with security paranoia, has prevented academic creativity in this field, including scrutiny of recent concerns over rather close China–Pakistan links.
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Shehabuddin, Elora. « Between Orientalism and Anti-Muslim Racism ». Meridians 20, no 2 (1 octobre 2021) : 340–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-9547921.
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Abstract This article explores some of the ways in which, in the early years of the united Pakistan experiment, elite educated Muslim East Bengali women experienced and narrated their relationship to the new Pakistan nation as they navigated the international stage as citizens of a new sovereign Muslim-majority state. In the context of the nascent Cold War and the Pakistani state’s efforts to develop its own relationship with the United States, one that was distinct from that of India and yet motivated almost entirely by concerns about the greater military might of this large neighbor, Pakistani women from both wings were quickly pulled into the orbit of US- and Soviet-sponsored women’s organizations targeting women around the world. In this article, the author focuses on the relationship between Pakistani and US women in the 1950s that emerges from the memoirs, biographies, and writings of Bengali Pakistani women active in this period, as well as from the archives—housed in Smith College’s Sophia Smith Collection—of one of the first formal US women’s groups to establish contact with East Bengali women leaders: the New York-based Committee of Correspondence.
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Batool, Asma. « Pakistan's State Sovereignty in the Light of Saudi Arab's Overt Dictation ». Global Pakistan Studies Research Review II, no I (30 décembre 2019) : 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2019(ii-i).03.
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Historically Pakistan's relations with Saudi Arab have been concerted and coordinated on the basis of calculated strategy, except for the few exceptions. Pakistan had maintained friendly ties with Saudi Arab but with time Saudi Arab started playing more assertive role in relation to Pakistan. Since inception Pakistan tends to look towards the Saudi Arab due to cultural orientation of its public. The unprecedented transition in paradigm of Pak-Saudi relations came when Saudi Arab assumed the role of major economic aid donor. Today, the role of Pakistan can be described as 'shatter belt' vis-à-vis major powers. Pakistani an attempt to pull itself out of Western influence relied on Saudi Aid which resulted in explicit dictation of Saudi Arab.The internal weakness of Pakistan extended the opportunity for accepting external pressure which compromised the sovereignty of state directly and placed Pakistan in compliant position in relation to Saudi Arab. This paper will divulge the unique relations of Saudi Arab and Pakistan by dissecting the dimensions of Saudi Arab's political, economic and cultural influence on Pakistan. It will also illume the Saudi hegemonic policies in which Pakistan adjusts and influenced to revise its own policy choices. This paper will dwell on the way forward in Pak-Saudi relations in order to restore balance and maintain sovereignty of the state.
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Tassadduq, Sobia, et Sadia Sulaiman. « PAK-US ALLIANCE ON WAR OF TERROR : EVOLUTION OF PAKISTANI CONTEMPORARY ART IN THE WAKE OF INCREASED VIOLENT EXTREMISM ». Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no 02 (30 juin 2022) : 770–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.529.
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This paper presents the findings of exploratory research that attempts to establish the relationship between the Pakistan-United States of America alliance in the post-9/11 era and increased violent extremism in Pakistan. Moreover, its efforts to link the rise of violent extremism with the evolution of Pakistani contemporary artwork – demonstrate greater political activism. Pakistan emerged as a frontline state and key non-NATO ally of the US and the West for the War of Terror. The study offers a perspective on changes in the artwork in terms of themes and messages. The study findings suggest that Pakistan’s participation in the US-led War on Terror did work to transform the political and religious sentiments, having security implications across Pakistan. The most profound changes are evident in terms of violent extremisms in particular suicide bombing and the State’s response in waging military operations against extremist elements. The changing landscape did influence the societal sentiments and heightened skepticism of the Pakistan-US partnership. The mounting skepticism and antagonism worked to influence the artistic expressions with the rise of political activism in contemporary artwork. The artists used the visual artwork (of painting) to express their political ideas, which demonstrates a marked departure from pre-9/11 artwork. The study’s findings suggest that the artwork became more critical of the changing realities and questioned both the government and the extremist elements, including Pakistan's relationship with the US. The study concludes that the Pakistan-US partnership did result in hardening the extremist views and as a consequence rise of violent extremism. And in turn, it changed the contemporary artwork in terms of themes and messages and the emergence of political artwork in Pakistan. Keywords: War on Terror, Violent Extremism, Pakistani Contemporary Art, Political Imageries.
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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, et DAVID GILMARTIN. « Secularism and the State in Pakistan : Introduction ». Modern Asian Studies 45, no 3 (28 avril 2011) : 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.
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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Mudassir Mukhtar et Rubina Ali. « Infusing National Integration in the Fractured Society of Pakistan ». Global Political Review VI, no IV (30 décembre 2021) : 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-iv).03.
