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1
Mahony, Christopher. « International crimes prosecution case selection : the ICC, ICTR, and SCSL ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a390aead-46cb-42bb-baa7-431540692d9d.
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International crimes prosecutions have become more common since 1993, both domestically and at international courts and tribunals. The advance of this norm confronts realist state interests causing debate about the norm's status. Kathryn Sikkink views a norm as cascading when enough states adopt it to cause international influence, without domestic pressure, to procure levels of conformity. This thesis considers the degree of conformity by observing the level of case selection independence to determine whether this norm is cascading. By identifying the jurisdictional and functional elements of case selection independence, I develop a framework for observing the interface between politics and law. While Sikkink errs towards the quantity of international crimes prosecutions, I focus on the quality. This project examines case selection independence at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court, in Uganda. The project considers whether case selection has become more or less independent at these courts - whether the norm of international crimes prosecution has cascaded or contracted. In observing the various case selection independence elements I attempt to explain the observed cascades and contractions at each court. I then consider whether a cascade or contraction occurred during the period of the courts' collective design and function. The research qualitatively observes a cumulative justice contraction. The research observes a combination of factors affecting case selection independence, including shifts in power dynamics between and among weak and powerful states, increasing state sophistication in international court engagement, a shift in jurisdiction triggering actors and forums, and realist state co-option of norm entrepreneurs via endearing explanation of independence-diminishing policies.
2
Gallavin, Christopher. « The International Criminal Court : friend or foe of international criminal justice ? » Thesis, University of Hull, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418822.
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3
Dijxhoorn, Ernst. « International criminal justice, quasi-state entities and legitimacy : the impact of international criminal justice on quasi-state entities ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/international-criminal-justice-quasistate-entities-and-legitimacy(64a3160c-8c50-4f1f-a691-1cccc68ae56d).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International criminal justice can have intended and unintended impact on the legitimacy of quasi-state entities (QSEs). ‘Quasi-state entity’ is a novel concept introduced to distinguish actors in statehood conflicts that aspire to statehood, fulfil statehood functions to a greater or lesser degree, including, notably, the capacity and willingness to employ organised, restrained coercive violence, but which lack the status of sovereign statehood. QSEs overlap with, but are importantly and conceptually distinct from, nationalist movements, de facto states and rebels or insurgents. Legitimacy is a prerequisite for success, both for QSEs and for state entities. The legitimacy of an entity, its institutions and actions, in a certain constituency, at a certain moment, is difficult to ascertain, in its positive form. Legitimacy is best gauged by its actual or potential absence, at moments where an entity faces legitimacy crises, and where impact can be gauged through empirical observation of behaviour and in changing narratives and counter-narratives of legitimacy. International criminal procedures present direct legitimacy challenges for QSEs and (or) their adversaries. Legitimacy crises reveal both intended and unintended effects of international criminal justice on the legitimacy – and, so, the success, of QSEs.
4
Dijxhoorn, Ernst Edward Alexander. « International criminal justice, quasi-state entities and legitimacy : the impact of international criminal justice on quasi-state entities ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/international-criminal-justice-quasistate-entities-and-legitimacy(90132a7c-2fcb-4f16-a863-db536c6efe42).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International criminal justice can have intended and unintended impact on the legitimacy of quasi-state entities (QSEs). ‘Quasi-state entity’ is a novel concept introduced to distinguish actors in statehood conflicts that aspire to statehood, fulfil statehood functions to a greater or lesser degree, including, notably, the capacity and willingness to employ organised, restrained coercive violence, but which lack the status of sovereign statehood. QSEs overlap with, but are importantly and conceptually distinct from, nationalist movements, de facto states and rebels or insurgents. Legitimacy is a prerequisite for success, both for QSEs and for state entities. The legitimacy of an entity, its institutions and actions, in a certain constituency, at a certain moment, is difficult to ascertain, in its positive form. Legitimacy is best gauged by its actual or potential absence, at moments where an entity faces legitimacy crises, and where impact can be gauged through empirical observation of behaviour and in changing narratives and counter-narratives of legitimacy. International criminal procedures present direct legitimacy challenges for QSEs and (or) their adversaries. Legitimacy crises reveal both intended and unintended effects of international criminal justice on the legitimacy – and, so, the success, of QSEs.
5
Tan, Alvin Poh Heng. « Advancing international criminal justice in Southeast Asia through the regionalisation of international criminal law ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/27831/.
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Only two Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries have ratified the International Criminal Court (ICC) Statute, and this number is unlikely to change dramatically in the near future. This research thus considers how international criminal justice (ICrimJ) can be advanced through the regionalisation of international criminal law (ICL), whilst also serving the interests of ASEAN Member States. The theoretical appeal, practical viability, and political acceptability of regional ICrimJ mechanisms are accordingly examined. Given that the establishment of the ICC has challenged the absolute sovereignty of States over the prosecution of international crimes, regional initiatives have added political allure as they not only better reflect local legal norms and political considerations, but also place the selection of ‘regional crimes’ and enforcement measures primarily in the hands of regional countries. In recognition of the 'ASEAN way' of making decisions, regional initiatives to further ICrimJ in Southeast Asia should be implemented gradually and driven internally through consultation and consensus. Moreover, to achieve the overarching ASEAN goal of maintaining regional peace and security, the modalities and practical effects of ICrimJ may require greater emphasis on deterrence and reconciliation, instead of punishment. The prospect and efficacy of a regional ICrimJ mechanism however also depends, inter alia, on the availability of institutional infrastructure and resources, and will understandably differ between regions. Nevertheless, some general conclusions about the value and attractiveness of a regional approach to ICrimJ can be drawn. Despite variations on what may constitute justice in different geographic areas, these generalisations are useful because they reveal the incentives and favourable conditions for efforts at the regional level. The research therefore proffers a basic framework to assess the costs and benefits of regional solutions against domestic or international methods of enforcing ICL, and determine which may best serve ICrimJ in each unique situation and circumstance.
6
Buisman, Caroline Madeline. « Ascertainment of the truth in international criminal justice ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2012. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/6555.
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This thesis seeks to answer the principal question as to whether international criminal justice systems can serve as adequate truth-ascertaining forums. In doing so, it reviews the practice of three international criminal justice systems: the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). It is not the purpose of this research to review the black letter law adopted and applied by these international tribunals and court, but rather to review the implementation of the legal principles in practice. It is a socio-legal research project which focuses on the practice of the tribunals and court. It discusses socio-legal, institutional and political issues relating to the ascertainment of the truth in international criminal justice. In addition, it examines the gaps between the theory and practice of ascertaining the truth in the ICTY, ICTR and ICC. It does so principally by exploring the roles of the parties, participants and judges in ascertaining the truth. This includes the obstacles they face in doing so and the responses given, if any, to accommodate these difficulties. Challenges include the politicised climate of most post-conflict societies, the remoteness of the crime base areas from the seat of the Court, the lack of enforcement mechanisms and reliance on State cooperation, as well as the unfamiliarities with the cultural and linguistic features of the affected communities. This thesis reveals that these difficulties are not the principal cause of truth-searching impediments. Indeed, it is asserted that the ascertainment of the truth can be fair and effective notwithstanding these difficulties. It also demonstrates that truth-ascertaining impediments are mainly caused by failures to adequately investigate the crimes and relevant evidence. At the ICTY, investigations have been carried out in the most efficient and fair manner possible under the circumstances. By contrast, the ICTR and ICC investigations are far from adequate and should be improved. The Prosecution should make more efforts to obtain the best evidence available. It further concludes that international justice systems have set their goals too highly. Instead of seeking to meet objectives such as reconciliation, peace and security, they should restrict their focus to the question as to whether the guilt of a particular accused has been established in respect of the crimes charged.
