Articles de revues : « Old Oligarch »

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Altman, William H. F. « Xenophon, the Old Oligarch, and Alcibiades ». Polis : The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 39, n^o 2 (11 mai 2022) : 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340365.

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Abstract Modifying the conjecture of Wolfgang Helbig (1861) by means of the distinction between Xenophon and his various narrators introduced by Benjamin McCloskey (2017), this paper uses the insights of Hartvig Frisch (1942) to show how drawing a distinction between the first-person speaker in pseudo-Xenophon’s Constitution of the Athenians and its author indicates that the former is Alcibiades and the latter is Xenophon himself.

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Braund, David. « The Luxuries of Athenian Democracy ». Greece and Rome 41, n^o 1 (avril 1994) : 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023184.

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In 424 B. C. or thereabouts, an oligarchically-minded critic of the Athenian democracy observed:And if account is to be taken of more minor matters, it is as a result of their mastery of the sea that the Athenians have mixed with various peoples in different areas and discovered a range of festive practices. In consequence, what is sweet in Sicily, Italy, Cyprus, Egypt, Lydia, Pontus, the Peloponnese or elsewhere has all been brought together in one place because of [sc.the Athenians'] mastery of the sea. (The Old Oligarch, 2.7)Though critical of the democracy in principle, the Old Oligarch is strikingly positive here in one sense. This is no denunciation of the baleful and corrupting influence of luxuries imported from overseas. Rather, it is an explicit statement of an advantage of sea-power to the Athenians. A minor advantage, on this assessment, but evidently considered worthy of attention. Moreover, here as throughout his work, the Old Oligarch has in mind not a narrow elite, but the Athenian demos at large, the masses. On his analysis, the demos, through its sea-power, rules Athens and its empire effectively and in its own interest, which includes the acquisition and enjoyment of the best produce of the Mediterranean and Black Sea worlds. Under the democracy, it is claimed, the masses enjoy what may be termed luxury-goods.

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Ma, Junhai, et Bin Chen. « The Complexity Uncertain Analysis about Three Differences Old and New Product Pricing Oligarch Retailers Closed-Loop Supply Chain ». Abstract and Applied Analysis 2014 (2014) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/891624.

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This paper studied some realistic recycle fields at present in China, such as some daily machinery and equipment, electronic products, and plastic products. Under such circumstance, three oligarch retailers are a common situation. In this paper, we model and analyze the game of three oligarch retailers in a closed-loop supply chain. The stability of the Nash equilibrium, the bifurcation and chaos phenomenon of the recycling price and new product quantity when retailers change its adjustment speed, the profit trends of the three retailers, and the power spectrum are studied. At last, we used the parameter adjustment and the variable state feedback control strategy for chaos control, and the chaos of the system is delayed effectively. For closed-loop supply chain research, the conclusions of the numerical simulation in this paper not only have realistic guiding significance, but also have theoretical reference value.

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Atkinson, J. E. « Curbing the Comedians : Cleon Versus Aristophanes and Syracosius' Decree ». Classical Quarterly 42, n^o 1 (mai 1992) : 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042580.

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There is a tendency to prune the record of restrictions on the freedom of thought and expression in fifth-century Athens. K. J. Dover has demonstrated that many of the stories of attacks on intellectuals rest on little more than flimsy speculation. Similarly there has been a reluctance to accept the historicity of the several restrictions on comedy recorded by scholiasts. Thus, for example, H. B. Mattingly has expressed doubts about Morychides' decree, and S. Halliwell has rejected Antimachus' decree as a fiction and has adopted an agnostic attitude towards Syracosius' decree. But one cannot sweep all the references aside as fallacious inferences. This short paper looks first at the evidence that Cleon initiated a legal action against Aristophanes (or possibly Callistratus) after the production of theThe Babylonians, in the light of what the Old Oligarch wrote about curbs on comedians. Secondly, the historicity of Syracosius' decree will be tested by an attempt to define its nature and purpose in its political context. This exercise will show that circumstantial evidence adduced against the historicity of the decree has no compelling force.

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Lewis, Sian. « THE ‘OLD OLIGARCH’ - J.L. Marr, P.J. Rhodes (edd., trans.) The ‘Old Oligarch’ : The Constitution of the Athenians attributed to Xenophon. (Aris & ; Phillips Classical Texts.) Pp. xii + 178. Oxford : Oxbow Books, 2008. Paper, £18 (Cased, £40). ISBN : 978-0-85668-781-5 (978-0-85668-776-1 hbk). » Classical Review 63, n^o 2 (12 septembre 2013) : 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13000218.

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Heath, Malcolm. « Greek Literature ». Greece and Rome 61, n^o 2 (12 septembre 2014) : 261–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000096.

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Geoffrey Bakewell finds in Aeschylus'Suppliants‘an invaluable perspective on Athenian attempts at establishing their own identity in the late 460sbce’. The play presents a ‘displaced self-portrait of Athens’, and the ‘ambivalent welcome to exotic immigrants’ and ‘wariness towards outsiders’ makes that portrait ‘not entirely flattering’ (ix). I am not sure whether this judgement is meant to express a modern perspective, or that of Aeschylus' audience. Bakewell claims that metics ‘by their very nature constituted an existential threat to the democratic city and its self-understanding’ (8), and that they were perceived as ‘threatening’ (19), but provides no supporting evidence. To illustrate Athenian attitudes to metics he appeals to the Old Oligarch (not, perhaps, the most representative of witnesses), citing his frustration at not being allowed to assault foreigners; there is no mention of Dicaeopolis (Ach. 507–8). It is, of course, true that inSuppliantsArgos is imperilled by the refugees' arrival: but that is because they are pursued by an army determined to enforce a legal claim on them, which Athenian metics typically were not. The view that tragedies gave spectators a ‘mental license to think through a pressing issue in an extended way, and at a safe remove’ (123) is widely held, and may be right. But its application ought not to depend on disregarding crucial features of a play's distinctively tragic scenario.

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Yakovlev, Denys, Liudmyla Borovyk et Olha Diachenko. « THE VOICE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS AND ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, n^o 3 (30 septembre 2022) : 220–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-3-220-227.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the middle class in political democracy and economic democracy in Ukraine. The role of the Ukrainian middle class in the revolutionary events of 2004 and 2013-2014 – the Ukrainian Maidans, the influence of the middle class on the results of the parliamentary elections in Ukraine and its presentation in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are noted. The pendulum-like oscillation of self-identification of the middle class between "service to the oligarchs" and "resistance to democracy," the basis of civil society, is noted. The emphasis is placed on the fact that democracy is the rule of the middle class, and the principle of equal freedom is at the core of economic democracy. The compromise between capitalism and democracy is the need to distribute the public good under the supervision of political democracy in the interests of the middle class. Methodology. The theory of economic democracy was used to study the essence and characteristics of the middle class in Ukraine. By means of sociological methods of empirical research middle class identification by indicators of income, education, labor (employment), consumer behavior is given. Differences of "European" middle class from Ukrainian middle class are marked. In connection with the fact that the level of income of the Ukrainian middle class does not correspond to the indicators of EU countries, the necessity of application of subjective indicators to determine self-identification of middle class representatives in Ukraine is substantiated. The definition of the middle class from the opposite, i.e., what the middle class is not (not the oligarchs, not the authorities, not the working class, etc.) is also applied. Results. The trajectories of the middle class in Ukraine have been defined – from active participation in the Ukrainian revolutions to the role of a servant of the oligarchic regime. The middle class is well positioned to establish a regime of political democracy and to oppose the oligarchic-lumpen alliance. What hinders this is the insufficient activity of the middle class during election campaigns and especially after them. The oligarchs' established monopoly in the economy and media space allows for effective election campaigns in the mass media and the financing of political parties. This nullifies attempts of the middle class to establish political democracy in Ukraine. The growing role of the new middle class – intellectuals and representatives of the creative industries – has been noted. The self-identification factors of the middle class include a sense of justice, responsibility for the future and the practice of democratic values. According to sociological research, representatives of the Ukrainian middle class strive for democratic changes, overcoming corruption, deconstruction of the oligarchic regime, and implementation of market reforms. They have higher education, are interested in art, go to restaurants, and can sometimes afford vacations abroad. The political parties that declared support for the middle class and defined it as a target group in the elections included the "Team of Winter Generation," "Veche," "Self Reliance", and "Voice". The first two were perceived as oligarchic projects, while the last two parties made it to parliament, respectively, in the eighth and ninth convocations. Separately, the 2019 elections, in which the voice of the middle class became truly powerful, are examined separately. The "old faces," representatives of the post-Soviet oligarchy, and bureaucrats lost in the majoritarian districts. The middle class refused to support those politicians and parties that had become "servants of the oligarchs" in parliament, taking an important step in building not only a political democracy, but also an economic democracy. Practical implications. The results of the study can be used in the process of European integration of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms to develop political democracy as the rule of the middle class and economic democracy as a democratic system of redistribution of public resources. Value/originality. This study of the middle class and economic democracy allows us to understand the economic factors that influence politics, the role of the middle class and its characteristics in the process of establishing political democracy and economic democracy in Ukraine.