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There is a common proverb that national integration in Pakistan appears in crises only. The nation has responded during calamities in a unified manner. However, when the crisis is dealt with, the internal incongruities resurface. The Pakistani society is divided into fault lines, like, political, ethnic, linguistic, societal, feudal, religious,and provincial etc., which has fractured national integration. This publication is in continuation of my previous articles on the challenges of national integration in Pakistan 2018 and the national security paradigm of Pakistan published in 2019. This article investigates the existing status of the Pakistani State and society and how far we have progressed towards achieving national integration both as the State and society. The article also examines various factors impacting the national integration in Pakistan and suggests a course of action for achieving tolerance and harmony in the society to fulfill the dream of creating a progressive and tolerant society.
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Khan, Asghar Ullah, Zain Ul Abiden Malik et Hani Fatima. « AN EXPLORATORY STUDY ON THE DYNAMICS OF RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN PAKISTAN ». Journal of Social Research Development 01, no 01 (30 juin 2020) : 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.53664/jsrd/01-01-2020-08-85-92.
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Although domestic terrorism has long been a global threat, many countries have only just started developing systemic policies to tackle the root causes of religious extremism. Studying front-line countries like Pakistan is critical to understanding how to tackle the challenge effectively. Despite Pakistan's war with anti-government rebels like Pakistani Taliban, Pakistan has struggling for more than decade to resolve theoretical aspects of those problems. Since the key majority of nefarious activities in Pakistan are carried out by entities that promote religion and justify Islam. It is vital that extremist drivers should be eliminated from Pakistan and other countries. We understand theological element. Ethnic minorities have targeted and harassed often by the religious fundamentalist groups for years. Unless the state avoids this trend, state will soon base itself on the prevailing narrative of extremism; it will only provide Sunni living space while restricting the limits of religious beliefs of minorities and living as free citizens. Most sensitive issue of Pakistan national security is extremism.
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Qayum, Huma, Syed Ali Shah et Zubaria Andlib. « Implications of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade for Regional Security ». Global Regional Review I, no I (30 décembre 2016) : 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).13.
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Pak-Afghan relations have almost remained far from being normal and under the grip of allegations and counter allegation due to several bilateral political issues. However, trade relations have remained unrestrained from several decades. Afghanistan as a landlocked state always relied on Pakistani ports for its trade requirements with the rest of the world. Despite ups and downs in the relations, Pakistan provided the trade provision to Afghanistan under 1965 trade agreement which was replaced in October 2010 with agreement providing better trade facilities to Afghanistan with India. Pakistan has security concerns over India, as Indo-Afghan trade will reduce Pakistan’s imports of goods. Growing Indian presence in the form of huge investment in Afghanistan has threatened Pakistan’s security. Trade has great potential for Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan but security and sincereity are required for implementation of such agreements.
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Akhtar, Shahzad. « Decline of Insurgency in Pakistan’s FATA ». Asian Survey 59, no 4 (juillet 2019) : 693–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.4.693.
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The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan insurgency seriously challenged the Pakistani government’s writ of state in FATA from 2004 to 2008. However, by 2017, the insurgency collapsed. This paper argues that Pakistan’s counterinsurgency campaign after 2009 caused the decline of the Taliban insurgency by targeting the TTP through a true counterinsurgency operation, rather than the conventional warfare tactics used earlier. This counterinsurgency shift involved a more judicious use of force, rather than simply more force, and deployed both enemy-centric and population-centric approaches, but with a marked emphasis on the former over the latter.
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Sulaiman, Hasti. « M Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Struggle In The Formation Of The Pakistan State ». Santhet : (Jurnal Sejarah, Pendidikan, dan Humaniora) 6, no 2 (24 octobre 2022) : 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36526/santhet.v6i2.2162.
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This study aims to determine the educational history, career in the political world of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the factors that caused the separation of the State of Pakistan and the State of India and the struggle of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in the formation of the State of Pakistan. The type of research used is library research. With a qualitative research method that is descriptive analytic. Library research is research whose data collection is carried out by collecting data from various literatures related to the history of education, career in politics and the struggle of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in the formation of the Pakistani state. The data that has been obtained is then analyzed using a historical approach. The results of this study can illustrate that Muhammad Ali Jinnah attended junior high school at one of the Islamic madrasas, namelyat Sind Madrasatul Islam. At the age of 15, Jinnah continued her high school at the Christian missionary school (mission high school) in Karachi, after graduating from high school, she continued her studies at the University of Mumbai and majored in Law. In 1913 Ali Jinnah joined the Muslim League, In his political development Ali Jinnah served as president of the Muslim League . The factors that led to the formation of the Pakistani state were religious and cultural factors, economic factors, educational factors and political factors of Ali Jinnah's struggle or efforts in the formation of the Pakistani state. One of his efforts was to carry out negotiations known as the Lucknow pact agreement in 1916.