7
Mninde-Silungwe, Fatuma. « The regionalisation of international criminal justice in Africa ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6096.
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Doctor Legum - LLDThis study was undertaken under the South African-German Centre for Transnational Criminal Justice, University of the Western Cape (UWC), South Africa and Humboldt Universitat zu Berlin, Germany. The Centre provided a conducive environment, both in Berlin and Cape Town for the successful completion of this research. I am grateful for the support that was rendered by the staff for the centre and these are: Professor Gerhard Werle, my supervisor and Co-Director of the Centre, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Co-Director of the Centre, and Professor Raymond Koen. I am also thankful to Dr. Moritz Vormbaum, Coordinator of the Program, Windell Nortje, Coordinator UWC and all the administrative staff and these are Anja Schepke, Hazel Jeftha and Farieda Hendricks.
8
Wallentine, Kevin. « In Pursuit of Justice : Strengthening the International Criminal Court ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/448.
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Current opinion pieces ask broad questions such as "Is the ICC worth it" while only focusing on a specific aspect of the ICC such as its budget or the work of the Office of the Prosecutor. Given the incredibly complex nature of human rights violations as well as the difficulty in assembling an international regime to deal with them, answering such questions requires a more complete analysis of the Court's functions, dynamics, and predecessors.
The background chapter that discussed trends in international judicial organizations leading up to the creation of the ICC examined the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, the interregnum national commissions, the Spanish Universal Jurisdiction system, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, addressing key pitfalls that such organizations faced (including victors' justice and unilateralism) while noting how the ICC's policies and structure differed from its predecessors'.
The dynamics chapter highlighted eight key elements currently affecting how the Court works– the member states who have ratified the Rome Statute, the Court's ability to apprehend criminals, the international response to ICC actions, how prosecutions may be initiated, the explicit and implicit functions of the Court, its consensus policymaking, the Court's budget and finances, and the role of the United States.
With these dynamics in mind, the policy alternatives chapter recommended three actions that could serve to strengthen the ICC's capabilities – increasing its member states, increasing compliance with its warrants through different types of international agreements, and increasing its budget to be able to handle more cases. Following these policy alternatives to their likely outcomes in the policy forecast section, I analyzed how they would affect the ICC's effectiveness, its ability to gain more member states, and the member states themselves. Through this more comprehensive analysis that takes into account the external and internal factors affecting the ICC, this thesis offers realistic ways that the ICC can improve its capabilities and achieve its mission of ending impunity for war criminals.
9
Bekou, Olympia. « International criminal justice at the interface : the relationship between international criminal courts and national legal orders ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13411/.
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International criminal courts do not operate to the exclusion of national legal orders, but co-exist with them. The present thesis provides an in-depth analysis of the above relationship. By examining the concepts of primacy and complementarity on the basis of which the ad hoc international criminal Tribunals and the permanent International Criminal Court seize jurisdiction, the foundations of the interface are explored. As effectiveness is a key concept to international criminal justice, the relationship between international criminal courts and national legal systems is tested, by examining the co-operation regimes envisaged in the Statutes of both the Tribunals and the ICC, as well as the problems that arise in practice. Moreover, the way the UN Security Council affects State interplay with international criminal justice institutions is crucial for a holistic understanding of the limitations of the interaction. The final part of the thesis focuses on national incorporation efforts and provides a detailed analysis of implementing legislation of a number of key States with a view to discerning some common approaches and highlighting problem areas. The present thesis argues that despite the different constitutional bases of the Tribunals and the ICC, similar questions of interface with national courts arise and the challenges presented could be better tackled by aiming for a "functional or workable interaction". Overall, the originality of this thesis lies in its analytical approach. By scrutinising a number of crucial aspects of the relationship between international criminal courts and national legal orders an overview of the research question posed is achieved. Moreover, the examination of the legal principles and their practical application is complemented by a comprehensive discussion of national implementing legislation which has not previously been attempted in a similar manner. [Files associated with the accompanying CD-ROM (print version) are available on request to subject librarian.]
10
Ullrich, Leila. « Schizophrenic justice : exploring 'justice for victims' at the International Criminal Court (ICC) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8d73d52b-9cd6-4d06-b613-69b0827aa03e.
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This thesis examines how the promise and institutionalization of 'justice for victims' has shaped the ICC's justice vision and identity. Drawing on interviews with 90 practitioners in The Hague, Kenya and Uganda, it undertakes a sociological and institutional analysis of how 'justice for victims' has evolved in the Court's first two decades through the definitions and redefinitions, pushes and pulls, strategies and miscalculations of the Court's diverse actors both in The Hague and in the field. It argues that the introduction of 'justice for victims' has led to a rift within the Court between those who embrace a narrow understanding of justice as 'fair trials' and those who see the ICC as an opening for broader justice processes. These rifts and gaps are reinforced by the Court's actors in the field such as victims' lawyers and intermediaries who sometimes assume political advocacy roles beyond what the Court's judges envisaged or follow their parochial interests on the ground. While the ICC's judges have increasingly curtailed victim participation and reparation in the court room, the Court's practices on the ground reflect an uneasy fusion of legal justice, development, local and national politics with a proliferation of new justice concepts including 'transformative justice' and 'gender justice'. So far, these justice contestations have not chipped away, much less undermined, the Court's legitimacy. Rather, the Court has thrived on its justice contradictions; its failure to commit to any particular justice vision while loosely relating to all possible visions, has made the Court impervious to critique. But the thesis will also show that 'justice for victims' at the ICC is schizophrenic: it is inherently unstable and its contradictory dynamics may at some point rip the concept apart - and with it the Court's legitimacy.
11
N'dri, Maurice Kouadio. « Critical analysis of victims rights before international criminal justice ». Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7533_1183427953.
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History is regrettably replete with wars and dictatorial regimes that claimed the lives of millions of people. Most of the time the planners were not held accountable for their misdeeds. Fortunately in recent years the idea of people being prosecuted for mass atrocities was launched and debated. The purpose of this study was to propose avenues for promoting respect for victims rights. It examined the rationale of the victims reparation, its evolution, its denial and its rebirth. It canvass victims rights in domestic law especially in the civil law in comparison with international law. It proposed means whereby the international community may better address the issue of victims rights.
12
Ba, Oumar. « International Criminal Justice and State Sovereignty : An African Perspective ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1290196591.
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13
Mupanga, Godfrey. « The work of the international criminal court in Africa and challenges for the future of international criminal justice ». Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2645.