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Hellinger, Daniel. « The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970 ». Contemporary Sociology : A Journal of Reviews 48, n^o 1 (janvier 2019) : 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306118815500r.

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Mendiola García, Sandra C. « The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970 ». Hispanic American Historical Review 98, n^o 2 (1 mai 2018) : 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-4379787.

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Purwaatmoko, Sunardi. « The IMF Rice Liberalization Policy in Indonesia : The Case Study of Elite Behaviors in the Era of Gus Dur, Megawati, and SBY Government ». Jurnal Borneo Administrator 18, n^o 2 (25 août 2022) : 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.24258/jba.v18i2.973.

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The research aimed to explain elite behaviour in Indonesia's political reform era. This research was based on primary data collected from unstructured interviews with respondents or samples and secondary data collected from library studies. In analyzing the data collected, descriptive and qualitative methods are applied. This research found that adopting the electoral system of the Proportional Multi-Member District and the lack of power and authority distribution from elite to interest groups tended to result in the emergence of small and pragmatic political parties trying to get constituent votes using political mobilization of the constituent voters. The emergence of political parties induces a patron-client relationship between the political candidate and his constituent voters through a broker-generating oligarchy within the party. For that reason, the policy-making process in the rice sector depends on the relative power of ideologist party coalitions and pragmatic party coalitions. The changes in rice policy depended on the political interaction between the old and pragmatic political oligarchy and the new and ideologist political oligarchy. The stronger the political coalition of the new political oligarchy consisting of new ideologists and reformist political parties, the more protective the rice policy will be, and vice versa. That is why we suggested that the election system should be changed into Single-Member District Electoral System to create a smaller number of political parties to avoid the emergence of pragmatic political parties. And interest groups should be strengthened to prevent the dominant power of the oligarchy.

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José, F. Sionil. « The Filipino intelligentsia ». Index on Censorship 17, n^o 5 (mai 1988) : 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534438.

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The ‘peoples revolution’ has only opened the way back to influence for the old oligarchy which Marcos had tried to co-opt or destroy. The real problems remain untouched — the absence of land reform, and dependence on the USA

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Gonçalves Neto, João da Cruz. « O ativismo jurídico com estratégia da razão neoliberal no Brasil ». Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UFG 42, n^o 2 (4 janvier 2019) : 172–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/rfd.v42i2.55736.

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O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar um quadro conceitual genérico da recepção da razão neoliberal global no Brasil, tal como a postulam Wendy Brown, Dardot e Laval, por meio de uma de suas estratégias decisivas, o ativismo jurídico. Esse ativismo, presente em todo o período do governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores, por não estar ancorado nos pressupostos necessários ao seu sucesso, a saber, instituições políticas e jurídicas sólidas e uma cultura democrática razoavelmente estabelecida, conduziu o país como estratégia decisiva, ao populismo autoritário de direita, mantendo e reforçando a velha estrutura de dominação oligárquica local e antimoderna, em sintonia com a ultramoderna oligarquia global, e também neofeudal, como a define Streeck, ao pretender promover uma reforma moral da política. Abstract The objective of this article is to present a generic conceptual framework for the reception of global neoliberal reason in Brazil, as postulated by Wendy Brown, Dardot e Laval, through one of its strategies, legal activism. This activism, present throughout the entire period of the Workers' Party government, for not anchored in the assumptions necessary for its success, namely, solid political and legal institutions and a reasonably established democratic culture, led the country to right-wing authoritarian populism, maintaining and reinforcing the old structure of local and anti-modern oligarchic domination, in tune with the ultramodern global oligarchy, as well as neofeudal, as Streeck defines it, in seeking to promote a moral reform of politics.

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Jacobsen, Nils. « Dennis Gilbert. The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970. » American Historical Review 123, n^o 4 (1 octobre 2018) : 1350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy093.

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Álvarez, Ignacio. « New Problems of Realism in Martín Rivas ». Open Cultural Studies 5, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2021-0007.

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Abstract This article discusses a central feature in the poetics of Martín Rivas (1862): its realism. It describes the way in which the particularisation of experience and the breakdown of the old theory of the levels of discourse – two main components of realism – are embodied in the novel. Like its models in French realism, Martín Rivas focuses on the unique experiences of singular subjects. This particularisation, however, rarely acquires an interclass dimension, as it did in French forms. The “ideas of realism” are misplaced in Martín Rivas. The novel represents times, spaces, and people in the dramatically reduced frame of the times, spaces, and people of the oligarchy. It signifies a return to the same old rule that European realism had broken from. Blest Gana’s realism could be considered, therefore, as an example of the Chilean modo de ser aristocrático [aristocratic way of being], that is, a set of cultural operations which allow the oligarchy to live their privileges as natural, far from the bourgeois ethos. This insight can be a point of departure for an international discussion as we think about how these transformations might enter into dialogue with similar phenomena in other parts of the world.

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Rahmawati, Desi. « DEMOKRASI DALAM GENGGAMAN PARA PEMBURU RENTE (STUDI KASUS ASAHAN SUMATERA UTARA) ». JIIP : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan 1, n^o 2 (18 octobre 2017) : 86–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jiip.v1i2.1623.

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Vedi R. Hadiz’s concern on New Order’s strong and durable influence to current politics (old predatory interest/ durable capitalist oligarchy) is quite interesting. His thesis that Indonesian democracy is flawed due to old predatory interest rooted in New Order tends to be problematic in some ways as it ignores context as well as actors’ contribution. This writing, therefore, argues that Hadiz’s structural explanation does not work in all localities, even North Sumatra—his main research locus. Rather, it argues that explaining the correlation between democracy and predatory interest (rent seeking), one necessarily paying attention to specific logic (“abstract structure”) works in localities and actors’ consideration upon it.

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GARCIA, EUGENIO V. « Antirevolutionary diplomacy in oligarchic Brazil, 1919–30 ». Journal of Latin American Studies 36, n^o 4 (novembre 2004) : 771–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04008168.