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Farid, Irfan, Asma Aftab et Zubair Iqbal. « A Critique of American Supremacist Politics in Cold War in Sorayya Khan's City of Spies ». Global Social Sciences Review VI, no II (30 mars 2021) : 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-ii).02.
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The present study investigates the representation of America in Anglophone Pakistani Literature with a special focus on Sorayya Khan's City of Spies with the assumption to trace some possible connection between American intervention and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the context of Pakistan's politics. Given the American intervention in Pakistani politics and its indelible impact on the domestic and international scenario had made the country a virtual battleground for the superpowers of the world. Khan's novel situates this conflict in the aftermath of the military coup of General Zia, followed by the Afghan war and (c)overt American alliance in it, which brought about serious implications for the Pakistani state. The story of the novel offers some pertinent extracts which deal, literally or metaphorically, with the role and representation of America in these geostrategic events. The article has used the critical cultural angle by investing the theoretical views of Ziauddin Sardar in terms of the Muslim world's apathy for America in the aftermath of cold war politics are used to get a better insight into the central problem by underscoring how this foreign policy of America has been responsible for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan.
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Khan, Maham Zahid, Dr Maira Qaddos et Muhammad Suleman. « Portrayal of Kashmir Issue in the Editorial Cartoons of English Dailies : A comparative study of Indian and Pakistani newspapers ». Journal of Peace, Development & ; Communication V05, no 04 (31 décembre 2021) : 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i04-08.
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Kashmir issue has been the bone of contention between India and Pakistan since their independence. However, abrogation of article 370 on Aug 05, 2019, in Indian Occupied Kashmir by the Indian government to revoke its’ special status has escalated the conflict to an extreme level. This paper is an attempt to examine the portrayal of the Kashmir issue in the editorial cartoons of English dailies of India and Pakistan published in August 2019 (just after the abrogation of article 370) in the light of Framing theory and Barthes’s model of connotation and denotation. The main objective of this research is to examine the signs, symbols, and metaphors used by Pakistani and Indian cartoonists to highlight the Kashmir issue. The study concludes both Pakistani and Indian newspapers frame the Kashmir issue in their way representing their perception, newspaper's policy, and ideology. Cartoons published in Indian newspapers depict Pakistan as a confused and baffled state whereas Pakistani newspapers highlight the barbarianism of the Indian army in Indian Occupied Kashmir.
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Azim, Syed Wasif, Yaseen Ullah et Fazal Wahab. « Religion, Conflict and Identity : Islam, Pakistani identity and the conflict in Swat ». Journal of Peace, Development & ; Communication Volume 5, no 1 (30 mars 2021) : 416–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i01-35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Other than an identity in itself, religion plays a central role in other forms of collective identities, like ethnic and national. Moreover, as the constructivist theoretical position argues that identities are fluid and can be impacted by different factors, we propose that conflict and violence have repercussions for religion and the associated identities. Extending the constructivist theoretical position, we contend that conflicts do not ‘soften’ or ‘harden’ identities, rather its impacts are complex, multiple and significant. In the backdrop of recent conflict and violence in Pukhtun region of Swat, Islam is substantial due to its centrality to Pakistani national identity (represented and promoted by the Pakistani state) and Pukhtun ethnic identity (represented by the Pukhtuns in Swat) and militant discourse in the region. This study argues that, amidst the conflict in Swat, three forms and positions of Islam have emerged, including the Islam adopted by Pukhtuns as marker of their identity, Islam used by Pakistan for framing a national identity and the one promoted, rather imposed, by the militants. Pukhtuns in Swat try to detach and distance their ‘form’ of Islam (having both symbolic and practical aspects) from that of the Pakistani state and the militants. Moreover, Pukhtun’s form of Islam is considered closer to that of the state with a sharp distance from that of the militants. Pakistani state, religious clergy and militants are blamed and criticized for using Islam for their interests. Militant’s Islam is termed ‘violent’ and only based on their form of justice and is thus rejected. Pakistani state’s Islam is considered least practiced and more symbolic and thus disowned. Islam adopted and practiced by Pukhtuns, majority, in Swat is considered as peaceful and in practice and thus assumed to be better than the other contesting forms of Islam. Thus, the conflict in Swat, involving militants and Pakistani state, has complicated the divisive role of Islam in relation to its unifying role as a component and marker of Pakistani national identity. This has repercussions for Pakistani national identity. The study is based on 45 open-ended in-depth interviews and five focus group discussions in diverse parts of Swat, coupled with ethnographic observation.
