Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Norway – Politics and government – 1945-.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « Norway – Politics and government – 1945- »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Norway – Politics and government – 1945- ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Denkiewicz-Szczepaniak, Emilia. « Działalność Poselstwa RP w Oslo w latach 1946–1947 ». Studia Scandinavica 24, no 4 (2 décembre 2020) : 11–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2020.24.07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The activity of the Polish Legation in Oslo in the years 1946–1947 is one of the most important and, at the same time, one of the most difficult periods in the history of Polish-Norwegian relations. The introduction explains the reasons for such a late sending of a Polish representative, Mieczysław Rogalski, to Norway. Section I presents the biography of Rogalski as well as the experience he gained while working for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The next section describes the negative attitude that the Polish diplomat had during his contacts with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Utenriksdepartementet), especially in relation to further repatriation of Poles, which was started in autumn 1945 by the liaison officers of the Polish government in exile. Section III presents the diplomatic successes Rogalski had in his relations with Norwegian politicians and also indicates how good his orientation in Norway’s foreign policy was. Finally, the last section contains a description of Legation problems regarding mutual exchange of decorations and orders between Poland and Norway, including in particular political activities connected with the organization of celebrations commemorating the victory at Narvik.
2
Figenschou, Tine Ustad, Magnus Fredriksson, Josef Pallas et Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen. « Under the Influence of Politics ». Nordic Journal of Media Studies 2, no 1 (7 juin 2020) : 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2020-0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis conceptual article extends three ongoing scholarly debates on the mediatisation of politics – the risk of media centrism, the tendency to see mediatisation as a linear process, and the preoccupation with elected officials. We argue for the need to identify, foreground, and systematise non-media dimensions of mediatisation processes. We also argue that actors encounter mediatisation as a set of dynamic ideas rather than a fixed logic. With a focus on government agencies and a comparison of the politico-administrative systems in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, this article gives certain attention to politicisation, autonomy, and accountability and suggests that the degree of freedom granted to agencies in Denmark and Norway is relatively limited compared with agencies in Sweden. Consequently, we present two propositions: 1) agencies in Denmark and Norway are less inclined to mediatise, whereas 2) Swedish government agencies will more likely mediatise and show conformity with widely accepted norms regarding media.
3
Shackleton, Michael. « The new Europe : politics, government and economy since 1945 ». International Affairs 69, no 4 (octobre 1993) : 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
Texte intégral
4
Sadova, Lyudmila. « Christian Michelsen and his Role in the Norwegian History ». ISTORIYA 13, no 5 (115) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021592-0.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the place and role of the figure of the Norwegian politician Christian Michelsen in the history of Norway. In 1905, the Swedish-Norwegian union was unilaterally dissolved by the Norwegian government. The accumulated contradictions between Sweden and Norway over the previous years led to an extreme aggravation of relations between the two countries. The events of 1905, rapidly succeeding each other, required the Norwegian authorities to quickly adapt and make the same swift decisions in sometimes uncertain and full of anxiety and doubt situations. The Prime Minister of Norway in 1905, Ch. Michelsen, received the status of a national leader and hero even during his time in power. The author sets himself the task of revealing the degree of influence of the personality of the Norwegian politician on the course of historical events at the indicated time. As sources, materials from the Russian archives were used, as well as publications of documents from the Storting and verbatim abstracts of the Karlstad Conference. Based on the source and historiographic, it is concluded that, due to a number of personal qualities, the figure of Michelsen largely met the needs of the time, and he undoubtedly had a strong influence on the political line chosen by the Norwegian authorities. However, it is doubtful that Michelsen followed a well-thought-out plan of action that determined the development of history.
5
Wåhlin, Vagn. « Folk, dannelse og styreform : En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard, Kampen om folket (2004) ». Grundtvig-Studier 55, no 1 (1 janvier 2004) : 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v55i1.16463.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard “Kampen om folket” (2004).[People, Education and Government: A Review of Ove Korsgaard ‘The Battle over the People’ (2004) ]By Vagn WåhlinOve Korsgaard, Kampen om folket. Et dannelsesperspektiv på dansk historie gennem 500 år [The Battle over the People: A Perspective of Education through 500 years of Danish History] (Gyldendal, Copenhagen, 2004), 672 p.From the day of its publication, Ove Korsgaard’s brilliant dissertation has had much influence on the Danish understanding of Denmark’s 500-year process of establishing the concepts of individual, society, people, and democracy. The author distinguishes between demos, the general population of the state, and ethnos, that part of the population which has inherited and accepted rights and obligations as far as and beyond a constitution and written laws. These latter are folket, the people.This primary division leads to a similar distinction between state and nation as well as a parallel distinction in government between representative government and democratic, self-organization of the citizens. A special focus of the book is the interaction and mutual dependency of the specified categories in an historical perspective of change from a late feudal society to a modem democratic welfare state. Essential institutions in this long societal process have been (a) the Lutheran Church; (b) from 1814, the municipal local schools for all, including girls; (c), for centuries, the patriarchal household; and (d) the rising centralized power of king and state. These four institutions formed the ideological and practical base of society until, through the slow effect of the Enlightenment, the individual and the people as such, within a national and democratic framework, took over in the period 1870-1900 and became the ideological basis of society with special and defined rights and duties attaching to every adult male