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In the 1920s oligarchic rule in Brazil was perceived to be constantly under threat from ‘revolution’. Domestic developments and the impact of the First World War had brought about major changes in the political arena. In this context, the resources of the Ministry of Foreign Relations (Itamaraty) were systematically used by the Brazilian government as a means to monitor and counteract presumed overseas connections of a ‘revolutionary’ nature. Actions against tenentismo in the Río de la Plata region and diplomatic efforts to oppose the 1930 Revolution, among other issues, are examined in this article in order to provide further understanding of the role played by Brazilian diplomacy in the final years of the Old Republic.

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Rucht, Dieter. « Linking Organization and Mobilization : Michels'S Iron Law of Oligarchy Reconsidered ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 4, n^o 2 (1 septembre 1999) : 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.l2680365q32h6616.

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Robert Michels's iron law of oligarchy has rarely been submitted to rigorous empirical investigation. This article specifies the key assumptions of Michels's theory and tests them by the use of two data sets that focus on collective protest and the evolution of organizational features of German new social movement groups. With some significant exceptions, the data support Michels's theory. Movements tend to become more centralized-bureaucratic and more moderate in their actions over time. There was also a negative correlation between bureaucratization and radicalization. The findings suggest that informal groups are more radical than formal organizations. Also, new social movements that are less formalized and centralized tend to be more radical in their protest actions than "old movements." Within the new social movements themselves, those which are less formalized and centralized tend to be more radical. However, both theoretical reasoning and close inspection of the data lead us to conclude that there is no such thing as an "iron law" at work. Informal groups can be moderate in their activities and formal groups can tend towards radical action. Also, some of the national environmental organizations investigated became more moderate over time while others did not. Groups do not necessarily become more orderly with age. Organizational features influence but do not determine the forms of action.

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Rapacha, Lal. « Aspects of Federalism Implementation for Development and Prosperity ». Molung Educational Frontier 8 (3 décembre 2018) : 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/mef.v8i0.22441.

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In Nepal‘s context, concepts like 'development' and 'prosperity' are two age-old (suppressive Rana oligarchy, uni-Panchayat regime and its aftermath) mirages chased by rulers for the ruled ones almost seem to be unattainable. Nevertheless, the mirages of 'development' and 'prosperity' can be materialized when one readily changes his/her antediluvian attitude of fatalism (Bista 1991) and low work ethics. In a recent political paradigm shift from unitary monarchism-oligarchy to multi-party federalism, those two mirages have again been reiterated as Nepalese people's dream and discourse (claimed as Oli-vision) in political arena. In our recent practice, federalism is in its infancy and as a form of government may not matter much first about separating or devolution of political power more effectively, avoiding the power concentration and bringing government responsibilities closer to the citizens. In fact, what acutally matters is its action-oriented effective implementation for separating 'development' from 'fatalism' before it turns frequently into a vicious nightmare. Thus, this paper aims to explore some pertinent aspects or preconditions/hindrances of implementing federalism effictively for achieving the aforesaid goal of 'development' and 'prosperity' within our prevalent general socio-political and bureaucratic trend of 'Balaram syndrome' (a metaphor of ethical degradation of mankind), 'bholi' and 'chiya' syndrome, 'sida-bida' syndrome, nepotism, cronyism, medieval mindset, malpractices of blind capitalism and absence of good governance. In this paper, my main point of departure in methodological tool as such is a closer observation of socio-political trends in Nepalese society and its relevant literature.

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Pérez Hernández, José Eduardo. « Aspectos de la vida burguesa en Santa Cruz de La Palma a mediados del siglo XIX. El abogado Antonio de las Casas López y su familia ». Revista de Historia Canaria, n^o 203 (2021) : 85–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.histcan.2021.203.04.

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On the island of La Palma, the surname De las Casas is an example of a bourgeoisie that has evolved, over three generations, from rustic and tenant farmers of the island’s oligarchy, in the second half of the 18th century, to urban, commercial and dedicated to the liberal professions in the 19th century. This article is based on the «Antonino Pestana Rodríguez» documentary collection (El Museo Canario) to study some aspects of the social and private life of the lawyer Antonio de las Casas López and his family in the mid-nineteenth century. The result is a behavior of the bourgeois characterized by the coexistence, in matters such as the path to marriage, social promotion and family honour, of modern mental attitudes together with other typical attitudes of the Old Regime society

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Gonzales, Michael J. « Planters and Politics in Peru, 1895–1919 ». Journal of Latin American Studies 23, n^o 3 (octobre 1991) : 515–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015832.

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Elite family networks with overlapping economic and political power have been a basic feature of Latin America. Their influence was characteristically strong during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as the export economies expanded and national governments, particularly in the larger nations, advocated order and progress at the expense of participatory democracy. Historically, the influence of the elites has been primarily a regional phenomenon underpinned by ownership of land, mines, or lucrative commercial enterprises. They formed economic, political, and blood alliances to control production of vital products, monopolise local government and, on occasion, initiate bold entrepreneurial initiatives. Examples include the thirty families who dominated henequen production and local government in nineteenth-century Yucatán, the Grupo Monterrey who ran the industrialising economy of northeastern Mexico during the Porfiriato, and the Paraíba oligarchy who controlled cotton production, municipal government, and local tax revenues during the Brazilian Old Republic (1889–1930).

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Kandinskaia, Olga, Alla Dementieva et Olga Khotyasheva. « Norilsk Nickel : the longest corporate war in a leading Russian company ». CASE Journal 15, n^o 3 (30 mars 2019) : 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tcj-08-2018-0098.

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Theoretical basis In any company, there are conflicts of interest and different opinions on the business strategy. However, a well-established system of corporate governance allows us to minimise those conflicts and enables most disagreements to be solved in a civilised way. The case provides an opportunity to examine the specifics of corporate conflicts in Russia and improves decision-making skills with a view to increase business efficiency. Research methodology This descriptive case was written using the secondary sources from the Russian and foreign media, as well as other publicly available information about Norilsk Nickel. No information was disguised in any way. Case overview/synopsis This case study is a story of a dramatic corporate conflict at the Russian company Norilsk Nickel, one of the world’s leading producers of precious metals. In 2008–2012, the company went through a painful conflict between the majority shareholders (oligarchs Mr Potanin and Mr Deripaska) for the control over the business. The case of Norilsk Nickel was indeed a crucial case for Russia which helped define the “rules of the game”. In 2019, however, the situation looked prone to the escalation of the old conflict. The fact that from 2018 both oligarchs were under the US sanctions added further tensions. Complexity academic level This case is most appropriate for courses in corporate governance, business ethics and doing business in Russia at the undergraduate or graduate level. There is a sufficient number of extenuating circumstances to make for a good discussion of strategic and tactical factors in this type of a corporate governance decision analysis. The complexity of the case is a perfect illustration of the Russian business environment: it is never easy in the Russian business environment to figure out what is important and what is not.

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Novianto, Arif, Lukman Kurniawan et Samodra Wibawa. « Krisis Kapitalisme 2008 dan Bangkitnya Gerakan Kiri Studi Dinamika Gerakan Partai Syriza di Yunani ». Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 19, n^o 3 (1 novembre 2016) : 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.15678.