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Within the first decade of the ICC‟s existence, its case docket was composed of cases originating from Africa only. Relations between the African governments represented by the AU quickly deteriorated. The AU accuses the ICC of bias and unfair targeting of Africa. After the indictment of heads of states that include Omar Al Bashir of Sudan, Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya and the late Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, the AU passed several resolutions where it reiterated its commitment to the rule of law and to combating impunity. The AU, however, instructed member states to cease all cooperation with the ICC. African states that are ICC members are now faced with conflicting obligations as a result of the AU resolutions. Moreover, the AU resolutions raise the spectre of a legitimacy crisis for the AU and a conflict between articles 27(2) and 98(1) of the Rome Statute. Based mostly on desk research coupled with my experience working on human rights and access to justice programmes in Sudan, South Sudan, Somaliland, Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and Zimbabwe, this thesis considers the possibility that the ICC is suffering from a legitimacy crisis as a result of the fall out and the issues of unfair selectivity that are raised by the AU. Employing the Third World Approaches to International Law as an analytical framework, the study attempts to reconcile the apparent contradictions in the new outlook and rhetoric of the AU pursuant to its Constitutive Act and the instruction to member states to withdraw cooperation with the ICC. The thesis also proposes practical ways to resolve the conflicting obligations caused by the AU resolutions and by operation of customary international law immunity of high ranking state officials referred to the ICC by way of a Security Council resolution. The current situation gives the ICC the appearance of a weak institution that is only good for low hanging fruit, which has a negative effect on the legitimacy of the ICC.
14
Frielingsdorf, Jolinde. « Transitional criminal justice after German Unification and its international impact ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5649_1362393925.
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15
Han, Yuna Christine. « International criminal justice and the global south : extraversion and state agency ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:86495512-c83a-48e5-b27d-4cdcb1aeefd7.
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Why do states of the Global South initiate international criminal justice processes for domestic atrocity crimes? The phenomenon of Southern agency regarding international criminal justice presents an empirical and theoretical puzzle given the Southern states' defence of Westphalian sovereignty, or the juridical equality of states and domestic non-intervention. International criminal justice challenges this notion of sovereignty by directly prosecuting individuals under international law through international courts. This thesis rejects this theoretical notion that international criminal justice curbs sovereignty, and argues that the initiative for international criminal justice processes is a type of short-term political strategy adopted by Southern state actors to strengthen specific aspects of their statehood. In doing so, the thesis challenges the dominant theoretical explanations of Southern state preference that relies on their relative weakness and the power of external factors, such as Great Power interests or transnational activist networks, and reclaims the possibility of agency for Southern state actors. The argument is derived from a theory developed in this thesis, referred to as judicial extraversion, or a counter-structural theory of strategic action that links the politics of statehood in the Global South and the political opportunities inherent in the nature of international criminal justice, namely, the individualisation of responsibility, criminalisation of specific forms of violence, and the privileged status of the state in the international criminal justice system. It develops this theory through the qualitative case studies of Uganda's self-referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC), Cambodia's request for an international criminal tribunal to the UN, and the counterexample of Colombia's special domestic criminal justice process for paramilitary demobilisation. The thesis finds that relative weakness of Southern states is insufficient to explain engagement with international criminal justice, and highlights the possibility of paradoxical agency. Finally, the findings suggest that, under particular circumstances, international criminal justice can be used to entrench the authority of weaker states in the international system.
16
Riley, Donald J. « Post-conflict justice : issues and approaches ». Thesis, (240 KB), 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FRiley.pdf.
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17
Haidar, Anan Alsheikh. « Regionalising International Criminal Justice with Particular Reference to the Middle East ». Thesis, University of Reading, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.533782.
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Bowman, Herbert D. « Not much justice : the performance of the Internationalized Criminal Courts in Kosovo, East Timor, Cambodia, and Sierra Leone ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101813.
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It has been claimed that internationalized, or "hybrid" courts, courts which mix international and local personnel and international and domestic law, can be used to replace or complement the work of the International Criminal Court. Four such hybrid courts---courts located in Kosovo, East Timor, Cambodia and Sierra Leone, have either just completed their work or are far enough along in their operation to provide a type of "justice laboratory" to test this claim. Analysis reveals that the performance of these courts has been poor. It shows that the courts in Kosovo and East Timor were doomed to failure, that the court in Cambodia is headed in the same direction, and that only the court operating in Sierra Leone offers a possibility that something close to justice will result. The summary recommendation drawn from the analysis is that hybrid courts should only be employed where: (1) international personnel control the proceedings, (2) the legal framework of the court conforms to international standards, and (3) the sponsors of the enterprise possess a clear ability, and demonstrate a credible commitment, to try and punish those most responsible for committing gross human rights offenses.
19
Trif, Dana Silvina [Verfasser]. « A New Hegemony : International Criminal Justice and the Politics of International Security / Dana Silvina Trif ». Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1131629345/34.
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20
Theophile, Sugira. « Analysis of legal issues arising from the principle of concurrent domestic and international jurisdiction : application to the Rwandan context ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13008.
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Includes bibliographical references.In international criminal law, the application of the principle of concurrent jurisdiction necessitates the existence of two types of Courts: a national court and an international one. As a result of the uniqueness of the Rwandan context, there were more courts hearing matters that arose from the genocide.6 In Rwanda, such cases are tried by ‘conventional courts’ and the ‘Gacaca’ courts. Gacaca is defined as a system of transitional participative community justice, whereby the population is given the chance to speak about the committed atrocities, to prosecute, defend, judge and punish the criminals. The conventional courts are divided into ordinary courts and military courts. All these courts have the jurisdiction to prosecute genocide cases. Genocide cases were therefore heard in three different courts domestically but in concurrence with International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). As a result of the particular context of the Rwandan Genocide of 1994, particular issues arise and will be explored in this study.
21
Gill-Austern, Gabriel Martin. « The crossroads of justice : Sudan, the African Union and the International Criminal Court ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10512.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-112).In July 2009, following the issuance of an arrest warrant for President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan by the International Criminal Court (ICC), the African Union (AU) passed a declaration of non-cooperation with the ICC. While all of the other cases in which the ICC had been involved also were located on the African continent, the AU's declaration was the first time any collective of African nations expressed significant dissatisfaction with the ICC. This thesis examinens the reasons the AU reacted so publicly and strongly to the ICC's pursuit of Bashir (and not to the cases already on the ICC's docket).
22
Palmer, Nicola Frances. « A contextual process : understandings of transitional justice in Rwanda ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:caff303e-4afc-42a8-bc95-7b660f058ca1.
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This thesis examines the practices of international, national, and localised criminal courts in post-genocide Rwanda. It argues that, although the courts are compatible in law, an interpretive cultural analysis shows that they have often competed with one another. The research draws on interviews conducted with judges, lawyers, and a group of witnesses and suspects from the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), the national Rwandan courts, and the gacaca community courts. The courts’ judges and lawyers have interpreted Rwanda’s transitional justice processes very differently. The ICTR has been principally concerned with developing international criminal case law. The national courts purport to have focused on domestic legal reform, while personnel inside gacaca view these local courts as having provided an account of the events and causes of the genocide. This thesis argues that the different interpretations offered within Rwanda’s post-genocide courts illuminate divergent legal cultures inside the institutions, leading to failures in effective cooperation and evidence gathering. The courts have pursued diverse means to try to establish their legitimate authority. However, among a group of Rwandan citizens, the practices of one court were routinely used as the basis to criticise the actions of the others, raising challenges for the legitimacy of transitional justice in Rwanda. The potential for similar competition between domestic and international justice processes is apparent in the current practice of the International Criminal Court (ICC). However, this competition can be mitigated through more effective communication between different justice systems which respond to the needs of the affected populations, fostering a legal culture of complementarity.
23
Lugulu, Jullie Ingrid. « A critical examination of the relationship between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council, in the light of referrals and deferrals ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12858.