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Khan, Surat, Muhammad Faheem et Saima Gul. « Understanding Pashtunwali and the Manifestation of Pashtun Nationalism in Pakistan : A Conceptual Analysis ». Global Social Sciences Review IV, no I (31 mars 2019) : 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-i).35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper describes the key elements of Pashtunwali and the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism, especially in Pakistan. This study on Pashtun nationalism finds that Pashtunwali is a centuries-old primordial customary code of life and it is important in the context of nationalism as it strengthens the sentiments and feelings of closeness and affinity; central to the phenomenon of nationalism, among the Pashtuns. This paper also highlights two different aspects of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistans independence, the stance of Pashtun nationalists was more inclined towards the idea of a separate state for the Pashtuns. However, as a result of various factors; including state policies, currently the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism has adopted the internal dimension of highlighting and struggling for the rights of the Pashtuns in the ambit of the Pakistani constitution and by remaining an integral and constitutional part of the country.
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Qureshi, Ayaz. « The Politics of Pakistan's COVID-19 Response : A State-in-Society Approach ». Pacific Affairs 95, no 4 (1 décembre 2022) : 731–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022954731.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper takes a "state-in society" approach to understand the evolution of Pakistan's COVID-19 response, which was laid claim to and contested by multiple agencies within and adjacent to the state, and by multiple levels of government. The capacity of the health system of Pakistan was already overstretched by the needs of its population but in recent years it has been hamstrung by ongoing protests by the medical community concerning the privatisation of public sector hospitals, to which were added protests over the lack of PPE in the public sector. These resulted in frequent closures of out-patient departments at major hospitals. When the government announced a relief package to mitigate effects of COVID, traders and big businesses lobbied the government to obtain the lion's share in the form of concessions such as loan deferments and tax refunds. The unconditional cash grants programme was hyped about by the government but the cash for the poor could not be disbursed effectively due to the absence of local governments at the grass-root level. As an appropriate response to the pandemic, especially in relation to the lockdown policies, was contested and negotiated among multiple actors in the Pakistani state and society, the Pakistan military emerged as a dominant force in this "field of power". In this paper, I present an account of Pakistan's response to COVID-19 as it evolved in 2020 and discuss the implications of this response for democratic culture in Pakistan.
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Charania, Moon. « Outing the Pakistani queer : Pride, paranoia and politics in US visual culture ». Sexualities 20, no 1-2 (19 septembre 2016) : 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716633393.
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This article draws on the 26 June 2011 US embassy-sponsored Gay Pride parade in Islamabad, Pakistan alongside popular US visual cultural moments (2008–2012). I use visual culture to reread US intrigue in Pakistani queer subjects through specific images of terrorist/feminized masculinities – images that elucidate the conspicuous shifts in the technologies of power and sexuality in the context of contemporary Pakistani LGBT visibility. I move through popular US representations of Pakistan, Muslim masculinity and US LGBT visibility – all of which attempt to capture homoerotic desire (and dread) in the transnational landscape of sexuality-racial-gender politics and all of which, I argue, are embroiled in US national identity (and ‘security’). My analysis is two-pronged. First, I look closely and critically at the narrative and visual character of the knowledge the US has created around defining Pakistan and Pakistani (sexual) subjects. Second, I demonstrate that in Pakistan queer resistance is often produced and animated from below the state and articulated against US hegemonic practices of visibility and representation.
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Galistcheva, N. V. « Foreign Aid as a Factor of Development of Economy of the Developing State : The Experience of Pakistan ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 65, no 2 (25 mai 2019) : 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-2-65-136-158.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this study is to analyze the use of foreign aid for stimulating economic development using the case of Pakistan and to find out advantages and disadvantages of raising national financial resources through foreign aid. The article analyzes the evolution of the policy of attracting financial resources through this channel, as well as the main Pakistani donors and their conditions.The author uses the most representative theories which consider the consequences of attracting foreign assistance to the national economy making the theoretical basis of the study a synthesis of the concept of aid as the most important factor to stimulate development and M.A. Rahman’s approach to determining an impact of foreign aid inflows on economic growth. The article emphasizes that foreign aid has always been very significant in stimulating the development of the Pakistani economy due to the serious limitation of the volume of national capital since its independence. The author considers the effectiveness of assistance provided to Pakistan during the import substitution period of its economic policy. The construction of large objects of heavy industries and infrastructure in various regions of the country was financed from external resources.The article also analyzes the current volume, conditions and forms of foreign assistance provided to Pakistan. The author considers the main donors of the Pakistani economy in the 1990s and 2010s and reveals the tendency of shifting the terms of aid’s allocation from grants to concessional loans, which inevitably leads to an increase in the volume of the country's external debt.