and, from 1920, female. After the pre-1814 ethnic and cultural Danish-Norwegian-German conglomerate state finally broke down with the loss (1814) of Norway to Sweden and (1864) the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein to Pmssia, Denmark became the most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous state of Europe. Not until then could the ethnic concept of ‘the p e o p l folket, finally take over the indisputable role as the rock of the Danish society - a role which was further strengthened by the German occupation of Denmark 1940-45.Before 1870, 75% of all cultivated land was worked by the owners of medium-sized family farms, and some 75% of the population made their living in the agrarian sector of society. Agriculture produced the necessary surplus to pay for Denmark’s imports. From 1870, when the farmers began to organize effectively, they gained a higher economic, cultural and political status in Danish class-structured society which they were able to maintain for a hundred years. Up to 1870-90 Copenhagen was the only urban-industrial centre of any great significance, and from the 1890s the organized industrial capital and its workforce rose in influence; but not until the 1960s and 70s did these succeed in outdoing the fundamental influence of the agrarian sector on a national scale. Regrettably, this economic perception of the lower middle-class appearance of Danish society has been under evaluated in Korsgaard’s book, and the reader may thus miss a vital factor in the development of the democratic understanding of the Danish ethnos.The labour unions and the labour movement in politics never became revolutionary to any great extent and from 1916-29 renounced any such tendency and won a national position as a trustworthy partner in a coalition with other political and social forces. They graduated from expressing purely class interests to representing the whole population of Denmark. This led to the formation of a general welfare state for all after the Second World War. All political parties and national movements took part in building a welfare provision from cradle to grave, covering 80-90% of the population, which led to an embracing of both ethnos and demos.From the post-industrial and post-modern society of 1970 until today no leading classes in coalition with other groups have been able to formulate a common ideology and political guidelines for the future. So the Danes collectively are insecure about the future, and divided as to whether they want globalisation, Muslim newcomers, the EUconstitution etc.All in all, this book is a fascinating and well-written contribution to the current debate: Where do we come from? Who are we? And where are we heading?
6
Aars, Jacob, et Anne Lise Fimreite. « Local Government and Governance in Norway : Stretched Accountability in Network Politics ». Scandinavian Political Studies 28, no 3 (septembre 2005) : 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2005.00131.x.
Texte intégral
7
Abrillioga, Abrillioga, Aldian Nugraha, Azzam H. F et Himy Oktafiansyah. « Strategic Issues of the Position of the President 3 Period In the Perspective of State Constitutional Law in the Restriction of Power ». Jurnal Sosial Sains 2, no 6 (15 juin 2022) : 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/sosains.v2i6.402.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of extending the presidential term to three terms is one that all of us are concerned about. In this example, in the contestation of the dynamics of government and politics in Indonesia, the discourse of the desire to change the 1945 Constitution aims to homogenize the discourse views of the interests of power, making this an intriguing subject to research. As a concept of preventing the authoritarian pendulum in a country, it is required to limit the power held by a head of state and head of government, particularly the president. The term of office for presidential candidates in Indonesia is controlled by the country's presidential system of government. Like the current dynamics in the Indonesian government, that dilemmas and conflicts of interest stemming from pragmatic reasons for legal politics in Indonesia appear to want to smoothen the constitution, namely Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which has limitedly affirmed the limits of positions held by a president, namely two terms. by using the provisions of the original intense article 37 of the 1945 Constitution to delegate to three terms. In essence, the presidential term restriction is intended to prevent abuse of power.
8
Roces, Mina. « Kinship Politics in Post-War Philippines : The Lopez Family, 1945–1989 ». Modern Asian Studies 34, no 1 (janvier 2000) : 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On being awarded the Legion of Honor by President Corazon Aquino, Joaquin ‘Chino.’ Roces, publisher of The Manila Times, pleaded with the president:Please allow me to remind you, first. That our people brought a new government to power because our people felt an urgent need for change. That change was nothing more and nothing less than that of moving quickly into a new moral order. The people believed, and many of them still do, that when we said we would be the exact opposite of Marcos, we would be just that. Because of that promise which the people believed, our triumph over Marcos was anchored on a principle of morality . . . . To our people, I dare propose that new moral order is best appreciated in terms of our response to graft and corruption in public service. We cannot afford a government of thieves unless we can tolerate a nation of highwaymen.
9
Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan et Sutiyah. « REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951 ». International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no 06 (2022) : 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
10
Girard, Chris. « Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics ». Open Access Government 36, no 1 (17 octobre 2022) : 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-036-9829.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics Chris Girard, an Associate Professor from the Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies at Florida International University explores education, gender rights and the freedoms of women in Norway. Only one of Norway’s 70 monarchs was a woman over the last thousand years, and now, after great change when universal suffrage was first extended to women in 1913, since 1981, two women have become prime ministers in Norway, serving as heads of state for over 40 per cent of the subsequent four decades. Now, the Norwegian parliament comprises 45 per cent of women legislators, which can partially be attributed to the development of a digital-age layer of information flow, which allowed more Norwegian women to overcome the spatial barriers to government careers that arise from childcare at home. In the present day, there is now a growing demand for educated women counteracts an enduring historical trend extending from the 12th century to the final quarter of the 19th century, when women in Norway had been blocked from higher levels of education.