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Includes bibliographical references.The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute) provides for a close relationship between the International Criminal Court (Court) and the United Nations Security Council (Security Council). This relationship is demonstrated through Security Council exercise of referrals and deferrals. This dissertation discusses first, the Security Council referrals of the situations in Darfur, Sudan and Libya. Second, the Security Council passing of resolutions 1422(2002) and 1487(2003), which deferred the Court from commencing any investigations or prosecuting of any crimes that could have arisen as a result of the United Nations peacekeeping operations. This dissertation argues that the Security Council has exercised referrals and deferrals contrary to the Rome Statute, the Charter of the United Nations (the Charter), and the Negotiated Relationship Agreement between the Court and the Security Council (Relationship Agreement) as envisaged by the drafters of the Rome Statute. It concludes by stating that, the relationship between the Court and the Security Council is at a crossroad because the latter has failed to exercise referrals and deferrals in the manner provided for in the Rome Statute and as envisioned during the drafting of the Rome Statute, thereby equating the Court to the proverbial bark of a toothless dog.
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Flory, Philippe. « L'action de l'ONU dans le domaine de la justice transitionnelle ». Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018GREAD004/document.
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Depuis son apparition, il y a une trentaine d’années, la justice transitionnelle a connu un développement impressionnant. Elle est passée d’un domaine connu des seuls experts à une pratique généralisée pour les sociétés sortant de conflits, et est désormais considérée comme « normalisée ». Pourtant, l’action de son principal promoteur, l’Organisation des Nations Unies, demeure étonnement peu étudiée dans sa globalité et est, en conséquence, méconnue. La complexité du fonctionnement de l’ONU, organisation aux multiples organes, institutions, programmes, départements et fonds, ne facilite pas l’étude de son action. Celle-ci est d’autant plus compliquée si l’on considère l’absence de définition claire dont souffre toujours la justicetransitionnelle. La question peut alors être posée de l’existence d’une justice transitionnelle onusienne. L’Organisation est-elle parvenue à adopter une approche unifiée ? A-t-elle réussi à l’appliquer de façon cohérente ? Ces questions ne peuvent recevoir une réponse que par le biais d’une étude globale et systématique de l’action de l’ONU dans le domaine de la justice transitionnelleTransitional justice has experienced an impressive growth since its inception, more than thirty years ago. It has evolved from a field known only by experts to a common practice for post-conflict societies. It is now considered “normalised”. Still, the action of its main promoter, the United Nations, remains surprisingly under-studied. Never has it truly been considered in its entirety. The UN action in the field of transitional justice thus remains illknown. It is true that the highly complex structure of the United Nations, comprising numerous organs, institutions, funds, programmes and departments, does not make its study an easy task. The latter is rendered even harder by the equal complexity of transitional justice, a notion still not benefitting from a clear definition. The sheer existence of a United Nations’ transitional justice may be questioned. Has the Organisation managed to adopt aunified approach ? Does it succeed in applying it in a coherent fashion ? These questions may only find answers through a global and systematic study of the UN’s action in the field of transitional justice
25
Mulerwa, Olivia Kaguliro. « The hybrid court model and the legitimacy of international criminal justice in Africa ». University of Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3916.
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Magister Legum - LLMHybrid Courts are the latest innovation in the prosecution of international crimes after the era of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Examples include; the Extraordinary African Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, the Regulation 64 Panels in the courts of Kosovo and the Special Court for Sierra Leone. The hybrid court model at its inception was believed to be the panacea for the short comings of purely international tribunals. The characteristic location of the tribunals in the locus of the atrocities and the participation of local judicial officers alongside their international counterparts was expected to promote legitimacy and foster capacity building for conflict ravaged transitional states. Despite the criticisms of the model today, a new hybrid court has recently been inaugurated to prosecute Hissène Habré the former President of Chad, for international crimes committed during his presidency. The promulgation of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Senegal suggests that the model continues to be useful, especially for Africa. This is of particular significance since international criminal justice has lately come under attack on the continent. The on-going feud between the African Union and the International Criminal court is only the most prolific example of this. This research paper explores the dimensions of the challenges facing the legitimacy of international criminal justice in Africa and the extent to which the hybrid court model can provide a solution for them. In order to do so, the study begins by addressing the meaning of legitimacy within the African context. A general discussion of hybrid tribunals, as well as the specific manifestations of the model in Africa so far, follows. The Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Extraordinary African Chambers in the Courts of Senegal are distinguishable from each other in structure and are thus juxtaposed in order to illuminate possible improvements on the hybrid court model for the future.
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Tenove, Christopher John. « Justice and inclusion in global politics : victim representation and the International Criminal Court ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/51982.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There are widespread concerns that those people who ought to benefit from global governance are instead ignored, disempowered or harmed by it. Central to these concerns, this dissertation argues, is the principle of inclusion. Bringing together normative and empirical inquiry, this dissertation explains why inclusion matters and how it might be achieved in global governance, and uses this approach to assess the oft-criticized relationship between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and victims of international crimes. Inclusion is crucial for both justice and democratic legitimacy. Inclusion can empower constituencies to address injustices they face and negotiate what justice should entail. Inclusion is also necessary to address democratic deficits in global governance, when constituencies are excluded from decision-making processes that significantly affect them. The complexity and large scale of global governance make inclusion difficult to conceptualize and promote. Building on democratic theory, this dissertation proposes the framework of mediated inclusion, which identifies the key activities of representation and communication needed for constituencies to understand and influence decision-making. It then engages with International Relations scholarship to identify actors, institutional design features and contexts that can promote or frustrate the inclusion of the intended beneficiaries of global governance. This analysis reveals both persistent challenges and positive trends in opportunities for inclusion at international organizations. These insights are used to assess the inclusion of victims in the creation and operations of the ICC. This analysis draws on over 100 interviews with ICC staff, state officials and civil society members, as well as focus groups with survivors of violence in Uganda and Kenya. Close examination of negotiations to create the ICC reveals how advocates for victims’ rights achieved a strong legal framework for victim inclusion. Case studies of the ICC’s interventions in Uganda and Kenya evaluate diverse advocates for victims, and identify opportunities and limitations for victim inclusion in judicial, bureaucratic and diplomatic decision-making sites. Contributing to debates on global democracy, transnational advocacy, international organization design and international criminal justice, this dissertation shows how the principle of inclusion can be used to critically assess global governance and to create institutions that are more legitimate and just.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Butera, Gerald. « Rwanda Gacaca traditional courts : an alternative solution for post-genocide justice and national reconciliation / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FButera.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Stabilization and Reconstruction)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas Porch, Nancy Roberts. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-69) Also available online.
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Åberg, Malin. « Gottgörelse till brottsoffer vid internationella brottmålsdomstolen ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-101704.
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Nerland, Krista. « Trying the Court : an assessment of the challenges facing the ICC in Uganda and Darfur ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112509.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The ICC, which came into force in 2002, was held up by human rights activists as a force that would transform a culture of impunity into a culture of accountability. However, after five years of activity, the evidence suggests that the Court's effect has been mixed. Its ability to achieve retributive justice, broader reconciliation and restorative justice, as well as to deter future offences and promote peace has been variable, at best. Despite the Court's claim that politics are not its job, political missteps and support are adversely affecting the work of a judicious Court. Using the cases of Uganda and Darfur, this paper argues that the most significant factors impacting the Court's ability to achieve the four aims outlined are its lack of enforcement capacity, lack of international political will, the result of geo-political interests and concerns over the norm of state sovereignty, and lack of attention to political context by the Court itself.