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The economic crisis which hit Greece was in 2008 helped to flow into a political crisis. The old political oligarchy that since 1974 up to 2010 alternately dominate the Greece that is PASOK party and the New Democracy party suffered shocks that lead to new political dynamics. Austerity policies and neoliberal reforms under the moderation of the troika (Europaen Central Bank, European Union, and International Monetary Fund) have created a decrease in the level of welfare and the economic crisis are instead growing. That situation creates a distrust of the Greek people, until they are searching for an alternative system other than capitalism. At that time the idea of socialism promoted by Syriza party has been able to to gain influence in the mass base, to deliver Syriza-led government with 36.3 percent of voters in Election 2015. This paper attempts to elaborate on the strategies used by the Syriza party and also weaknesses in the startegy

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Widiatedja, I. Gusti Ngurah Parikesit. « Fragmented Approach to Spatial Management in Indonesia : When it Will Be Ended ? » Kertha Patrika 43, n^o 2 (30 juin 2021) : 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/kp.2021.v43.i02.p03.

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As a regulatory tool, spatial planning is important as it directs socio-economic development and prevents environmental and social damage by commercial and public projects. There should be an integrated spatial management to ensure the effective use of restricted spatial resources, balancing infrastructural, industrial and commercial business development with the available resources, including land, forest, and marine. However, the fragmented approach to spatial management has been thrived since the independence of Indonesia. The newly controversial Law No. 11 of 2020 on Job Creation has emerged a big hope that Indonesia will end the fragmented approach to spatial management. However, this Law seems to maintain this approach by enacting four different governmental regulation for four spatial issues, namely land use planning; forestry; energy and mineral resources; and marine and fishery. This fragmented approach has adverse consequences as it leads to overlapping authorities that may end up with disharmony and conflicting regulations. Besides, the insistence to employ fragmented approach to spatial management has linked to oligarchy issue as shown by old older, new order and the regional autonomy era.

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Wright, Thomas C. « Dennis Gilbert, The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970 (Lanham, MD : Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), pp. x + 292, £19.95, pb. » Journal of Latin American Studies 51, n^o 1 (février 2019) : 230–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19000208.

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Rosivach, Vincent J. « The Audiences of New Comedy ». Greece and Rome 47, n^o 2 (octobre 2000) : 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/47.2.169.

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There is a school of thought which attributes the more refined discourse of New Comedy (compared with that of the Old) at least in part to a change in the composition of Athenian theatre audiences. This way of thinking assumes that payment for attending theatre performances (the so-called theōrikon) was discontinued along with other payments for i public service under the oligarchic regimes Macedonia imposed upon Athens in the late fourth century B.C.; and it further assumes that with the elimination of this subsidy many of the poor could no longer afford to attend the theatre. The first of these assumptions, that the audiences for New Comedy did not receive theōrikon payments, is reasonable enough, but the second assumption, that the poor therefore stopped coming to the theatre, is more problematic.

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Sesay, Max Ahmadu. « Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia ». Journal of Modern African Studies 34, n^o 3 (septembre 1996) : 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.

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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.

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Sergeev, Sergei. « Political symbols and symbolic policy of the Western European left radical parties ». Political Science (RU), n^o 3 (2020) : 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.08.

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The concept of agonistic democracy put forward by Ch. Mouffe opposes both the understanding of political conflict as antagonistic, the parties of which regard each other as implacable enemies, and the actual denial of the conflict in the consensus theories of democracy. This concept, in which a political conflict is seen as a struggle between two opponents, each of which recognizes the legitimacy of the other, has found its implementation in the activities of new left-wing radical parties that have appeared in Western Europe over the past 10–15 years. Their appearance was a reaction to the crisis and the decline of most of the «old» left-wing radical parties that came after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR. The «new» left-wing radicals seek to develop their own identity, which is different from the communist and socialdemocratic ones, which is also manifested in the new emblematic symbols they invent, which are not like the sickle, hammer, and five-pointed star of the «old» left-wing radicals, and in the new discursive strategies. On the example of the Podemos party (Spain), as well as the Left Party of France and the Party «Unconquered France», it is examined how the «new» left radicals construct the subject of political action – «people», «popular majority» or simply «We», opposed «Those above», «caste», «oligarchy». But with all the harshness of anti-capitalist and anti-liberal rhetoric, the conflict of «new» left-wing radicals with the system is more agonistic than antagonistic: they want not to destroy the old institutions, but to win them back from the opposite side, not to replace democracy with the dictatorship of the advanced class, but to «return» its people and expand it.

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Silva, Luiz Geraldo. « Free and freed Afro-descendants and political equality in Portuguese America.Change of status, slavery and Atlantic perspective (1750-1840) ». Almanack, n^o 11 (décembre 2015) : 571–632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-463320151101.

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Abstract I propose in this article that free and freed Afro-descendants of three colonial empires of the modern era, the Spanish, the Portuguese and the French, have developed differentiated demands in different procedural steps: the ones that aimed privileges during the old or oligarchic type society, and the ones which demanded political and civil equality during the formation process of the democratic and representative type society. I analyze this aspect from connection plans, structural regularities and recurrences that suggest that the social position of those individuals and their social group in the referred colonial empires is consequence, on the one hand, of diachronic aspects relating to slavery and, on the other hand, synchronous social processes, own to the specific temporality of the 18th and 19th Centuries, such as the transition from one to another kind of society. To do so, I use concepts drawn from sociology and anthropology, such as the social representation and the freedom-slavery continuum.

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Lukitasari. WA, Widia Novita. « Dynamic Politics in The Election of Regional Head (Ogan Komering Ulu Timur Regency in 2020) ». PERSPEKTIF 11, n^o 2 (17 mars 2022) : 577–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v11i2.5924.

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The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.

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Larosa, Michael J. « Oligarchies - The Oligarchy and the Old Regime in Latin America, 1880–1970. By Dennis Gilbert . Lanham : Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2017. Pp. 293. $95.00 cloth ; $29.95 paper. » Americas 75, n^o 1 (janvier 2018) : 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.131.

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Cooper, Andrew F., et Vincent Pouliot. « How much is global governance changing ? The G20 as international practice ». Cooperation and Conflict 50, n^o 3 (13 avril 2015) : 334–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836715576007.

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Is the G20 transforming global governance, or does it reinforce the status quo? In this article we argue that as innovative as some diplomatic practices of the G20 may be, we should not overstate their potential impact. More specifically, we show that G20 diplomacy often reproduces many oligarchic tendencies in global governance, while also relaxing club dynamics in some ways. On the one hand, the G20 has more inductees who operate along new rules of the game and under a new multilateral ethos of difference. But, on the other hand, the G20 still comprises self-appointed rulers, with arbitrary rules of membership and many processes of cooption and discipline. In overall terms, approaching G20 diplomacy from a practice perspective not only provides us with the necessary analytical granularity to tell the old from the new, it also sheds different light on the dialectics of stability and change on the world stage. Practices are processes and as such they are always subject to evolutionary change. However, because of their structuring effects, diplomatic practices also tend to inhibit global transformation and reproduce the existing order.

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Susanti, Martien Herna. « Dinasti Politik dalam Pilkada di Indonesia ». Journal of Government and Civil Society 1, n^o 2 (22 février 2018) : 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jgcs.v1i2.440.

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The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections

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Osborne, Robin. « The erection and mutilation of the Hermai ». Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 31 (1985) : 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004752.