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Ali, Sikandar, et Sumra M. J. Satti. « Jargon in Military : A Comparative Analysis of English Varieties in Pakistan based on Hallidiyan’s Functional Perspective ». Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no 3 (30 décembre 2021) : 207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3860.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pakistani English is (also known as Paklish or Pinglish) is the group of English language varieties that are spoken or written in Pakistan. It was recognized in terms of different varieties and forms first time in the 1970s and 1980s. This paper elucidated the phenomenon of transition that Pakistani English was undergoing in the current scenario because of its contact with other Pakistani languages in general, Urdu and Punjabi in particular. This study attempted to explore and interpret the varieties of Pakistani English in the Military at two different levels i.e. Officers to Officers Communication and Officers to Rank (Soldier). These constantly diverging forms and functions of English may not have reached stability and recognition among its users probably bilinguals or multi-linguals as Pakistan is a multi-lingual state. This study endeavored to use a Qualitative approach and data will be collected through observation from Pakistani English varieties used in the Military. This paper aimed to apply Halliday’s (1960) theory of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) to conduct a comparative study of varieties of English to describe, interpret and explain the forms and functions of Pakistani English at two different levels. The findings revealed that the variations of Military language were unique and distinct from all other varieties of English. In addition, these variations were acceptable by the whole language community shared by individuals in the Military.
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Saeed, Sadia. « Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan ». Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7, no 3 (décembre 2007) : 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00166.x.
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Sarfraz, Maliha, Amara Javed et Muhammad Iqbal. « Socio-Cultural and Historico-Political Crisis in Harris Khalique's "Between You and Your Love" ». Global Language Review VII, no I (30 mars 2022) : 373–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2022(vii-i).30.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the socio-cultural and political crisis in Between You and Your Love (2012) by the Pakistani Anglophone poet Harris Khalique.Employing Greenblatt's concepts of new historicism as a theoretical framework, this research attempts to establish the embedment of the selected verses in Pakistani society. As the selected poetry collection has not been analyzed through the lens of new historicism, this research will also fill this gap. The study reveals that the people of Karachi have been facing ethnocultural violence, sectarian clashes, and native-migrant conflicts since the inception of Pakistan. The shrinking space for cultural expression and thriving terrorism due to politico-sectarian division on the one hand, and Pakistan's involvement in the War on terror in the context of 9/11 on the other hand, have pushed the country into a perpetual state of crisis. Khalique has given voice to such dire issues related to regional identities and marginalized communities who are either not represented or misrepresented in the official narrative.
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Sanjeev Kumar H.M. « Territorial Nationalism, Confessional Islam and the Conundrum of State-Making in Early Postcolonial Pakistan ». Social Change 52, no 4 (décembre 2022) : 520–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00490857221110524.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The interplay of the question regarding the nature of postcolonial citizenship and the limits of religious belief considerably moulded the processes of the structuring of the political community in the early years of Pakistan’s history. Such an interplay manifested in the form of a normative contest between two distinct conceptualisations of nationalism. One was based on the notion of fixity of political territoriality that was defined in terms of the cartographic identity of Pakistan, and the other was premised upon the phenomenon of confessional Islam which tended to interpret the political identity of the Pakistani state in terms of the religion of Islam as a faith. This article is an attempt at mapping as to how such a contest strongly underpinned the competing public discourse on the modes of structuring of the political community in early postcolonial Pakistan. By doing this, the article discusses how this kind of a public discourse factored deeply in shaping the circuitous course of the processes of state-making in the initial years of the country’s creation.
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Rikhye, Indar Jit. « United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and India ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 41, no 3-4 (juillet 1985) : 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100301.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since independence, India has played an important role in strengthening the United Nations capability in the maintenance of international peace and security. Faced with the problem of Kashmir where Pakistan supported raiders, in violation of the Six Month Stand Still Agreement to work out future status of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, had entered the state, the ruler of the state called for assistance from India. Within hours Indian troops started to move by air and surface transportation and on entering the state faced Pakistani raiders. Some hard fighting ensued. In spite of the critical times, India pledged its support for the United Nations security system by calling on the Security Council to play a role in ending the fighting in Jammu and Kashmir and readily agreed to deploy United Nations military observers to supervise a cease fire which was negotiated by the United Nations between India and Pakistan. The decision by the Prime Minister, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru to stop fighting, instead of allowing the Indian Army to continue with its successful campaign, in favour of UN sponsored ceasefire and negotiations was significant. Nehru wished to avoid direct fighting between Indian and Pakistani forces by stepping in the general area of Uri which was at some distance from the Pakistani frontier. Regardless of the merits or demerits of this decision, the Indian Prime Minister had chosen United Nations direct military action.