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Garbett, Claire Joyce. « War and its witnesses : International criminal justice and the legal recognition of civilian victims ». Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514287.
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Nutt, Benjamin Iain. « A search for justice : an analysis of purpose, process and stakeholder practice at the International Criminal Court ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/10549.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the outset the International Criminal Court (ICC) was heralded as a revolution within international society, but it has since found itself at the centre of much controversy and debate. According to the Rome Statute’s Preamble, a broad aim of the ICC is: “to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice”. However, a review of the critical literature surrounding the ICC uncovered a noticeable lack of discussions applying theoretical understandings of justice to neither the Court’s design nor operations; a gap in the literature that the thesis aims to address. Moreover, the review identified that the primary concerns regarding the ICC’s performance all focussed on stakeholder practices. Combining these two observations, the thesis hypothesised that the controversies and issues facing the ICC emerged because the practice of the Court’s primary stakeholders has been incompatible with the demands of justice. In order to test this hypothesis, the thesis analyses the compatibility of the ICC with what the thesis identifies as the core theoretical demands of justice across three areas: purpose, procedure, and stakeholder practice. It does this by building a theoretical framework from the justice literature which is then used to analyse and critique data relating to the ICC’s purposes, procedures and stakeholder practices gathered from empirical observations, interviews, official documents and speeches. The thesis concludes that, for the most part, it is the practice of ICC stakeholders that have been incompatible with the demands of justice, not the Court’s purposes or procedures.
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Eynard, Manuel. « La métamorphose de la justice pénale internationale. Etude des fonctions judiciaires de la Cour pénale internationale ». Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AZUR0022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Du fait des particularismes inhérents à l’ordre juridique international, les contours et le contenu de la justice internationale diffèrent de ceux de la justice interne. Ils répondent à des forces directrices variables qui déterminent la conception même des juridictions internationales et de la justice qu’elles sont mandatées de rendre. Ces forces sont en constante évolution, de concert avec la transformation permanente de l’ordre juridique international. Le phénomène juridictionnel international est ainsi parcouru par plusieurs dynamiques. Au travers de l’étude du cas de la Cour pénale internationale, institution internationale clivante, l’ambition essentielle de cette étude est double. D’une part, il s’agit de démontrer la grande diversité de fonctions judiciaires pénales internationales, dont l’existence même nourrit de sérieux désaccords, tant au sein de la doctrine qu’auprès du personnel de la Cour et des conseillers juridiques des États. Il est donc nécessaire de partir à la recherche et d’examiner les éléments par lesquels la Cour exerce ses fonctions judiciaires afin de répondre au besoin de déterminer, de critiquer et d’ordonner les fonctions judiciaires pénales internationales. La thèse prend position sur chacune d’entre elles. D’autre part, l’analyse vise à exposer l’existence d’une métamorphose de la justice pénale internationale. Il faut pour cela mettre en lumière les dynamiques d’extension et de développement des fonctions judiciaires pénales internationales et, ainsi, lever le voile sur une dynamique plus générale d’enrichissement de la justice internationaleThe progressive legalization of the international society has generated a similar fundamental issue: the implementation of the international law by international courts and tribunals. A slow and relentless judicialisation of international relations has been observed, to the point that there are different providers of the same international judicial function, competent on a large majority of areas of international law.Because of peculiarities inherent to the international legal order, the outlines and content of international justice are different from those of the internal justice. They respond to varying driving forces which determine the conception of international courts and the notion of justice that they are mandated to render. These forces are constantly changing, along with the ongoing transformation of the international legal order. Indeed, the international judicial phenomenon is subject to several dynamics. Through the case study of the International Criminal Court, the essential aim of this study is twofold. First, it is to demonstrate the great diversification of international criminal judicial functions. Some of them crystallize serious disagreements, within the doctrine as to the staff of the Court and Legal Advisors to States. It is therefore necessary to research and examine the elements by which the Court exercises its various judicial functions. The thesis takes a position on each of them. On the other hand, the analysis aims to expose the existence of a metamorphosis of international criminal justice. This requires highlighting two dynamics: the expansion and the development of the international criminal judicial function, and thus unveiling a general dynamic of enrichment of international justice
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Skaf, Faten. « La justice pénale face à la cybercriminalité ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La justice pénale est aujourd’hui confrontée au numérique et le développement des données dématérialisées, dont la valeur patrimoniale ne cesse de s’accroître, lui pose des défis de nature idéologique, sociologique, économique, géopolitique et, bien évidemment juridique. Elle doit faire face à la cybercriminalité qui se joue du temps, de l’espace et des législations puisque les actes illicites se déroulent désormais dans le cyberespace. Mais, pour que le système de justice pénale puisse contribuer efficacement à la lutte contre la cybercriminalité, les États doivent pouvoir s’appuyer sur un ensemble de règles juridiques contre cette criminalité et des systèmes de justice pénale qui fonctionnent correctement, doivent avoir les capacités nécessaires pour démêler les affaires pénales qui peuvent être complexes et coopérer à la répression de la cybercriminalité au plan internationalNowdays, Criminal justice is confronted to digital and the development of dematerialized data, whose heritage value is still increasing, raise challenges of ideological, sociological, economical, geopolitical and of course legal nature. Criminal justice needs to deal with cybercrime which make light of time, space and legislation because illicit acts now take place in cyberspace. However, so that the criminal justice system can contribute effectively to fight against cybercrime, states should be able to lean on a set of legal rules against crime and criminal justice systems which work correctly, should have the necessary abilities to get to the bottom of legal affairs which can be complex and cooperate in cybercrime repression on the international level
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Heliso, Tamene Ena. « South-African german centre transnational criminal justice and crime prevention : An international and African perspective ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6381.
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Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)Corruption is a global problem, which poses a serious threat to the development of countries and their people. Although its impact varies, all nations are facing the evils of corruption and, therefore, the international community calls upon states to take preventive and deterrent measures against corruption. For example, the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AU Convention) obligate their member states to have both legal and institutional frameworks for effectively fighting corruption.
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McCarthy, Conor. « Reparations and victim support under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609112.
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Reynolds, Diana Elizabeth. « The prosecution strategy of the ICC office of the prosecutor recast : a hand up not a hand out ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112608.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken steps to define and develop its prosecution policies. Review of these policies reveals that the OTP prefers to act on referrals of situations by states and the Security Council, rather than to employ its proprio motu investigatory powers. While the OTP has effectively defined the threshold for the gravity of the crimes that it will prosecute, a number of other discretionary criteria that inform the OTP's exercise of jurisdiction remain undefined. Additionally, the OTP's acceptance of state 'waivers of complementarity' moves in the direction of establishing a quasi-exclusive jurisdiction for the OTP. This thesis will critically evaluate these policies, and propose a recasting of the OTP's prosecution strategy towards the promotion of domestic war crimes prosecutions. It posits that the ICC OTP can act as a catalyst for domestic war crimes prosecutions, by serving in an advisory and support role. The OTP thus has the opportunity to breathe life into the complementarity regime and advance the global struggle against impunity.