11
Stokes, Raymond G. « The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945 ». Business History Review 59, no 2 (1985) : 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114932.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The oil industry in Nazi Germany provides an excellent focus for studying the interplay between economics, politics, and government policy in the Third Reich. In this article, Mr. Stokes brings to this subject a comparative approach, making comparisons both within the oil industry and with the industry's major industrial counterparts. He concludes that a variety of factors—including the degree of shared interest between individual firms and the government, the size and concentration of a firm's production facilities, and the political position of key firm personnel—explain the success as well as the eventual collapse of a given industrial sector.
12
Strøm, Kaare. « The Presthus Debacle : Intraparty Politics and Bargaining Failure in Norway ». American Political Science Review 88, no 1 (mars 1994) : 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944885.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bargaining failure has been neglected in the study of interparty coalitions. I examine the unsuccessful attempt by three Norwegian nonsocialist parties to defeat a Labor party minority government in June 1987 when the majority opposition twice failed to agree on a simple vote to that end. This failure of coalition bargaining was facilitated by incomplete information, intraparty constraints and misdelegation of authority, and by anticipation of the impending parliamentary recess. Despite these complexities, simple noncooperative games like the war of attrition can shed considerable light on this and other unsuccessful negotiations. The “Presthus debacle” demonstrates that political parties bring many different objectives to the bargaining table and that the trade-offs between these objectives vary according to organizational and institutional conditions.
13
Sobczak, Paweł M. « (Nie)udany projekt. Vidkun Quisling i paradoks norweskiego faszyzmu lat 30. i 40. » Przegląd Humanistyczny 62, no 2 (461) (4 octobre 2018) : 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.5772.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article discusses the history of the Nasjonal Samling party (founded in 1933) and its leader Vidkun Quisling – a military, politician and prime minister of the collaborative government of occupied Norway in 1942–1945. Currently, Norwegian fascism of the 1930s and 1940s does not serve as a popular exemplification of fascist ideology, although unlike many other European movements of this type, it managed to gain power in its own country. However, this happened only after Quisling entered into an alliance with Germany and the Third Reich attacked Norway. The history of Quisling and his party seems to prove the bankruptcy of his ideas, which never gained popularity in Norwegian society.
14
Kyle, Keith. « The politics of continuity : British foreign policy and the Labour Government, 1945–46 ». International Affairs 70, no 3 (juillet 1994) : 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623762.
Texte intégral
15
Cline, Catherine Ann, et John Saville. « The Politics of Continuity : British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government, 1945-46. » American Historical Review 100, no 4 (octobre 1995) : 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168253.
Texte intégral
16
Hyman, Richard, et John Saville. « The Politics of Continuity : British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government : 1945-46 ». Labour / Le Travail 34 (1994) : 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143884.
Texte intégral
17
Jacobsen, Christine M. « Theory and Politics in Research on Muslim immigrants in Norway ». Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 3, no 2 (24 septembre 2008) : 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v3i2.24566.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From the second half of the 1980s, immigration was established as one of the most controversial issues in Norwegian public debate, a phenomenon that intensified in the 1990s as “the immigrant other” increasingly crystallized as the “Muslim other.” The academic field reflects this development. More and more researchers have turned their attention to issues related to immigration, integration, Muslims, and Islam, and the research has become more explicitly politicized. The current politicization, resulting from a complex interplay between mass media, research, government, public opinion and the populations in question, poses important epistemological, methodological and ethical challenges to researchers working in this field. While politicization may, for various reasons, be deplored, it also represents an opportunity to critically reflect upon academic knowledge production and dissemination. This article seeks to further such reflection by examining recent public debate on the role of academic research on immigration and Islam in Norway. The aim of the article is to sketch out some of the underlying premises of these debates in order to throw some light on the conditions of academic knowledge production in the fields of Islam and migration studies in our times.
18
Strøm, Kaare, et Jørn Y. Leipart. « Policy, Institutions, and Coalition Avoidance : Norwegian Governments, 1945–1990 ». American Political Science Review 87, no 4 (décembre 1993) : 870–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938820.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Norwegian party politics is characterized by coalition avoidance that defies conventional coalition theory. This failure of coalescence can be caused either by policy pursuit (preference-induced) or by institutional constraint (structure-induced). We test the explanatory power of policy-based and institutional explanations, relying on content analysis of authoritative party and government documents for our policy measures. The results show that the left–right policy dimension has powerfully constrained Norwegian interparty bargaining and that policy-based coalition theory can account for many apparent anomalies in Norwegian coalition politics. A permissive institutional environment has also fostered coalition avoidance. Although core-based coalition theory can thus be successfully adapted to the Norwegian case, it rests on a number of critical assumptions that limit its general applicability.
19
Kitsak, Volodymyr. « The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945 ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 44 (15 décembre 2021) : 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
20
Bjørnå, Hilde. « Gender Balance and Institutions in Local Government – Examples from Rural Norway ». Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 10, no 2 (26 avril 2012) : 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/10.2.129-152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While steps are taken to increase women’s representation in politics, it can often prove difficult to change patterns of recruitment and nomination to political positions. This article argues that not only formal regulation, but also informal institutions, like local norms, beliefs and values, history and traditional codes of conduct matter and should be taken into account in plans to achieve balanced gender representation. The article compares recruitment policies in rural municipalities in Norway. Case studies were conducted to identify factors affecting women’s willingness to stand as candidates, the factors local political parties take into account when nominating candidates, and voting behaviour. The study suggests that local issues, such as religious traditions, distributional conflicts and desire for community representation, affect women representation. Representation policies in local governments are, in other words, not only affected by rules and values “from above”, they must also be understood in a “bottom up” perspective, as the aggregated consequences of the rational behaviour of voters.