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A paper on the herms needs no excuse. There is no proper treatment in English of the origins of the herm or of the erection of herms by Hipparkhos. The Eion herm monument has been well studied by Jacoby and Harrison, but the recent treatment by Clairmont demands their reconsideration. The scholarly literature on the mutilation has been very narrowly focused on the questions of who mutilated the herms and why. These questions are clearly closely inter-related, and yet the attempts to answer the question ‘why?’ have been singularly unsatisfactory. Some have arbitrarily chosen to emphasise a single feature of the herm, and with little evidence have made wild claims: thus Farnell could write that ‘the mutilation of the phallic Hermai of Athens produced… in the Athenians the despondent sense that the luck of the state was gone and the divine power of fertilisation impaired’, Crome that ‘with this mutilation must be connected the religious world of the phallus cult of the old native population which had certainly always been strange to the oligarchs’. Others have ignored the fact that it was specifically herms that were mutilated and have reduced the activity of the hermokopidai to a massive act of general impiety, as Dover does when he argues that the mutilation was politically significant because as an act of impiety it would seem to bring down the wrath of the gods on the whole community, as a conspicuous act of vandalism it would make the number of people involved seem large, and as an offence against nomos it would prompt concern for the fact that a body of men had set themselves beyond the law.

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Boskholov, Sergey, Aleksandr Mironov et Tatyana Sudakova. « Criminological Assessment of the Results of Mathematical Modeling of the Dynamics of Changes in the Population Ssize and Criticism of the Criminal Ideas of Neo-Malthusianism ». Russian Journal of Criminology 13, n^o 5 (31 octobre 2019) : 727–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2019.13(5).727-739.

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The main task of this work is to examine and critically analyze an alternative solution to the old problem, formulated and mathematically substantiated by an English scholar and economist Thomas Malthus. The essence of the problem is the unlimited exponential growth of the Earth’s population over time. This hypothesis, in spite of abundant criticism, has now gained the status of an undisputed theory whose significance equals that of Newton’s laws. Th. Malthus claimed that the progress of humanity is determined by the natural ability of the Earth to support the lives of a certain number of people, and after a certain threshold the limited natural resources will be depleted. Hence the necessity to contain the population growth within the limits of depleting natural resources. The theoretical views of Malthus gave rise to the racist theory of «the golden billion», used by the world oligarchy to gain the support of the most industrially developed countries (the so-called golden triangle) and to use this support to ensure their dominance in the world. To expose such criminal theories, which are dangerous for the humanity, the authors present a mathematical modeling of the dynamics of changes in the population size, whose results are then used for the criminological assessment of these theories. Mathematical modeling made it possible, for the first time, to show the complete irrelevance of the basic premise of the Malthusian theory regarding the exponential growth of the world’s population from the standpoint of science. The authors think that this conclusion is of great scientific and practical value for criminological mathematics as a subtheory of criminology. It allowed them to conduct a criminological assessment of the views of neo-malthusians that are most dangerous for the global security as they continue to serve the interests of globalism.

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Gligich-Zolotareva, M. V., et K. S. Kirjuhin. « Democracy in America ? » Federalism 26, n^o 3 (4 octobre 2021) : 142–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2021-3-142-168.

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It is officially known that democracy in the United States of America became the main idea more than two hundred years old. For a long time, it was considered the most progressive and standard for the whole world. But now people are increasingly asking questions about whether there really is a democracy in America. Is United States is really a democratic state? This article examines various aspects of the democratic structure of the state, including theoretical, historical and legal, as well as the current political situation in the United States. Based on the analysis of the US electoral legislation and the work of the American electoral system, it is concluded that, on the one hand, the citizens of the country are not guaranteed the exercise of their active and passive electoral rights. And on the other hand, key laws and political decisions are made without relying on the opinion of the citizens of the country, which does not allow us to classify such a way of governing the country as unambiguously democratic. The presidential election-2020, with its numerous violations and mass riots, was particularly criticized. To a large extent, this situation in the American electoral system is explained by fact, that the orientation of The Founding Fathers of the United States was not to ensure democratic governance of the country. They argued for strengthen American federalism, which reflected the complexity and archaic nature of the electoral system. Its allows us to conclude that neither formallyconstitutionally, nor in fact, the United States is not a democracy. The system of power that has historically developed in the United States is most accurately described by the term “oligarchy”, which generates a number of both political and constitutional-legal consequences.

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Gligich-Zolotareva, M. V., et K. S. Kirjuhin. « Democracy in America ? » Federalism 26, n^o 3 (4 octobre 2021) : 142–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2073-1051-2021-3-142-168.

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It is officially known that democracy in the United States of America became the main idea more than two hundred years old. For a long time, it was considered the most progressive and standard for the whole world. But now people are increasingly asking questions about whether there really is a democracy in America. Is United States is really a democratic state? This article examines various aspects of the democratic structure of the state, including theoretical, historical and legal, as well as the current political situation in the United States. Based on the analysis of the US electoral legislation and the work of the American electoral system, it is concluded that, on the one hand, the citizens of the country are not guaranteed the exercise of their active and passive electoral rights. And on the other hand, key laws and political decisions are made without relying on the opinion of the citizens of the country, which does not allow us to classify such a way of governing the country as unambiguously democratic. The presidential election-2020, with its numerous violations and mass riots, was particularly criticized. To a large extent, this situation in the American electoral system is explained by fact, that the orientation of The Founding Fathers of the United States was not to ensure democratic governance of the country. They argued for strengthen American federalism, which reflected the complexity and archaic nature of the electoral system. Its allows us to conclude that neither formallyconstitutionally, nor in fact, the United States is not a democracy. The system of power that has historically developed in the United States is most accurately described by the term “oligarchy”, which generates a number of both political and constitutional-legal consequences.

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Romanovskyi, Oleksandr O. « A COMPARATIVE REVIEW OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF ECONOMIC INDICATORS IN A TRANSITIONAL PERIOD IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE’S INDEPENDENCE ». Business, Economics, Sustainability, Leadership and Innovation 2 (30 juin 2019) : 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37659/2663-5070-2019-2-45-60.

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The paper provides a comparative review of the transformation of economic indicators in a transitional period in the history of Ukraine’s independence. The illustration of comparison of the dynamics of economic development of Ukraine, Poland and Kazakhstan during the period from 1990 to 2017 is given. Analysis of political, social and economic problems of Ukraine in the period of its independence is carried out. Author’s vision of the important prerequisites for the further creation of conditions for the sustainable development of Ukraine is formulated. These prerequisites are based on fact that the last four years of political, social and economic development of Ukraine in a state of unceasing military aggression, constant shelling of the territory of Ukraine in the Donbass region, leading to the death of Ukrainian citizens, attacks on ships in the Black and Azov Sea adversely affect the entire spectrum of life and activities of Ukraine. The author stated that in order to create the necessary conditions for the sustainable development of Ukraine the following prerequisites are indispensable: the eradication of the oligarchic clans; overcoming corruption at all levels – “from the bottom to the top”; the creation of a “legal country”; the creation of a “civil society”; transition to “green economy”. Also the author underlined that to solve all the problems without exception in order to create conditions for the sustainable development of Ukraine (paragraph 2), it is necessary to solve the priority task – “create a moral and ethical Ukraine”. This is possible only in the conditions of moral and ethical education of the entire population – “from the cradle” to the “honorable old age”.

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Costa, Thiara Mourão, et Hernán Armando Mamani. « Ajuda, amizade, família e gestão : elementos morais de um “coronelismo” contemporâneo em Itaperuna (RJ) ». Latitude 14, n^o 2 (29 décembre 2020) : 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.28998/lte.2020.n.2.6169.