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Dissenha, Rui Carlo. « Por uma política criminal universal : uma crítica aos tribunais penais internacionais ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2140/tde-10022014-160412/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O presente trabalho busca analisar criticamente a atual conformação da justiça penal internacional, identificando as principais dificuldades que enfrenta e propondo uma nova direção que possa servir a mitigar esses problemas e a atingir os fins que declara ter como objetivo. Segundo se pretendeu demonstrar nesta tese, a atual condição da justiça penal internacional, que evoluiu substancialmente no pós-Guerra Fria em conjunto com a proteção internacional dos direitos humanos, constitui-se sobre uma proposta unicamente repressiva. Esse modelo se manifesta no combate aos crimes universais pela priorização da atuação de tribunais penais internacionais e pela definição internacional de padrões obrigatórios a serem seguidos pelos Estados. Todavia, essa proposta padece de diversas dificuldades que podem ser resumidas em dois aspectos principais: tanto na sua incapacidade de se fazer executar, o que lhe retira a independência que se espera de um sistema judicial, quanto na sua indefinição quanto aos fins que persegue. Dessa forma, conclui-se que a aplicação da pena, no plano internacional, é um exercício político que demanda, portanto, limitação. Além disso, como resposta aos graves efeitos dos crimes universais, a justiça penal internacional precisa ser repensada segundo uma proposta também prospectiva que, aliada à repressão, possa servir à evitação de crimes universais e à garantia da paz e dos direitos humanos. Essa proposta é o que se denomina de política criminal universal.This study aims to critically analyze the current conformation of international criminal justice, identifying the main difficulties that it faces and proposing a new direction that may serve to mitigate these problems and allow the achievement of the goals purposed by states in international arena. According to this thesis, the current status of the international criminal justice, which has evolved substantially in the post-Cold War together with the international protection of human rights, is based on a solely repressive proposal. This model manifests itself, regarding the combat of universal crimes, by priorizing the creation of international criminal courts and through the definition of international standards that are compulsory to States. However, this proposal suffers from several difficulties which can be summarized in two major points: its incapacity to enforce itself, which may endanger the essential independence required from a judicial system, and its inability in deciding its own goals. Thus, it is possible to conclude that the international imposition of a criminal sentence is a dangerous political exercise that demands limitation. Furthermore, in response to the serious effects of universal crimes, international criminal justice needs to be rethought according to a proposal that is also prospective, which, coupled with repression, can serve to the prevention of universal crimes and to ensure universal peace and human rights. This proposal is what is called a universal criminal policy.
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Cataleta, Maria Stefania. « Les droits de la défense devant la Cour Pénale Internationale ». Thesis, Nice, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014NICE0034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans le cadre du procès pénal, un minimum de garanties doivent être accordées à chaque accusé. La justice pénale internationale n’est pas exempte de cette prescription, qui est également valable pour les individus accusés des crimes les plus affreux contre le genre humain, comme les crimes de compétence de la Cour pénale internationale. L’année 1998, année de la signature à Rome du Statut de la Cour pénale internationale, a marqué une étape définitive dans le processus de codification du D.I.P.. Le statut se fonde sur des valeurs communes propres à la communauté des Etats signataires, qui ont formellement introduits en droit international l’élément de la sanction et de la responsabilité pénale individuelle, sans toutefois négliger l’élément de la réglementation procédurale qui conduit à la sanction pénale à travers le respect des droits de la défense. Le Statut de la C.P.I. représente l’enveloppe normative formelle qui contient le patrimoine de droits inhérents à l’individu et, en même temps, le texte normatif de garantie sur lequel se fonde le consensus de la communauté des Etats en ce qui concerne la nécessité de combattre l’impunité selon les règles démocratiques du vivre social et de juger et punir selon les règles propres à l’état de droit universellement reconnuesDopted on July 1998 by the Rome Diplomatic Conference, the Statute of the International Criminal Court marks the culmination of a process of the international criminal justice, that started at Nuremberg and Tokyo and further developed through the establishment of the ad hoc Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Rome Statute crystallizes the whole body of law that has gradually emerged over the past fifty years in the international community in this particularly problematic area and guarantees the same rights of the accused that are enshrined expressly in several conventions and treaties. In particular, the Statute of the International Criminal Court provides in articles 55 and 67 that the accused is entitled of a number of rights during investigation and trial. One come into existence the ICC has started a new era for the effective prosecution and punishment of serious violation of international humanitarian law wherever such abuses may occur and by whomever they may be perpetrated. This is accomplished in conformity to the rule of law and in the respect of the rights of the accused
39
Kastner, Philipp. « The ICC - savior or spoiler ? potential impacts of international criminal justice on ending the Darfur conflict ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18691.
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This thesis takes the Darfur conflict as a case study to examine the issue of whether and how the International Criminal Court (ICC) can play a more active role to halt mass atrocities. Due to the provisions of the Rome Statute and general international law, the ICC Prosecutor has the legal discretion and obligation to balance the positive and potentially negative outcomes of its actions on ongoing conflicts like the one in Darfur. The ICC involvement has already had effects on the political situation in Sudan. However, these impacts could be more significant if key players of the conflict, including high officials of the Sudanese government, were targeted. While proceeding carefully and in the interests of the victims, the ICC can, together with the necessary political support of the international community, develop into an institution that furthers international peace and security by influencing ongoing conflicts.Cette thèse prend le conflit au Darfour comme exemple pour examiner la question à savoir si et comment la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) peut jouer un rôle plus actif afin de limiter des atrocités de masse. En raison des dispositions du Statut de Rome et du droit international général, le Procureur de la CPI a la discrétion et l'obligation d'équilibrer les effets positifs et ceux potentiellement négatifs de ses actions dans des conflits actuels comme celui au Darfour. Déjà, l'implication de la CPI a eu des effets sur la situation politique au Soudan. Cependant, ces impacts pourraient être plus importants si des acteurs clés du conflit, y compris les hauts responsables du gouvernement du Soudan, étaient visés. Tout en procédant prudemment dans l'intérêt des victimes, la CPI peut devenir une institution qui favorise la paix et sécurité internationales en influençant les conflits actuels. Le soutien politique de la communauté internationale envers la CPI est crucial afin d'atteindre ce but.
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Graham, William. « Global concepts, local contexts : a case study of international criminal justice policy transfer in violence reduction ». Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.726773.
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Mukwana, Michael Ddeme. « Self-referrals to the international criminal court : legal analysis, case studies and critical evaluation ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5639.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Doctor Legum - LLDThe main contributor of situations before the International Criminal Court (hereinafter ICC) has been state parties that have referred situations on their own territory to the ICC through “self-referral”. This study examines the concept of self-referral tracing the history of voluntary deferral by states of their jurisdiction over international crimes up to the enactment of the Rome Statute. The study finds that states were historically reluctant to have international crimes committed on their territory handled by other bodies or states. The self-referrals under the ICC regime are therefore a novelty in international criminal law. The legality of the act of self-referral under the Rome Statute is also examined and it is concluded that self-referrals are provided for within the Statute, although their legality has been questioned. The study establishes that self-referrals have seen unprecedented cooperation by territorial states but have also been selective in nature, targeting only non-state actors (rebel groups) .The study further compares the ICC’s handling of two other situations (Kenya and Darfur) which were triggered by antagonistic proprio motu and UN Security Council referrals respectively. The ultimate collapse of cases arising out of the Kenyan situation plus the suspension of investigations in Darfur due to non-cooperation is significant when compared with the relative successes registered with self-referred situations. The study concludes that whereas self-referrals may involve concessions to the territorial state like non-prosecution of state actors, this is a necessary evil to ensure successful investigations and prosecutions of international crimes. I recommend at the end of the study that in order to shield the office of the ICC Prosecutor from the diplomacy, dirty international politics and compromises at play in securing referrals as well as cooperation during the entire prosecution process, there should be a separate organ of the ICC handling investigations and interactions with states.