Keywords: women representation • representation policies • informal and formal institutions • local democracy
21
Haveri,, Arto, Henna Paananen et Jenni Airaksinen. « Narratives on Complexity : Interpretations on Local Government Leadership Change ». Administrative Culture 19, no 1 (29 octobre 2018) : 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/ac.v19i1.207.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article, based on narratives of experienced (born between 1945 and 1950) municipal chief executive officers, investigates changes that challenge leadership inlocal government. Four factors emerge: the dissolution of municipal boundaries; cooled relations between the State and municipalities; municipal inhabitants’ changing role from participatory residents to exacting customers; and fragmentation oflocal politics. These four changes reveal the diversity of local leaders’ everyday environment, illustrating and exploring how day-to-day management takes place in the intersection of more and more complex governance relations.
22
Cortada, James W. « When Knowledge Transfer Goes Global : How People and Organizations Learned About Information Technology, 1945–1970 ». Enterprise & ; Society 15, no 1 (mars 2014) : 68–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht095.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article argues that an information ecosystem emerged rapidly after World War II that made possible the movement of knowledge about computing and its uses around the world. Participants included engineers, scientists, government officials, business management, and users of the technology. Vendors, government agencies, the military, and professors participated regardless of such barriers as languages, cold war politics, or varying levels of national economic levels of prosperity.
23
Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar et Panji Adam. « The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution ». International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (23 août 2021) : 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.
24
Sondrol, Paul C. « The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay : Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy ». Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no 2 (1992) : 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
25
Smith, Harold L. « The politics of Conservative reform : the equal pay for equal work issue, 1945–1955 ». Historical Journal 35, no 2 (juin 1992) : 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025863.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAlthough Conservative M.P.s were instrumental in defeating equal pay proposals in parliament in 1936 and 1944, it was a Conservative government which in 1954 decided to proceed with equal pay for female civil servants. Previous explanations for this reversal of traditional Conservative policy have focused on the need to increase the supply of female applicants for civil service positions, and the equal pay campaigns by white–collar unions and by the feminist Equal Pay Campaign Committee. Drawing upon previously unused sources, including P.R.O.files, this article offers a more overtly political explanation.Within four weeks after the Labour party announced in January 1954 that it would ‘immediately’ implement equal pay when the next Labour government was formed, R. A. Butler, the chancellor of the exchequer, informed his treasury advisers that he wished to proceed with equal pay. With a general election looming in the near future, and believing themselves engaged in a close race with the Labour party, the cabinet reluctantly endorsed reform, fearing that a failure to act might tip sufficient female voters toward Labour to determine the outcome of a close election.
26
Simangunsong, Fernandes, et Guno Tri Tjahjoko. « PEOPLE'S LIVELIHOOD : THE THIRD WAY OF THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT ». GOVERNABILITAS (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Semesta) 2, no 2 (30 décembre 2021) : 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.47431/governabilitas.v2i2.116.
Texte intégralRésumé :
the emergence of the third way of thinking was motivated by the formation of government science in Indonesia which was influenced by 2 (two) schools, namely Continental Europe, which brought the term "authority" to Indonesia, and "Anglo Saxon" who introduced the concept of "power" (power). Both streams color the teaching of government science in Indonesia, this has an impact on government science being perceived as "public policy", "bureaucracy" or "politics". The implication of the application of these two schools is that they marginalize the focus of government science from people's sovereignty in accordance with the mandate of the 1945 Constitution.
27
Steenblik, Ronald P., et Mark Mateo. « Western Europe's Long Retreat from Coal and Implications for Energy Trade ». World Trade Review 19, S1 (juillet 2020) : s98—s119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745620000269.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWestern Europe's industrialization was powered largely by coal. Within 15 years after the end of the Second World War, however, governments were subsidizing coal and protecting producers from foreign competition while allowing their industries to contract in a way that avoided large-scale unemployment of miners. The oil-price shocks of 1973–1974 and 1979–1980 gave temporary reprieve to hard-coal production until international oil prices slumped in 1986. This event, combined with ever more stringent environmental regulations and, later, caps on carbon-dioxide emissions, led to the disappearance of subsidized coal mining in one country after another. As of the end of 2019, hard coal was still being mined – in small amounts – in only three Western European countries: Norway, Spain, and the United Kingdom. This paper describes the history of the industry from 1945 through to the present, and the consequences of subsidy policy for trade in hard coal and its substitutes. A common observation is that a reduction in subsidized coal production by a country has not necessarily translated into increased imports of coal on a one-for-one basis.
28
Tefre, Øyvind S. « The Child’s Best Interests and the Politics of Adoptions from Care in Norway ». International Journal of Children’s Rights 28, no 2 (17 juin 2020) : 288–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02802004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines how Norway turned to a more active policy on adoption in the child welfare system. It examines the full public records from all four times that the government and Storting debated adoption from care, over the period 2002–2013. I analyse the empirical and normative arguments that shaped policy, through a discourse theoretical framework (Habermas, 1996) to distinguish different types of arguments. The Article contributes an empirical case for analysing the normative aspects of social and welfare policy. The findings show that an active adoption policy is justified by strengthening of child-centred perspectives. First, research and expert discourse gained influence in the framing of adoption policy over time. Second, the ethical response to this knowledge base has been to shift attention from shared family needs to the child’s individual and developmental needs. There are signs that legislators view adoption in relation to children as independent legal subjects with rights.