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O trabalho busca compreender como os repertórios da ajuda, da amizade, da família e da gestão – utilizados pelos principais atores econômicos e políticos da cidade de Itaperuna, no noroeste fluminense, ao tratar do "desenvolvimento regional" – demarcam o universo moral no qual se constroem e legitimam formas contemporâneas de coronelismo. A noção de coronelismo – cunhada na década de 1940 para descrever a inserção dos municípios interioranos na república oligárquica, conhecida como República Velha (1890-1930) – tende a ser considerada na discussão política contemporânea como inadequada. Contudo, a pesquisa de campo, realizada entre 2015 e 2016, leva-nos a crer na pertinência analítica dessa noção. Permanece a penúria econômica de um empresariado isolado que prospera e decai com os ciclos econômicos, bem como a dependência econômica do município de repasses do governo central, além do cultivo de uma causa local que obriga o alinhamento político automático com a situação estadual e nacional.AbstractThe article seeks to understand how the repertoires of help, friendship, family and management – used by the main economic and political actors of the city of Itaperuna, in the northeast of Rio de Janeiro, when dealing with “regional development” – demarcate the moral universe in which construct and legitimize contemporary forms of “coronelismo”. This notion – coined in the 1940s to describe the insertion of the interior municipalities into the oligarchic republic, known as the Old Republic (1890-1930) – tend to be considered in contemporary political discussion as inadequate. However, field research conducted between 2015 and 2016 leads us to believe in the analytical relevance of this notion. There remains the economic shortage of an isolated business that thrives and decays with economic cycles, as well as the economic dependence of the municipality on central government transfers and the cultivation of a local cause that requires automatic political alignment with the state and national situation.

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Fraser, Gordon. « “TO BE INDIFFERENT AND TO BE YOUNG” : DISRAELI, SYBIL, AND THE PRESERVATION OF AN AMERICAN “RACE,” 1879–1912 ». Victorian Literature and Culture 39, n^o 2 (18 mai 2011) : 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031100009x.

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On November 16, 1918, a little more than two weeks after an armistice officially ended World War I, an editorial in the Idaho Statesman offered advice about the future of the world economy. Lifting the title of its editorial directly from Benjamin Disraeli's Sybil, or The Two Nations, the Statesman argued only the political philosophy espoused by that novel and its author could show the world a way forward. Quoting from the novel's final paragraph, the newspaper declares: “‘To be indifferent and to be young can no longer be synonymous.’ Those words were true when Disraeli penned them just 73 years ago, but they apply with striking force to the problems of today and to the problems which will be certain to develop in the years just ahead” (“Trustees of Posterity” 4). The newspaper wasn't only advocating political involvement by the nation's youth, nor was Disraeli. Sybil proposes a particular kind of economic and political order, a union between a “just” aristocracy, led by the young and ambitious, and the laboring classes. It proposes that great statesmen take up the mantle of responsibility just as Thomas Carlyle, in Disraeli's day, advocated great captains of industry take up that mantle (Houghton 328). The newspaper's argument implies this seventy-year-old British novel will be critical to America's political future. But this vision of responsibility belongs in the nineteenth century – it is rooted in the conflict between republicanism and aristocratic oligarchy – and the timing of the Statesman article at first seems wildly inappropriate. As the First World War ended, the Statesman expected the world would face the kind of threats Americans had perceived before the war. The editorial warns that “mobocracy” still “holds nearly half of the area of Europe and much of northern Asia in its bloody and irresponsible grip.” If there is any doubt about who is behind this “mobocracy,” the newspaper clears that matter up, answering: “Bolshevists, Socialists and all of the disciples of unrest who may be roughly grouped as ‘The Reds’” (“Trustees of Posterity” 4). And when the Statesmen warns about “Reds,” it can easily expect its readers to remember that, only seventeen years earlier, President McKinley had been shot by just such a “Red”: Leon Czolgosz, an alleged anarchist and the child of Polish immigrants.

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Zelinskyi, A. « The Lebanese Political Dynasties : “the fine-tuning” ». Problems of World History, n^o 17 (27 janvier 2022) : 122–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-6.

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A small in size, Lebanese Republic is known for it’s a confessional segmentation, a clan orientation and a predominant heredity of the local political elite. A oligarchic nature of a political regime of the country of cedars is due to a traditional clan structure of a lebanese society. For centuries, a leading role in Lebanon was played by the territorial-confessional clans, that wereheaded by the sheikhs–zaims (zuama). This system has migrated to a modern lebanese politics. At the same time, it has the support among both a old one and a new one elite. Therefore, a clear understanding of the involvement of the leaders of the power structures of the Lebanese Republic in a certain political dynasty is necessary for understanding a current state of affairs in the country, as well as to predict the nature of its further political development. So, the primary criterion, which was determines the sequence of the coverage of the activity of the political dynasties of the country of cedars is the degree of the influence on a today’s Lebanese realities of one or another of the current “zaims”. Based on this principle, we will talk about a a family-clan context of the first three persons of the state: the Prime Minister, the President (Speaker) of the National Assembly and the President of Lebanese Republic, as well as a few of the other leaders of the influential or at least the appreciable political forces, that are represented in parliament, which was elected in 2018 (except of H. Nasrallah and S. Geagea). In particular, the article contains an analysis of the possibilities of the creating the political dynasties by the current Prime Minister N. Mikati and Speaker of Parliament N. Berri, the prospects for a further existence of the newly founded political dynasties of the families of Aoun and al-Hariri, as well as the reasons for a political survival of the hereditary Lebanese zaim families Jumblatt and Frangieh. The main conclusion of this publication is the statement about a prospect of a total preservation of the principle of the nepotism in a lebanese politics for at least the coming decades.

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Ridao Martín, Joan. « La crisis del estado de partidos o «Ahora sí que viene el lobo» = The crisis of the state of parties. «yes now comes the wolf» ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, n^o 35 (1 janvier 2015) : 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14927.

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In recent times, the disaffection with the political system has grown exponentially mainly due to unrest sparked by both the management of economic and institutional crisis as the reiteration of different episodes of public corruption. No doubt this has intensified the crisis of representation, as old as the representation itself, and exacerbated the critical role they play in today’s political parties. Not surprisingly, these dysfunctions observed bring not only because of varying expertise at managing the public interest but also more structural reasons such as the fact that the weak institutionalization of democratic participation mechanisms has led to the State parties exhibits an extremely opaque and operating oligarchic, in turn, is the source of all kinds of excesses, including corruption or «colonization» of most institutions. In short, the so pervasive power of the parties has undermined the rule of law and substantially limited the effective exercise of democracy to leave little room for citizens to decide on the progress of society. This situation calls for a greater balance of power between it and the political parties.En los últimos tiempos, la desafección hacia el sistema político ha crecido exponencialmente debido sobre todo al malestar suscitado tanto por la gestión de la crisis económica e institucional como por la reiteración de distintos episodios de corrupción pública. Sin duda, ello ha intensificado la crisis de la representación, tan antigua como la representación misma, y exacerbado la crítica al rol que ejercen hoy en día los partidos políticos. No en vano, estas disfunciones observadas traen causa no sólo de la mayor o menor pericia a la hora de gestionar los intereses públicos sino también de razones más estructurales como el hecho de que la débil institucionalización de mecanismos de participación democrática ha dado pie a que el Estado de partidos exhiba un funcionamiento extremadamente opaco y de signo oligárquico que, a su vez, es fuente de todo tipo de excesos, entre ellos la corrupción o la «colonización» de la mayoría de instituciones. En suma, el poder tan generalizado de los partidos ha mermado el Estado de Derecho y limitado sustancialmente el ejercicio real de la democracia al dejar escaso margen para que los ciudadanos decidan sobre la marcha de la sociedad. Y esta situación reclama un mayor equilibrio de poder entre ésta y los partidos políticos

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Nureev, Rustem M., et Petr A. Orekhovsky. « Discussions about The Asian Mode of Production (The Political Economy of Socialism : The Cognitive Deadlock of The 1970s) ». Journal of Economic Regulation 12, n^o 2 (30 juin 2021) : 006–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17835/2078-5429.2021.12.2.006-021.