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Awan, Safia, Naila Shahbaz, Syed Wasim Akhtar, Arsalan Ahmad, Sadaf Iqbal, Sellal Ahmed, Haider Naqvi et Mohammad Wasay. « Validation Study of the Mini-Mental State Examination in Urdu Language for Pakistani Population ». Open Neurology Journal 9, no 1 (26 juin 2015) : 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874205x01509010053.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Validation study of the Mini-Mental State Examination in Urdu language for Pakistani population Objective: This study was conducted primarily to validate and determine the optimal cutoff score in the diagnosis of dementia among Pakistani’s and study the effects of gender and education on the MMSE performance in our population. Methods: Four hundred participants took part in the study. Patient with dementia recruited from five major hospitals from Pakistan. The MMSE was translated into Urdu. Results: There were 61 men and 39 women in dementia group and 225 men and 75 women in the control group. The mean score of Urdu MMSE were lower in patients with dementia 18.5 ± 5.6 (range 0-30) as compared to the controls 26.8 ± 2.6 (range 7-30). This difference between groups was statistically significant (p<0.001). Educational based MMSE score below 15 yielded perfect sensitivity and specificity for the diagnosis of dementia. Conclusions: These finding confirm the influence of level of education on MMSE score and education stratified cutoff scores should be used while screening for cognitive impairment in this population.
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Gregory, Shaun. « The View Across the Durand Line ». Central Asian Affairs 1, no 1 (18 avril 2014) : 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00101007.
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As the regional state with the greatest influence on Afghanistan, Pakistan is pivotal to the prospects for a smooth us/nato transition in Afghanistan and for a stable Afghanistan over the longer term. Despite this, Pakistan has been largely side-lined in us and Afghan efforts to engage the Taliban and find a negotiated peace. The explanations for this lie in part in the strained contemporary us-Pakistan relationship and in historic Afghan-Pakistan antipathy and mutual suspicion, the latter shaped decisively by Afghan-Indian relations. This paper considers the view from Islamabad and argues that Pakistan could be a more constructive player in Afghanistan if the West did more to recognise and accommodate Pakistan’s national interests and paid more attention to Pakistani prescriptions for security problem-solving. It argues for a moratorium on drone strikes and cautions the West not to disengage from Pakistan or subject it to punitive sanctions.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Jawad Shah et Zahir Shah. « Pakistan-China Iron Brothers : A New Horizon of Inter State Relations ». Global Regional Review IV, no II (30 juin 2019) : 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-ii).05.
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From Pakistan’s perspective, the relationship with China is one of the core national interests, which has endured the test of times and is growing stronger every day. Since establishment of diplomatic relations in 1951, both countries have enjoyed respect, support and mutual trust. We are truly good neighbors, trusted partners, close friends and dear brothers. President Hu Jintao, described the relations as "higher than the Himalayas, deeper than the Indian Ocean and sweeter than honey" (Hu Jintao, 2006). Similar sentiments have been reciprocated by every segment of Pakistani society as China has a special place in the heart of Pakistani society and obvious foreign policy orientation. The existing level of bilateral relations has touched new heights and the two nation states are referred as Iron Brothers. This articles therefore, sketches evolution of bilateral relations from historical to contemporary times and suggests measures for furthering bonds of existing friendship.
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Arhama Siddiqa. « Pakistan-GCC Relationship : Reframing Policy Trajectories ». Strategic Studies 41, no 1 (9 mai 2021) : 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.01.0054.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For some time, Pakistan’s Gulf policy has largely focused on upholding cultural and religious ties, rather than building sustainable economic linkages. Though energy resources have been prioritised, overall efforts towards improving economic ties with the Gulf have been lacklustre. Given the present global economic crunch, if Pakistan’s underutilised economic card is used wisely, it could give the Pakistani economy much-needed reprieve. This article briefly outlines the nature of Pakistan’s relations with the GCC. Then it will continue on to argue that Pakistan should shift from a more strategic/political relation to a more economic-based one with all of the GCC since economic interdependence is more sustainable. By revitalising trade with all the GCC countries, improving the system of remittances and maintaining neutrality on all fronts, the state of Pakistan can help to steer its economy and could gain immense economic benefits out of the present turbulent economic situation country is facing.