29
Ray, Saumyajit. « How the Speaker of the US House of Representatives from the ‘Other Party’ Shaped American Politics Since 1945 ». International Studies 49, no 3-4 (juillet 2012) : 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the presidential system of government in the United States, the President’s party has on more than one occasion been reduced to a minority in the federal legislature. The US President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives—the leader of the majority party—had often found themselves clashing on matters of policy, legislation, and executive action. This essay makes a careful selection of five House Speakers in the post-1945 period, all belonging to the ‘other party’, and explores their relations with the Presidents of their times. Out of these, only Newt Gingrich succeeded in dividing the government as never before, demonstrating that the House Speaker had the capacity to stall government altogether, something even a ‘Leader of the Opposition’ in a parliamentary system can never do.
30
Müller, Philipp. « Sovereignty Trade-Offs between Politics and the Economy : The Deconcentration of IG Farben after 1945 ». Central European History 55, no 1 (mars 2022) : 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893892100176x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe postwar deconcentration of IG Farben AG shows that the Allied military governments and their German counterparts were anything but united on the extent and form of sovereignty the Federal Republic of Germany should receive. The American plan to divide the corporate enterprise into a large number of individual companies aimed to establish a democratic state independent from the influence of domestic business. By contrast, West German government officials and the business community were convinced that the future sovereignty of the Federal Republic depended on the global competitiveness of large industrial conglomerates. To thwart the American deconcentration plans, they traded off one dimension of sovereignty against the other. Leading members of the West German government accepted delegating the negotiations over the future of IG Farben to business representatives, thereby sharing domestic sovereignty because the delegation promised to maintain a powerful German chemical industry that could support the trade balance of the future West German state. This development contributed to the emergence of a Federal Republic characterized by the close involvement of economic actors in political decision-making. It contained important elements of a post-democratic sovereignty, which is commonly used to describe the development of the late twentieth century.
31
Emberland, Terje. « Neither Hitler nor Quisling : The Ragnarok Circle and Oppositional National Socialism in Norway ». Fascism 4, no 2 (23 novembre 2015) : 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From 1935 to 1945, Ragnarok was the most radical national socialist publication in Norway. The Ragnarok Circle regarded themselves as representatives of a genuine National Socialism, deeply rooted in Norwegian soil and intrinsically connected to specific virtues inherent in the ancient Norse race. This combination of Germanic racialism, neo-paganism, and the cult of the ‘Norwegian tribe’, led them to criticize not only all half-hearted imitators of National Socialism within Quisling’s Nasjonal Samling, but also Hitler’s Germany when its politics were deemed to be in violation of National Socialist principles. In Germany they sought ideological allies within the Deutsche Glaubensbewegung before the war, and the ss during the war. But their peculiar version of National Socialism eventually led to open conflict with Nazi Germany, first during the Finnish Winter War and then in 1943, when several members of the Ragnarok Circle planned active resistance to Quisling and the German occupation regime.
32
Brooke, Stephen. « Revisionists and Fundamentalists : the Labour Party and Economic Policy during the Second World War ». Historical Journal 32, no 1 (mars 1989) : 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001534x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
‘Labour Comes of Age’, Kingsley Martin observed a few days after the party's electoral landslide of 1945. This might have been more precise if a chorus had added, sotto voce, ‘…And Comes Into an Inheritance’, for since the publication of Paul Addison's The road to 1945 (1975), the history of the Labour party during and after the war has been dominated by the notion of a political consensus forged during the Churchill coalition and left as a legacy to the Attlee government. According to Addison, it was the consensus of Keynes and Beveridge that shaped post-war politics rather than any distinctive contribution from Labour.
33
Sato, Mai. « Politics of International Advocacy Against the Death Penalty : Governments as Anti–Death Penalty Crusaders ». International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, no 3 (1 septembre 2022) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2471.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Two-thirds of the countries worldwide have moved away from the death penalty in law or in practice, with global and regional organisations as well as individual governments working towards universal abolition. This article critically examines the narratives of these abolitionist governments that have abolished the death penalty in their country and have adopted the role of ‘moral crusaders’ (Becker 1963) in pursuit of global abolition. In 2018, the Australian Government, while being surrounded by retentionist states in Asia, joined the anti–death penalty enterprise along with the European Union, the United Kingdom and Norway. Using the concepts of ‘moral crusader’ (Becker 1963) and ‘performativity’ (Butler 1993), this article argues that advocacy must be acted on repeatedly for governments to be anti–death penalty advocates. Otherwise, these government efforts serve political ends in appearance but are simply a self-serving form of advocacy in practice.