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Lugano, Geoffrey. « Politicization of international criminal interventions and the impasse of transitional justice : a comparative study of Uganda and Kenya ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2018. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/107732/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) establishment in 2002, its interventions in African situations have produced a mix of results. Whereas many observers have hailed the ICC’s forays onto the continent for expanding the avenues of justice for mass atrocities, there are also political connotations to some of its interventions, as evidenced in narratives of selectivity and neo-colonialism. Building on the latter impacts of the Court’s interventions in Africa, this thesis seeks to discern the shape of local/regional uptake of international criminal justice (ICJ). This follows from contrasting the ICC’s qualification as a moral agent in the global war on impunity for international crimes, with domestic political translations of the Court’s interventions and subsequent collective action at local and regional levels. Thus, the principal argument from this thesis is that contextual normative adaptions produce global-local exchanges that result in viable conditions under which the ICC’s interventions are politicized, to the detriment of its investigative activities and legacy in situation countries. More specifically, elite level exchanges in sub-national, national, regional and international realms produce blends of local and global realities, resulting into the ICC’s exposure to politicization. These findings are instructive for wider debates on the subtle ways in which the ICC is undermined (rather than outright defiance), with spiralling effects on long term peace-building and other regional contexts. In discerning the aforementioned conclusions, I asked the simple research questions: (1) why and how is an ostensibly international legal response to heinous crimes susceptible to (mis)appropriation and subversion by domestic political elites? (2) what are the far-reaching consequences of politicizing the ICC’s interventions on creating conditions for lasting peace in fragile societies? Given the duality of the ICC’s politicization – through (mis)appropriation and subversion, the thesis adopted a comparative study of Uganda and Kenya, which exemplify the two forms of domestic translations of ICJ. The thesis employed a qualitative methodological approach that drew upon secondary data sources, as well as primary data collected through personal key informant interviews in the Netherlands, Uganda and Kenya, with ICC officials, politicians, government officials, representatives of local and international organizations and affected communities. Some of the secondary data sources include: journal articles, media reports, government documents, books, online sources, legal instruments, the ICC’s documents and official speeches. The data collected was analyzed through grounded theory, in which evidence collected raised new sub-questions for further interrogation. All available evidence was then triangulated to develop a critical analysis of the research questions posed. Conceptually, I built on three interrelated concepts (the ICC’s projection of a moral universe, the narrative lens and spatial hierarchies) to discern the ICJ norm diffusion in local/regional contexts. The thesis concludes that the various forms of political resistance to the ICC have pernicious effects on peace-building beyond national boundaries. Perhaps, a greater degree of the Court’s acceptance will be driven by its proactive steps towards the universality of justice, whose absence partly informed the construction of narratives on some of its foremost interventions in Africa.
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Wright, Tessa Marianne. « The Search for Transitional Justice in Uganda : Global Dimensions ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/6562.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyzes the development of national justice processes in Uganda in the wake of war in order to address key theoretical dilemmas that have recently emerged in the field of transitional justice. I focus on closely connected debates over the exclusion of socioeconomic justice, the relationship between international, national and local actors, the role of transitional justice discourse, and ultimately, the future of the field itself. Based on fieldwork undertaken in Kampala, the Acholi district and the temporary international arena created in Kampala for the 2010 ICC Review Conference, this thesis traces the role of local, national and international actors in the war itself, the search for peace, and the current post-conflict period. I examine the ways in which actors at all levels narrate the northern conflict and accordingly negotiate and contest the nature, scope and course of post conflict justice. I argue that the struggle for a meaningful approach to transitional justice is global in dimension. The power to define and perform postwar justice is concentrated in the hands of the state. A high risk persists that Uganda's transitional justice policy will prove an empty performance of 'victor's justice.' International and domestic actors alike have shaped and justified the Ugandan Government's self-interested approach and facilitated the dominance of international criminal justice. Conversely, civil society actors at all levels in Uganda draw on transitional justice as a radical language of resistance to fight for meaningful change. As long as it fails to address socioeconomic issues and structural violence however, transitional justice discourse will ultimately fall short of giving political voice to local priorities, and activating long-term social transformation. I argue that the field of transitional justice must be re-envisioned to embrace socioeconomic justice, in order to impel the endless pursuit of a just society. This task will require the collective efforts of a global constellation of actors.
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Kamau, Caroline Wairimu. « An evaluation of the effectiveness of the transitional justice process in Kenya since the 2007-2008 post-election conflict ». University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5434.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Magister Legum - LLMThe concept of transitional justice keeps changing as the concept of conflict changes. The paper analyses the transitional justice process in Kenya after the 2007-2008 Post-Election Violence. Very little has been written on the success or failure of transitional justice in Kenya after eight years of the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms which included truth commission, criminal prosecutions and recommendations on reparations. Furthermore, the architects of Kenya’s transitional justice process failed to put in place a mechanism against which the progress of transitional justice could be measured. It was therefore necessary to analyse the overall transitional justice process in Kenya to determine its efficacy. Kenya’s transitional justice process seemed to be a stand-alone occurrence with no ties to the laws or the various institutions in the country compared to Uganda's national transitional justice policy. The transitional justice process as a whole did not assign rights and responsibilities to the public, the three arms of government, the devolved governments, civil society or non-governmental organisations so that the various stakeholders could then check and balance each other with the aim of ensuring that transitional justice would be implemented. To date, there are still calls for the full implementation of the transitional justice processes especially in light of the International Criminal Court having terminated the last case in relation to the post-election violence as well as Kenya’s impending general elections in 2017. This paper begins by introducing transitional justice in Kenya and providing the 2007-2008 PEV as a background. The paper then investigates the ideal circumstances for implementing transitional justice mechanisms. In the case of Kenya, it is concluded that the situation in 2007-2008 PEV did not conform to the traditional context of societies in transition. Whereas there was no regime change that preceded the 2007-2008 PEV, there were human rights violations which were ethnically driven. The study illustrates how the violation of human rights depended on the ethnic tribe the person belonged to, hence identifying the main problem in the 2007-2008 PEV as negative ethnicity. Looking at the contextual precedence set by Latin American countries and later followed by other countries undergoing change, ethnicity has not been dealt with and to this extent Kenya presents a unique situation. The paper concludes that each of the transitional justice mechanisms implemented in Kenya had no impact on Kenya and as a result, the whole transitional justice process had failed. The paper recommends that stakeholders address and solve the inter-tribal fears and suspicions in order to create an opportunity for the different tribes to establish a relationship based on transparency. In the alternative, the paper recommends the adoption of the Territorial Self-Governance (TSG) which allows ethnic groups in a particular sovereign region to regulate their own affairs thus reducing the risk of ethnic tensions on account of one group's concerns not being addressed adequately. Ultimately, the paper recommends that the Truth Justice and Reconciliation report be tabled before Parliament for approval in order for the transitional justice mechanisms to be implemented fully.
German Academic Exchange Service ( DAAD)
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Higgs, Bryn. « The International Criminal Court’s intervention in the Lord’s Resistance Army war : impacts and implications ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/12741.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis argues that the International Criminal Court (ICC) brings a new more deontological paradigm to international interventions, founded upon the universal application of legal principle, and displacing consequentialist notions of justice linked to human rights. Based upon the Court’s Statute and mode of operations, it is argued that this is associated with assumptions concerning the ICC’s primacy, military enforcement, and theory of change. The consequences of this development in volatile contexts are demonstrated.