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The paper examines the history of discussions about the Asian mode of production in the USSR, associated with understanding the nature of socialism. Initial interest in the Asian mode of production was associated with the national liberation movements in China and the Middle East, which were supported by the Comintern in the 1920s. The political and economic structure of these countries was not capitalist, but also not feudal. This required the actualization of Marx's ideas and the development of a political strategy to find allies of the communists. Discussions at this time were between supporters of the Asian mode of production and those who considered it a special version of slavery and feudalism. In the 1970s. there is a turn in the interpretation of the Asian way and understanding of socialism, associated with criticism of totalitarianism (Wittfogel) and the bourgeois top of the communist parties (Djilas, Voslensky). K.–A. Wittfogel was one of the first to transfer the concept of the Asian mode of production to the economies of the USSR and Nazi Germany, substantiating the phenomena of total terror, total submission and total alienation. He views Soviet socialism as an institutional mutant, a totalitarian version of state capitalism that has no future and is based on terror. Subsequently R.M. Nureev draws parallels with the Soviet economy in his work on pre-capitalist formations. An interpretation of socialism arises not as a new, advanced social order, but, on the contrary, as a society with backward, non-market institutions. Terror in this case does not play such an important role. The main thing is bureaucratic, non-economic redistribution of products and incomes. The Asian mode of production is considered by Marxists as a transitional method from a social formation to an economic (exploitative) one, and socialism is also a transitional method (from an economic formation to a social one). The transitional methods are characterized by common features – a mixture of advanced elements with backward ones. As a result, Nureev's research did not evoke such a negative attitude as the work of Wittfogel, Djilas, Voslensky. In the late 1970s – early 1980s the concept of «power – property» is formed, which reinforces this interpretation. The recognition of its truth is a delegitimization of the existing social order, and nevertheless, it is rapidly spreading among historians and political economists who adhere to the Marxist interpretation of social processes. This is a striking characteristic of the cognitive deadlock of the political economy of socialism, which, in fact, denies itself. Subsequently the concept of power – property is used to characterize the development trajectory of post-socialist states. Similar views on institutional evolution appear in the Western mainstream (D. North, D. Acemoglu). However, researchers have a «blind spot»: when applying the concept of power – property to Russia, they ignore the proliferation of oligarchy in rich countries. In this respect, the old Marxist approach continues to be relevant and radical in upholding democratic values

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Trevisol, Joviles Vitório, et Lizeu Mazzioni. « A universalização da Educação Básica no Brasil : um longo caminho ». Roteiro 43 (6 décembre 2018) : 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18593/r.v0i0.16482.

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Resumo: O presente artigo resulta de uma extensa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental desenvolvida entre agosto de 2014 e novembro de 2016 cujo propósito foi compreender a construção dos direitos à educação no Brasil e a universalização da educação básica. De natureza histórico-sociológica, o estudo demonstra que as raízes oligárquicas do Estado, assim como a cultura escravocrata e autoritária da sociedade fizeram tardar ao máximo a positivação dos direitos à educação pública e gratuita. A instrução primária, com duração de 2 a 5 anos, foi estruturada a partir de 1920 mediante as reformas estaduais. A escolaridade mínima obrigatória de 8 anos foi estabelecida somente em 1971 (Lei n. 5.692); a de 9 anos, em 2006 (Lei n. 11.274) e a de 14 anos (dos 4 aos 17 anos de idade, envolvendo a educação básica, inclusive para os jovens e adultos que não tiveram acesso na idade própria) em 2009 (Emenda Constitucional n. 59). A despeito de o Estado brasileiro ter reconhecido a educação como um direito social na década de 1930, foi somente em 1988 que o ensino obrigatório foi assumido pela Constituição como um direito público subjetivo. Ao aprovar esse princípio, a Constituição introduziu um importante instrumento jurídico de controle da atuação do poder estatal. Trata-se de uma importante inovação na medida em que ficam estabelecidas algumas situações nas quais o Poder Público tem o dever de assegurar e fazer em benefício do interesse individual do cidadão.Palavras-chave: Política educacional. Universalização da educação básica. Direitos sociais. Cidadania. Universalization of Basic Education in Brazil: a long pathAbstract: This article results from an extensive bibliographical and documentary research developed between August 2014 and November 2016, whose purpose was to understand the construction of the rights to education in Brazil and the universalization of basic education. Of historical and sociological nature, the study demonstrates that the oligarchic roots of the State, as well as the slave-owning and authoritarian culture of society, delayed to the maximum the positivation of the rights to free public education. The primary education, lasting from 2 to 5 years, was structured from 1920 through the state reforms. Minimum compulsory schooling of 8 years was established only in 1971 (Law 5.692); of 9 years, in 2006 (Law 11,274) and 14 years (from 4 to 17 years old, involving basic education, including for young people and adults who did not have access to their own age) in 2009 (Constitutional Amendment 59 ). Although the Brazilian State recognized education as a social right in the 1930s, it was only in 1988 that compulsory education was assumed by the Constitution as a subjective public right. In approving this principle, the Constitution introduced an important legal instrument to control the performance of state power. This is an important innovation in the means that some situations are established in which the public power has the duty to ensure and do, to the benefit of the individual's interest of the citizen.Keywords: Educacional policies. Universalization of basic education. Social rights. Citizenship. Universalización de la Educación Básica en Brasil: un largo caminoResumen: El presente artículo resulta de una extensa investigación bibliográfica y documental desarrollada entre agosto de 2014 y noviembre de 2016 cuyo propósito fue comprender la construcción de los derechos a la educación en Brasil y la universalización de la educación básica. De carácter histórico-sociológico, el estudio demuestra que las raíces oligárquicas del Estado, así como la cultura esclavócrata y autoritaria de la sociedad, tardaron al máximo la positivación de los derechos a la educación pública y gratuita. La instrucción primaria, de duración de 2 a 5 años, fue estructurada a partir de 1920 mediante las reformas estatales. La escolaridad mínima obligatoria de 8 años fue establecida solamente en 1971 (Ley 5.692); la de 9 años, en 2006 (Ley 11.274) y la de 14 años (de los 4 a los 17 años de edad, involucrando la educación básica, incluso para los jóvenes y adultos que no tuvieron acceso a la edad propia) en 2009 (Enmienda Constitucional 59). A pesar de que el Estado brasileño reconoció la educación como un derecho social en la década de 1930, fue sólo en 1988 que la enseñanza obligatoria fue asumida por la Constitución como un derecho público subjetivo. Al aprobar ese principio, la Constitución introdujo un importante instrumento jurídico de control de la actuación del poder estatal. Se trata de una importante innovación en la medida en que quedan establecidas algunas situaciones en que el Poder Público tiene el deber de asegurar y hacer, en beneficio del interés individual del ciudadano.Palabras clave: Políticas educacionales. Universalización de la educación básica. Derechos sociales. Ciudadanía.

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Trevisol, Joviles Vitório, et Lizeu Mazzioni. « A universalização da Educação Básica no Brasil : um longo caminho ». Roteiro 43 (6 décembre 2018) : 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18593/r.v43i0.16482.