34
Alamsyah, Bunyamin, et Uu Nurul Huda. « POLITIK HUKUM PELEMBAGAAN KOMISI-KOMISI NEGARA DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA ». Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 2, no 1 (29 mars 2013) : 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.2.1.2013.85-108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the 32 years of the New Order government certainly has its advantages and disadvantages, in terms of the development of infrastructure and supra-structure growing rapidly, but the journey has decreased function of government and its role even stagnant. Therefore, there was the Reform of 1998 in a variety of fields. In reply funsgi decline and the role of government under the Constitution of 1945, there was an opinion with the formation of a new organization outside the government. Gagsan ideas are realized with the establishment of committees that do not require the State budget a little, sometimes a clash of authority between committees also with government agencies. Committees should not be separated from the politics of law. Keywords: Institutionalization of Political Law, Commissions of the State, State Administration System
35
Jakubec, Pavol. « London 1940-1945, A Europe in Miniature ? The Case of Norwegian, Polish and Czechoslovak Exiles ». Debater a Europa, no 13 (1 juillet 2015) : 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper discusses experience of representatives of three European small powers assembled in the London during WWII - Norway, Czechoslovakia and Poland. A common cause, comparable setting and frequent contacts created a promising framework for a new quality of their mutual relations that could, eventually, endorse the European idea. This proved to be at best a partial success: The exiles acted by-and-large as guardians of national interests and identities. As such, and owing to their strained position, they paid considerable attention to status as a principal asset. They subscribed of internalization of their foreign policies and learned or refined their experience with its practices. Yet their visions remained rather regional, with only occasional reference to the idea of European Integration. Albeit the exiles failed to integrate the nations they spoke for, they established closer and better informed transnational ties bound to affect European politics in the years to come. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_13_6
36
Friedman, Robert S. « American Nuclear Energy Policy, 1945–1990 : A Review Essay ». Journal of Policy History 3, no 3 (juillet 1991) : 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006321.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political scientists have often referred to core decision-making groups in American politics as “policy communities” or, more popularly, as “the iron triangle.” Invariably, they are describing the interaction patterns of specialists in the executive and legislative branches of government and in the private sector who devote primary attention to the initiation and implementation of public policy in a particular issue area. In large measure the groups are depicted as having close-knit working relationships that result from frequent interaction, similarity in information sources and commonality in ideological predisposition. Perceptive observers such as Hedrick Smith, however, have pointed out that in some policy arenas there are critics who are not part of what is usually regarded as the cozy establishment network. These he has referred to as “dissident triangles” or rival networks that compete with varying degrees of success in the process.
37
Goksoy, Ismail Hakki. « The Policy of the Dutch Government Towards Islam in Indonesia ». American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no 1 (1 janvier 2002) : 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1976.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper aims to examine the policy of the Dutch colonial government towards Islam in Indonesia, especially during the period of 1945-49 in which the lndonesians struggled for their independence from the Dutch. However, the attitudes of the Dutch East Indian Company towards the Indonesian Muslims in the 17th and 18th centuries and that of the Dutch colonial government in later periods were also included in order to indicate the changes in policy. The government's policy towards Islam during the independence period was determined largely by its immediate aim to gain the support of the Muslim people for the reestablishment of the Dutch rule in fndonesia after the war. Therefore, the Dutch authorities in Jakarta tried to show a tolerant attitude towards the Muslim leaders, especially the ulama who had great influence upon the people, and they were inclined to give them more help in religious, social and educational fields, but without endangering the principle of the separation of religion and politics. In this respect, the attempts to establish close contact with the Muslim leaders and their organizations as well as the stimulation of ulama conferences and establishment of regional Islamic councils were discussed in detail. Based largely on the archival materials, the paper concludes that the Dutch needed to pursue a liberal policy after 1945 in contrast to a neutral one in previous times.
38
Susila Wibawa, Kadek Cahya. « Penegasan Politik Hukum Desentralisasi Asimetris dalam Rangka Menata Hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dengan Pemerintah Daerah di Indonesia ». Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no 3 (1 août 2019) : 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i3.400-412.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The legal politics of Article 18, Article 18A and Article 18B of the UUDNRI 1945 (Indonesian Constitution) do not strictly state that Indonesia adheres to the concept of asymmetric decentralization in the administration of local government. Until now, Indonesia does not yet have a grand design of asymmetric decentralization policy. The asymmetrical idea runs by itself without having its main design. Indonesia needs to affirm its asymmetrical decentralization policy to ensure the implementation of local government by the politic of law in the UUDNRI 1945. The establishment of a basic law on asymmetric decentralization is one way to emphasize that Indonesia adheres to asymmetric devolution in the operation of central government relations with local governments. The construction of the act that is built remains in the spirit of decentralization rather than centralization is carried out asymmetrically rather than symmetrically, and remains within the framework of the United States of the Republic of Indonesia. The act becomes the lex genres of all laws relating to the broadest local autonomy and special autonomy. Keywords: Asymmetric Decentralization, Local Government, Central Government, Autonomy. Abstrak Politik hukum Pasal 18, Pasal 18A, dan Pasal 18B UUDNRI 1945 menyatakan secara tidak tegas bahwa Indonesia menganut konsep desentralisasi asimetris dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. Indonesia sampai saat ini belum memiliki grand design kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris. Konsep asimetris berjalan dengan sendirinya tanpa ada design utamanya. Indonesia perlu penegasan kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris untuk menjamin penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah sesuai politik hukum dalam UUDNRI 1945. Pembentukan undang-undang pokok mengenai desentralisasi asimetris merupakan salah satu cara untuk menegaskan bahwa Indonesia menganut desentralisasi asimetris dalam penyelenggaraan hubungan pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah. Konstruksi undang-undang yang dibangun tetap dengan semangat desentralisasi bukan sentralisasi, dijalankan secara asimetris bukan simetris dan tetap dalam bingkai Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Undang-undang tersebut menjadi lex generelis dari semua undang-undang yang terkait dengan otonomi daerah seluas-luasnya, otonomi khusus, dan otonomi istimewa. Kata kunci: Desentralisasi Asimetris, Pemerintah Daerah, Pemerintah Pusat, Otonomi.