The case study, founded upon analysis from the war-affected community, examines the impact of the International Criminal Court in the Lord’s Resistance Army war, and reveals the relationship between criminal justice enforcement, and community priorities for peace and human rights. On the basis of evidence, and contrary to narratives repeated but unsubstantiated in the literature, it demonstrates that in this case these two imperatives were in opposition to one another. The Court’s pursuit of retributive legal principle was detrimental to the community’s interests in peace and human rights. The subsequent failure of the ICC’s review process to interrogate this important issue is also established.
The research establishes that statutory and operational assumptions upon which Court interventions are based do not hold in volatile contexts. For the case study community and elsewhere, this has had adverse impacts, with significant implications for the ICC. The findings indicate that if these issues are not fundamentally addressed, principled international criminal justice enforcement in volatile environments will continue to have profoundly negative human rights consequences.
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Higgs, Bryn. « The International Criminal Court's intervention in the Lord's Resistance Army war : impacts and implications ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/12741.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis argues that the International Criminal Court (ICC) brings a new more deontological paradigm to international interventions, founded upon the universal application of legal principle, and displacing consequentialist notions of justice linked to human rights. Based upon the Court’s Statute and mode of operations, it is argued that this is associated with assumptions concerning the ICC’s primacy, military enforcement, and theory of change. The consequences of this development in volatile contexts are demonstrated. The case study, founded upon analysis from the war-affected community, examines the impact of the International Criminal Court in the Lord’s Resistance Army war, and reveals the relationship between criminal justice enforcement, and community priorities for peace and human rights. On the basis of evidence, and contrary to narratives repeated but unsubstantiated in the literature, it demonstrates that in this case these two imperatives were in opposition to one another. The Court’s pursuit of retributive legal principle was detrimental to the community’s interests in peace and human rights. The subsequent failure of the ICC’s review process to interrogate this important issue is also established. The research establishes that statutory and operational assumptions upon which Court interventions are based do not hold in volatile contexts. For the case study community and elsewhere, this has had adverse impacts, with significant implications for the ICC. The findings indicate that if these issues are not fundamentally addressed, principled international criminal justice enforcement in volatile environments will continue to have profoundly negative human rights consequences.
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Aitchison, Andrew S. « Making the transition : international intervention, state-building and criminal justice reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1995-2005 ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2007. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/55701/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores ten years of international intervention in criminal justice reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from 1995 to 2005. BiH is taken as an example of a country undergoing multiple transitions following its secession from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: through conflict to peace from authoritarian government to democratic multi party government and from a particular model of a socialist command economy to a more open, market oriented economy. An account is given of the state of three criminal justice sectors (policing, criminal courts, and prisons) as they emerge from a period of authoritarian, socialist government and from a period of violent conflict. Subsequently reform oriented interventions carried out by a range of international actors, including some with executive power within BiH, are examined for evidence of the role of criminal justice reform in state-building exercises and the impact of the demands of state-building objectives upon different criminal justice sectors. The thesis looks at the work of the United Nations, the European Union, the Council of Europe, the UK Department for International Development, and the Office of the High Representative and its associated bodies in the various sectors where they have been active. The different resources on which they can draw, and their particular working methods, are discussed in an examination of their interaction with the specific local policy context of BiH and its multiple levels and institutions of government. Given the presence of policy actors from around the globe, consideration is given to the question of whether this facilitates policy transfer, legal transplants, or lesson drawing. Potential examples of such borrowing are examined, showing that borrowing in a context of multi-national intervention can allow for the mixing of internationally and domestically derived models of procedure and practice.
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Hurst, Alexandra. « Reconciling Rwanda ? : (ir)reconcilable narratives of history, identity and justice at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda ». Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443021.
Texte intégral
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Rashid, Farid Mohammed. « The role of the prosecutor in the International Criminal Court : discretion, legitimacy, and the politics of justice ». Thesis, University of East London, 2016. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/5860/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Under the complex circumstances and the limited capacity in which the International Criminal Court (ICC) operates, the role of its prosecutor has been challenging. The ICC prosecutor cannot pursue all situations for investigation, and cases for prosecution. She has to be selective. Moreover, the individuals and the crimes over which the Court exercises its jurisdiction, and the present circumstances in which it operates raise political sensitivities that might undermine the ability of the Court to deliver its justice effectively. The ICC prosecutor faces a complex dilemma in negotiating a relationship between fealty to the law and the impact and possible benefits of political exigencies in delivering justice. It also raises the problem of the role of political considerations within the decision-making process. The exercise of discretion lies at the heart of these challenges, as the ICC’s Statute allows the prosecutor to exercise significant discretion. This thesis will explore and analyse the discretionary power of the ICC prosecutor. It situates the development of the office historically by referring to the experiences of the War Crimes Tribunals after World War II and the two United Nations Tribunals of the 1990’s. Against this background, it examines the scope of discretion and the way the Prosecutor has exercised it. This thesis will suggest that there has been a tendency to overlook the necessity of distinguishing between various senses of discretion open to the prosecutor to exercise. In exploring the scope of discretion, the thesis will argue that there is wider range of discretion with different senses, available to the Prosecutor and that has been exercised by her, when applying legal thresholds. In assessing these legal thresholds, the focus will be on ‘sufficient gravity’ and ‘the interests of justice’. The thesis will suggest that the indeterminacy of the legal thresholds, such as ‘sufficient gravity’ is the space, which, in effect, allows decision-makers to exercise a wide range of discretion. The thesis refers to this discourse as legal interpretative discretion. This is to be distinguished from prosecutorial discretion, which is a different concept and allows decision-makers to consider extra-legal considerations, as the case with the term ‘interests of justice ’. An implication of the interpretation of the terms like ‘sufficient gravity’, is that the prosecutor can appear to possess almost unlimited power. In exploring the relationship between the two types of discretion the thesis will root the analysis within a close reading of examples of the investigations and prosecutions, and the scholarly literature. The thesis also discusses the relevance of political considerations within the decision-making process in the context of the exercise of prosecutorial discretion. It suggests that there need not be a conflict between the broad sense of justice as outlined in the Statute and political factors in giving effect to decisions. The thesis engages with the repeated statements by prosecutors, which have denied the use of discretion and asserted a fealty to strict legalism. It suggests that beneath these statements lie a resource, discretion, which helps not hinders international criminal justice.
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Nichols, Lionel. « The International Criminal Court and the end of impunity in Kenya ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34eab158-f675-492a-b844-f9a74e1a6ce6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis considers the extent to which the International Criminal Court's Office of the Prosecutor ('OTP') has been successful in realising its self-defined mandate of ending impunity in Kenya. In particular, it focuses on the OTP's attempts to encourage domestic investigations and prosecutions as part of its strategy of positive complementarity. This strategy has been hailed as being the best and perhaps the only way that the OTP may use its finite resources to make a significant contribution to ending impunity. Despite this, no empirical study has been published that evaluates the effectiveness of this strategy and the impact that it has on ending impunity in the targeted situation country. This thesis seeks to address this gap in the literature by conducting a case study on the OTP's implementation of its strategy of positive complementarity in Kenya following that country's post-election violence in 2007/08. In doing so, I also hope to make a modest contribution to existing debates over the effectiveness of the ICC as an institution as well as international criminal justice and transitional justice more generally.