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Resumo: O presente artigo resulta de uma extensa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental desenvolvida entre agosto de 2014 e novembro de 2016 cujo propósito foi compreender a construção dos direitos à educação no Brasil e a universalização da educação básica. De natureza histórico-sociológica, o estudo demonstra que as raízes oligárquicas do Estado, assim como a cultura escravocrata e autoritária da sociedade fizeram tardar ao máximo a positivação dos direitos à educação pública e gratuita. A instrução primária, com duração de 2 a 5 anos, foi estruturada a partir de 1920 mediante as reformas estaduais. A escolaridade mínima obrigatória de 8 anos foi estabelecida somente em 1971 (Lei n. 5.692); a de 9 anos, em 2006 (Lei n. 11.274) e a de 14 anos (dos 4 aos 17 anos de idade, envolvendo a educação básica, inclusive para os jovens e adultos que não tiveram acesso na idade própria) em 2009 (Emenda Constitucional n. 59). A despeito de o Estado brasileiro ter reconhecido a educação como um direito social na década de 1930, foi somente em 1988 que o ensino obrigatório foi assumido pela Constituição como um direito público subjetivo. Ao aprovar esse princípio, a Constituição introduziu um importante instrumento jurídico de controle da atuação do poder estatal. Trata-se de uma importante inovação na medida em que ficam estabelecidas algumas situações nas quais o Poder Público tem o dever de assegurar e fazer em benefício do interesse individual do cidadão.Palavras-chave: Política educacional. Universalização da educação básica. Direitos sociais. Cidadania.Universalization of Basic Education in Brazil: a long pathAbstract: This article results from an extensive bibliographical and documentary research developed between August 2014 and November 2016, whose purpose was to understand the construction of the rights to education in Brazil and the universalization of basic education. Of historical and sociological nature, the study demonstrates that the oligarchic roots of the State, as well as the slave-owning and authoritarian culture of society, delayed to the maximum the positivation of the rights to free public education. The primary education, lasting from 2 to 5 years, was structured from 1920 through the state reforms. Minimum compulsory schooling of 8 years was established only in 1971 (Law 5.692); of 9 years, in 2006 (Law 11,274) and 14 years (from 4 to 17 years old, involving basic education, including for young people and adults who did not have access to their own age) in 2009 (Constitutional Amendment 59 ). Although the Brazilian State recognized education as a social right in the 1930s, it was only in 1988 that compulsory education was assumed by the Constitution as a subjective public right. In approving this principle, the Constitution introduced an important legal instrument to control the performance of state power. This is an important innovation in the means that some situations are established in which the public power has the duty to ensure and do, to the benefit of the individual's interest of the citizen.Keywords: Educacional policies. Universalization of basic education. Social rights. Citizenship.Universalización de la Educación Básica en Brasil: un largo caminoResumen: El presente artículo resulta de una extensa investigación bibliográfica y documental desarrollada entre agosto de 2014 y noviembre de 2016 cuyo propósito fue comprender la construcción de los derechos a la educación en Brasil y la universalización de la educación básica. De carácter histórico-sociológico, el estudio demuestra que las raíces oligárquicas del Estado, así como la cultura esclavócrata y autoritaria de la sociedad, tardaron al máximo la positivación de los derechos a la educación pública y gratuita. La instrucción primaria, de duración de 2 a 5 años, fue estructurada a partir de 1920 mediante las reformas estatales. La escolaridad mínima obligatoria de 8 años fue establecida solamente en 1971 (Ley 5.692); la de 9 años, en 2006 (Ley 11.274) y la de 14 años (de los 4 a los 17 años de edad, involucrando la educación básica, incluso para los jóvenes y adultos que no tuvieron acceso a la edad propia) en 2009 (Enmienda Constitucional 59). A pesar de que el Estado brasileño reconoció la educación como un derecho social en la década de 1930, fue sólo en 1988 que la enseñanza obligatoria fue asumida por la Constitución como un derecho público subjetivo. Al aprobar ese principio, la Constitución introdujo un importante instrumento jurídico de control de la actuación del poder estatal. Se trata de una importante innovación en la medida en que quedan establecidas algunas situaciones en que el Poder Público tiene el deber de asegurar y hacer, en beneficio del interés individual del ciudadano.Palabras clave: Políticas educacionales. Universalización de la educación básica. Derechos sociales. Ciudadanía.

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Ebner-Landy, Katie, et René de Nicolay. « THEOPHRASTUS’ ‘OLIGARCH’ AND THE POLITICAL INTENTION OF THE CHARACTERS ». Cambridge Classical Journal, 6 janvier 2023, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270522000148.

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The intention of Theophrastus’ Characters still escapes us. This paper offers a new answer to that centuries-old question by looking closely at the one political sketch of the collection: ‘The Oligarch’ (C.26). We argue that C.26 reveals a political intention in the Characters, presenting oligarchy as the inherently flawed projection of a character trait onto political events. Read in this way, C.26 appears as a medium through which Theophrastus can take a definite but careful stance in contemporary Athenian politics.

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Osborne, Robin. « J. L. Marr - P. J. Rhodes (trans., comm.). The ‘Old Oligarch’ : the Constitution of the Athenians attributed to Xenophon ». Exemplaria Classica 13 (1 décembre 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.33776/ec.v13i0.49.

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Adly, Amr. « Disempowerment without expropriation : Egypt’s old oligarchy under Sisi ». British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 25 octobre 2021, 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2021.1975533.

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Bainbridge, William Sims. « The Iron Law ». Journal For Virtual Worlds Research 6, n^o 3 (16 septembre 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.4101/jvwr.v6i3.7056.

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Star Wars: The Old Republic and Fallen Earth are two of the many recent online gameworlds that depict disintegrating and conflict-ridden societies, in which the very legitimacy of the law is in doubt. Thus they become vehicles for critique of real modern society, and intentionally or unintentionally reflect social-scientific theories of social disorganization, institutional functionality, and the origins of law. This essay examines these examples in terms of the Iron Law of Oligarchy proposed a century ago by Robert Michels, and related classical theories that either contradict or extend it.

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Müller, Klaus. « Warum die Ukraine gescheitert ist ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 45, n^o 178 (1 janvier 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v45i178.233.

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With the advent of the Ukrainian crisis, the old repertoire of Cold War stereotypes is back. The uprising on Kiev’s Independence Square, a local event, has been framed as a clash of „European values“and the expansionary nature of a revived „Russian autocracy“.Ukraine’s autonomy seems in danger, the risk of a new great war is written on the wall. The history of Ukraine since independence tells a different story. From the very beginning the construction of a Ukrainian state has been captured by (post)communist elites which, transformed into oligarchic clans, dominate all layers of Ukrainian politics. Each turn, from the „Orange Revolution“ to the Maidan-protests, can be understood as oligarchic stratagems. The universal frustration of the population as well as (West-)Ukrainian nationalism serve as mobilization strategies in the struggle for state power. The EU and the U.S.have entered and escalated these infightings. The EU have been doing so by making illusionary promises of „Europeanization“, while the US tries to score another „Victory in the Cold War“, whose final trophy is waiting them in Moscow.

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Pomfret, Richard. « What did those who were “Present at the Transition” Miss ? The Creation of Powerful Presidential Families in Central Asia ». Comparative Economic Studies, 8 février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41294-023-00208-8.

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AbstractA striking feature of Havrylyshyn's book present at the transition is the space and emphasis that he gives to elites. He contrasts the new rich in Central European Big Bang countries, who formed a capitalist class that supported further reforms and consolidation of the new economic system, with the new rich in countries with gradual reforms or where an early Big Bang was aborted and old communist-era elites were able to short-circuit the reform process. This paper argues that, although Havrylyshyn's focus on the oligarchs of Russia and Ukraine may be justified by their status as the two largest Soviet successor states, they were not typical of the non-Baltic former Soviet republics. In the Central Asian countries and Azerbaijan, extreme wealth has become concentrated in the presidential families and their associates. This pattern has had specific and pernicious consequences.

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