39
Ofis Rikardo. « PENERAPAN KEDAULATAN RAKYAT DI DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM DI INDONESIA BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945 ». Jurnal Hukum Sasana 6, no 1 (27 juillet 2020) : 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/sasana.v6i1.228.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTElections are a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people regulated in the 1945 Constitution. In the implementation of indirect democracy, a representative democratic system is inevitable, so that elections that uphold direct, public, free, secret, honest and fair spirit are a means of regenerating leadership politics to run the government both at central and regional levels. People as the owner of the highest sovereignty surrender their sovereignty to state institutions such as the President, DPR, DPD, and DPRD through elections. After the change in the 1945 Constitution there was a shift in the regulation of popular sovereignty such as the MPR is no longer the executor of popular sovereignty, the implementation of direct presidential elections by the people, until the emergence of the Constitutional Court that can try and decide the president and vice president to stop in his term of office. All of this is an effort to uphold the people's sovereignty and at the same time to maintain the people's sovereignty based on the 1945 Constitution.
Keywords: People's Sovereignty, Elections, 1945 Constitution
40
Pocius, Mindaugas. « Partizanų nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės vizija ». Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/1 (1 décembre 2020) : 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202001006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.
41
Hardjaloka, Loura. « Potret Keterwakilan Perempuan dalam Wajah Politik Indonesia Perspektif Regulasi dan Implementasi ». Jurnal Konstitusi 9, no 2 (20 mai 2016) : 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk928.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Article 28C paragraph (2) of the Constitution 1945, “Every person is entitled to advance himself in the fight for their rights to collectively build a community, nation and country”, Article 28D paragraph (3) which reads, “Every citizen is entitled to equal opportunities in government”, should be the basis for guaranteed political rights of women. However, parties often overlook the urgency of this women’s representation. In addition to the provisions of the 1945 Constitution, there is also Election Law, Article 7 and Article 8 of CEDAW and the Convention on the Political Rights of Women who all voiced that women have equal political rights with men. But will the urgency of women’s representation in politics is hampered due to negative stereotypes of women’s capabilities.
42
Fernando, Zico Junius. « LEGAL POLITICS FORMATION OF LEGISLATION IN THE INDONESIA NATIONAL LEGAL SYSTEM ». Jurnal Hukum Progresif 10, no 1 (30 avril 2022) : 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jhp.10.1.25-36.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indonesia is a state of law (rechtstaat) where the main joint of the national legal system is legislation. The conception of a state of law desired by the founding fathers since the beginning of the struggle for independence contains the basic ideas in the preamble to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Legislation is an instrument needed in national legal efforts. Discussing statutory regulations in essence, cannot be separated from discussing statutory politics based on the principle that laws and or statutory regulations are part of a political product. The form of statutory regulations in government can differ from laws and regulations in other governments. This depends on the authority of each government. Fundamental questions are related to the legal politics of forming laws and regulations in the national legal system and formulating regulations in the future. The discussion results show that the development of law and the updating of materials to be by the needs and implementation of existing provisions, as well as the preparation of laws and regulations, has a dimension of benefit that is large enough to realize the ideals of the formation of law.
43
BOOTH, WILLIAM A. « Hegemonic Nationalism, Subordinate Marxism : The Mexican Left, 1945–7 ». Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no 1 (31 janvier 2017) : 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.
44
Refika, Refika, Lias Hasibuan et Kasful Anwar Us. « The Basic concept of Economic Education At the Level of Supra Structure and Inrastruktur Politics in Indonesia ». International Journal of Educational Research & ; Social Sciences 2, no 1 (7 avril 2021) : 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.51601/ijersc.v2i1.24.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article aims to get an overview of how basic concepts of economics ofeducation at the level of the supra-structure and infra-political structure inIndonesia. In that state of supra structure that includes the legislative, executive,judicial, and other state institutions, the government of Indonesia has made apolicy in writing that stated in the mandate of the constitution the Constitutionof 1945 of the State's obligation in financing education in Indonesia. Educationfunding is contained in Article 31 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution thatthe State prioritize the education budget by 20% from APBN/APBD. If seen in astate of infra-structure that covers the center of the political power of thepeople, contained in elements of social organization, political figures,community leaders, the tools of political communication, and especially apolitical organization or political party is able to affect the workings of theapparatus of the public to express, distribute, translate, convert demands,support and the specific problems associated with the public interest, especiallyin this case the education sector, the government has given freedom inexpressing their opinions. It is proved that the Indonesian State has beenattempted in the give attention to education for its citizens. Because with aquality education will be able to improve economic growth and development ina Country. However, the education budget by 20% is considered not able tomaximize the improvement of the quality of education in Indonesia, so the needfor a new policy in increasing the percentage of the budget for education.