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Shahnawaz, Shahnawaz. « State of Human Security in Security State : A Case Study of Pakistan ». GMPI Conference Series 1 (18 avril 2022) : 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53889/gmpics.v1.85.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Human Security is one of the novel concepts in international relations developed by the United Nations Development Projects (UNDP). The concept of human security revolves around protecting people from illiteracy, diseases, non-development, and food security. It describes how the state is developing and investing in human development and human capabilities. It is significant to note that international relations literature critically focuses on national security and the importance of state security. Most pundits of international relations do not give importance to human security and assert that the state should protect and invest in its national security instead of human security. However, some countries are utterly focused on national security and spend a significant amount on that, like Pakistan, which spends around 1.37 trillion Pakistani rupees (USD 8.78 billion) for 2021. According to the Asian Development Bank 24% of the population is living below the poverty line. This study is qualitative research that mainly employs case study methodology. Therefore, this paper analyzes whether illiteracy and poverty are a threat to the country's national security. How can national security be improved by investing in human security? This research analysis discovers that human security is equally essential for any state that profoundly focuses on national security and sovereignty by investing more in defense acquisition and military needs. In addition, the study concludes that lack of investment in human security is triggering extreme poverty, illiteracy, and religious radicalization, causing a direct threat to Pakistan's national security.
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Butool, Syeda Beena. « Pakistani Responses to AfPak Policy ». Asian Survey 53, no 6 (novembre 2013) : 1005–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.6.1005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The upcoming 2014 withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan poses challenges not just for Afghanistan but also for neighboring local war theaters, particularly the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. The conflict inside FATA is surrounded by a two-part puzzle comprising a global narrative inflected by America and a sidelined local narrative prevalent inside FATA. This study reconstructs the local narrative of FATA’s militancy and seeks to explain related U.S. foreign policy and the dilemmas it instills in the Pakistani state.
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Sarwar, Amina. « Ilhan Niaz. The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947–2008. Karachi, Pakistan : Oxford University Press. 2010. 320 pages. Pak Rupees 595.00 ». Pakistan Development Review 52, no 2 (1 juin 2013) : 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v52i2pp.175-177.
Texte intégralRésumé :
“The Culture of Power and Governance of Pakistan 1947–2008” by Ilhan Niaz makes a strong case for the quotation, “the one who does not remember history is bound to live through it”. In the book, the author has tried to trace the current culture of power and governance in Pakistan through the rich history of the subcontinent. He has asked the question that why the State of Pakistan is constantly losing its writ as many incidents, such as the “Laal Masjid” debacle, are challenging the writ of the state. He has also analysed why State of Pakistan is always facing issues in domains of administration, legislation, execution and judiciary. These issues are becoming existential threat to the Pakistani State. The author has blamed the rulers of Pakistan who behave like “Bureaucratic Continental Empires”.
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Fair, C. Christine. « Lashkar-e-Tayiba and the Pakistani State ». Survival 53, no 4 (août 2011) : 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2011.603561.
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Sohail, Ahmed, Bakht Mahwish et Hussan Sumbal. « Pakistan’s Internal Security Dilemma : Strategic Dimension ». Global Social Sciences Review I, no II (30 décembre 2016) : 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-ii).01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper reflects on Pakistan's complex security situation and the causes of current challenges that Pakistan is facing due to vacillating foreign policies. It also reviews the role of factors that contributed towards the instability of the country. After Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Pakistan involved in a proxy war and trained Mujahideen to liberate Afghanistan. In 1980's sectarianism floored the state, and since it has rooted in Pakistani society. The country brokered several Post-Soviet peace agreements between different militaristic groups in Afghanistan but in vain. Finally, it recognized Taliban for the cause of peace (though temporary) on its Western border. After 9/11 the country had to reluctantly take a "U" turn on its Afghan policy under immense US pressure. This swing of policy opened a Pandora-box for the country i.e. terrorism, Jihadist, ethnicity, sectarianism, economic and political instability in Pakistan. In this state of affairs corruption, deteriorating law and order situation, political instability and economic fragility, variables of internal security, act as key factors in a peaceful solution of conflicts.
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Alam, Muhammad Badar. « Notes from a Pakistani Newsroom ». BioScope : South Asian Screen Studies 10, no 2 (décembre 2019) : 234–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927619896772.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The essay describes how and why various parts of the state in Pakistan, especially its security and intelligence agencies, have embarked on a campaign to censor and silence news media through mostly quasi-legal and extra-legal measures. It does so by offering a personal account as well as narrating many other impersonal examples collected from across the Pakistani news media. It also provides a historical and commercial context to the ongoing censorship and self-censorship in the country’s newsrooms to show how the present is both similar to and different from the past.