45
Bjerke, Paul. « Mediated Spies ». Nordicom Review 37, s1 (7 juillet 2020) : 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2016-0027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article explores how 13 mainstream newspapers in five countries (Norway, Sweden, BRD, DDR and UK) covered the first week of three high-profile spy affairs in the late Cold War: Arne Treholt (Norway), Geoffrey Prime (UK) and Günter Guillaume (BRD).The Eastern European newspapers followed in their governments’ footsteps and prolonged the politics of silence. In the West, newspapers framed the espionage using an issue-specific cultural frame, the traitor. Stories are spiced up by irrelevant and false facts, inspired by the spy stories in the fiction media. The traitor frame is constructed in two variations: the single spy betraying his country and the government forsaking its people by being “soft on the Soviets” or “careless about security”. The study indicates no significant differences in coverage between the four Western countries or between the three espionage affairs.
46
Sukirno, Sukirno. « Politik Hukum Pengakuan Hak atas Administrasi Kependudukan Bagi Penganut Penghayat Kepercayaan ». Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no 2 (2 juin 2019) : 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i2.268-281.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article is motivated by the existence of various laws and regulations that discredit and discriminate against believers to get their rights guaranteed by Article 29 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which affirms the right to freedom of religion and belief. The problem raised is what legal politics underlie legislation that prevents trustees from obtaining the same rights as other Indonesian citizens. The search results found that the legal politics underlying the discrediting legislation and discriminating against religious believers were the legal politics of the world religions paradigm which gave the majority the religious role to intervene in government policies to marginalize religious minorities. Keywords: legal politics, belief groups. Abstrak Artikel ini dilatar belakangi adanya berbagai peraturan perundang-undangan yang mendiskreditkan dan mendiskriminasi penghayat kepercayaan untuk mendapatkan hak-haknya yang sudah dijamin oleh Pasal 29 ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945 yang menegaskan hak kebebasan beragama dan berkepercayaan. Permasalahan yang diangkat adalah politik hukum apa yang melandasi peraturan perundang-undangan yang menghalangi penghayat kepercayaan untuk memperoleh hak-hak yang sama sebagaimana warga negara Indonesia lainnya. Hasil penelusuran menemukan bahwa politik hukum yang melandasi peraturan perundang-undangan yang mendiskreditkan dan mendiskriminasi penghayat kepercayaan adalah politik hukum paradigma agama dunia yang memberikan peran agama mayoritas untuk mengintervensi kebijakan pemerintah untuk meminggirkan agama minoritas atau kepercayaan. Kata kunci: Politik Hukum, Penghayat Kepercayaan.
47
Jefferys, Kevin. « British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War ». Historical Journal 30, no 1 (mars 1987) : 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.
48
Halimah, Siti. « MANAJEMEN DAN KEBIJAKAN POLITIK PEMERINTAHAN DI INDONESIA TENTANG PENDIDIKAN AGAMA ISLAM ». Didaktika Religia 3, no 2 (24 juillet 2015) : 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/didaktika.v3i2.162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper highlights Islamic education in Indonesia that can be classified intothree kinds. First, Islamic education as an institution with Islamic educationrecognized by the government. Second, Islamic education as a subject givenfrom elementary school to college level. Third, Islamic education as a valuein the national education system. When Islam came to Indonesia, it directlyand indirectly has been in contact with the government or the policy of theIndonesian authorities. This more or less already affects the growth, developmentand advancement of Islamic education in Indonesia. The culmination of thegovernment’s acknowledgment of the existence of Islamic education is Law No.20 Year 2003 on National Education System, which regulates the implementationof a national education system as desired by the 1945 Constitution that integratesIslamic education into the national education system.Key words: Management, Politics, government, PAI
49
Chapin, Christy Ford. « Ensuring America's Health : Publicly Constructing the Private Health Insurance Industry, 1945–1970 ». Enterprise & ; Society 13, no 4 (décembre 2012) : 729–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700011435.
Texte intégralRésumé :
“Ensuring America's Health” demonstrates how public and private power intermingled to embed a specific organizational model—the insurance company model—into the health care system. The dissertation draws on government documents, trade association papers, company archives, and interviews with policymakers, insurance industry leaders, and physicians. In addition to exploring health care politics, it presents a detailed study of major trade associations and ground-level organizations, such as individual insurance companies and physician offices. This history reveals the degree to which policy debates and private sector organization have informed one another; exposes the factors driving US health care costs; and details the origins of the system's pseudo-corporate structure, which places insurance companies in a supervisory role over physicians and hospitals.
50
Stanton, Domna C. « The Humanities in Human Rights : Critique, Language, Politics ». PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no 5 (octobre 2006) : 1518–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900099818.
Texte intégralRésumé :
IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE AND. WHEN JUDITH BUTLER AND I DEcided to cochair a conference called “Human Rights and the Humanities,” we aimed to create a connection between two apparently disparate fields and to leave its nature general enough to allow participants to probe different types of relations. I say “apparently” because connections between the humanities and human rights have existed historically and conceptually in the West through the mediation of humanism. Even though in Renaissance Italy umanista, the teacher of classical languages and literatures, was contrasted with legista, the teacher of law, humanist thought held that the reading, understanding, and critique of the bonae litterae, as Eugenio Garin has argued, could contribute to the renovation of the world, social life, and government and thus to human happiness. Not surprisingly, then, civic humanism was to merge with the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, tolerance, secularism, and cosmopolitanism in the eighteenth-century European Enlightenment. And since 1945 Enlightenment humanism has provided the philosophical underpinnings of human rights declarations, covenants, conventions, protocols, and charters.