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Chocano, Rodrigo. « Outsourcing the nation ? Musical collaboration, nation building and neo-liberal logics in Coke Studio Pakistan ». Indian Theatre Journal 6, no 1 (1 août 2022) : 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/itj_00028_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Coke Studio Pakistan is a decade-long music reality show featuring collaborations between pop, classical and local folk musicians. Sponsored by Coca-Cola and displaying a state-of-the-art production, it aims to bring local and old-school musicians and repertories to the Pakistani urban youth while disseminating a positive image of Pakistan. This occurs in the context of the efforts of Pakistani entrepreneurs and artists towards their insertion into the global market while overcoming the country’s negative international reputation due to religious violence. This article analyses Coke Studio Pakistan under the lens of neo-liberal nationalism, characterizing it as a nation-branding effort that uses music to make a representation of Pakistan that complies with Coca-Cola’s corporate goals and with the agendas of a sector of Pakistani artists. A quantitative and network analysis of the show reveals which artists, genres, regions and cultural groups the show privileges or overlooks. A qualitative study of the show’s communicational strategy and of the discourses of its creators and sponsors complements the quantitative analysis. This article explores the complexities of a nationalist model of multicultural citizenship promoted by the private sector, including issues of cultural representation, corporate agendas, class relationships, responsiveness to audiences’ demands and international politics.
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Yahya, Abdul Aleem. « The Construction of Ideology in Political Discourse : A Deictic Analysis ». International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 9, no 2 (31 mars 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.9n.2p.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research is conducted on political discourse of a high profile Pakistani politician and a former famous cricketer Imran Khan in the context of Pakistani politics. It aims to understand the ideological process and project of creating a New Pakistan (Naya Pakistan), and that how this project influences the way Imran Khan shapes the political reality during his speeches. The analysis reveals that Imran Khan indexes more often his personal identity as a strong leader of the Tahreek-e-Insaaf party rather than the common or national identity. The results assert this point because the transformation of the country may seem to be only possible under his identity as a leader of Tahreek-e-Insaaf. From the spatial deixes analysis, it manifests that Imran Khan wants to reach to the ideological space or destination of New Pakistan where everyone will have equal rights. This projection of New Pakistan is presented like a utopian world where all things would be right and there would be justice, cooperation and peace. The deixes such as ‘here’, ‘now’ and ‘today’ represent Old Pakistan (Purana Pakistan) which is its present state. But the future along the temporal axes is full of hope that reflects the vision of the founding father of Pakistan ‘Quaid-e-Azam’ in the form of New Pakistan. A comparative study of various other politicians may bring forth further elicitation of political discourse in Pakistani context in future.
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Chutkyi, Pavlo. « The involvement of UNESCO and international non-profit organizations in preserving historical memory and cultural heritage in Pakistan ». European Historical Studies, no 17 (2020) : 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.17.9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the review of historical memory of Pakistan. The historiography of different aspects of historical heritage and history of Pakistan are analyzed. The author examines the cooperation between the government of Pakistan and UNESCO. The author describes the features of functioning of oral history of Pakistan and most popular non-governmental organizations, which study historical heritage of this country. In order to build a successful modern state, it is necessary to pay particular attention to the specifics of the formation of historical memory, as it is designed to perform the creative function of nation-building, as it also serves as an indicator of socio-economic development in a particular country. A review of such practices on using the example of Pakistan demonstrates the importance of an active government dialogue with international organizations on issues related to the preservation of historical and cultural heritage. The analysis of the state of research and preservation of tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Pakistan allows us to distinguish several levels of study of this problem area. These are, first and foremost, the regulatory mechanisms of the Pakistani authorities, which cooperate with UNESCO on the issues related to the inclusion of Pakistani historical sites to the UNESCO World Heritage List. Other important public institutions, that preserve and disseminate historical memory together with the government, include the Heritage Foundation of Pakistan, the Khairpur Heritage Centre, and the 1947 Partition Archive. These institutions deal with the preservation of cultural heritage, historical monuments and the development of oral history in Pakistan. Studying the experience of interpreting the past and the policy of preserving cultural and historical heritage in such an internally unstable state as Pakistan will aid to understand the level of interaction between state, public and international institutions in addressing this issue.
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Kapur, S. Paul. « The India-Pakistan Conflict : An Enduring Rivalry ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no 4 (décembre 2006) : 966–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906339960.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry, T.V. Paul, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.The rivalry between India and Pakistan has clearly been both deep and enduring. The two sides have fought four wars since attaining independence in 1947, and have waged a low-intensity conflict in the disputed territory of Kashmir since the late 1980s. And despite recent improvements in Indo-Pakistani relations, their fundamental political and territorial disagreements remain unresolved. However, it is not obvious why the two countries' relationship has been so stubbornly antagonistic. The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry, edited by T.V. Paul, addresses this issue. Specifically, the volume asks: Why has the Indo-Pakistani rivalry been so persistent, even compared to other long-standing conflicts? How have factors at the international, state and leadership levels contributed to this outcome? And why are the prospects for achieving a negotiated settlement of the rivalry so dim?