Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Norway – Politics and government – 1945- »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Norway – Politics and government – 1945- ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Norway – Politics and government – 1945-"
1
Denkiewicz-Szczepaniak, Emilia. « Działalność Poselstwa RP w Oslo w latach 1946–1947 ». Studia Scandinavica 24, no 4 (2 décembre 2020) : 11–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2020.24.07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The activity of the Polish Legation in Oslo in the years 1946–1947 is one of the most important and, at the same time, one of the most difficult periods in the history of Polish-Norwegian relations. The introduction explains the reasons for such a late sending of a Polish representative, Mieczysław Rogalski, to Norway. Section I presents the biography of Rogalski as well as the experience he gained while working for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The next section describes the negative attitude that the Polish diplomat had during his contacts with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Utenriksdepartementet), especially in relation to further repatriation of Poles, which was started in autumn 1945 by the liaison officers of the Polish government in exile. Section III presents the diplomatic successes Rogalski had in his relations with Norwegian politicians and also indicates how good his orientation in Norway’s foreign policy was. Finally, the last section contains a description of Legation problems regarding mutual exchange of decorations and orders between Poland and Norway, including in particular political activities connected with the organization of celebrations commemorating the victory at Narvik.
2
Figenschou, Tine Ustad, Magnus Fredriksson, Josef Pallas et Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen. « Under the Influence of Politics ». Nordic Journal of Media Studies 2, no 1 (7 juin 2020) : 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2020-0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis conceptual article extends three ongoing scholarly debates on the mediatisation of politics – the risk of media centrism, the tendency to see mediatisation as a linear process, and the preoccupation with elected officials. We argue for the need to identify, foreground, and systematise non-media dimensions of mediatisation processes. We also argue that actors encounter mediatisation as a set of dynamic ideas rather than a fixed logic. With a focus on government agencies and a comparison of the politico-administrative systems in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, this article gives certain attention to politicisation, autonomy, and accountability and suggests that the degree of freedom granted to agencies in Denmark and Norway is relatively limited compared with agencies in Sweden. Consequently, we present two propositions: 1) agencies in Denmark and Norway are less inclined to mediatise, whereas 2) Swedish government agencies will more likely mediatise and show conformity with widely accepted norms regarding media.
3
Shackleton, Michael. « The new Europe : politics, government and economy since 1945 ». International Affairs 69, no 4 (octobre 1993) : 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
Texte intégral
4
Sadova, Lyudmila. « Christian Michelsen and his Role in the Norwegian History ». ISTORIYA 13, no 5 (115) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021592-0.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the place and role of the figure of the Norwegian politician Christian Michelsen in the history of Norway. In 1905, the Swedish-Norwegian union was unilaterally dissolved by the Norwegian government. The accumulated contradictions between Sweden and Norway over the previous years led to an extreme aggravation of relations between the two countries. The events of 1905, rapidly succeeding each other, required the Norwegian authorities to quickly adapt and make the same swift decisions in sometimes uncertain and full of anxiety and doubt situations. The Prime Minister of Norway in 1905, Ch. Michelsen, received the status of a national leader and hero even during his time in power. The author sets himself the task of revealing the degree of influence of the personality of the Norwegian politician on the course of historical events at the indicated time. As sources, materials from the Russian archives were used, as well as publications of documents from the Storting and verbatim abstracts of the Karlstad Conference. Based on the source and historiographic, it is concluded that, due to a number of personal qualities, the figure of Michelsen largely met the needs of the time, and he undoubtedly had a strong influence on the political line chosen by the Norwegian authorities. However, it is doubtful that Michelsen followed a well-thought-out plan of action that determined the development of history.
5
Wåhlin, Vagn. « Folk, dannelse og styreform : En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard, Kampen om folket (2004) ». Grundtvig-Studier 55, no 1 (1 janvier 2004) : 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v55i1.16463.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard “Kampen om folket” (2004).[People, Education and Government: A Review of Ove Korsgaard ‘The Battle over the People’ (2004) ]By Vagn WåhlinOve Korsgaard, Kampen om folket. Et dannelsesperspektiv på dansk historie gennem 500 år [The Battle over the People: A Perspective of Education through 500 years of Danish History] (Gyldendal, Copenhagen, 2004), 672 p.From the day of its publication, Ove Korsgaard’s brilliant dissertation has had much influence on the Danish understanding of Denmark’s 500-year process of establishing the concepts of individual, society, people, and democracy. The author distinguishes between demos, the general population of the state, and ethnos, that part of the population which has inherited and accepted rights and obligations as far as and beyond a constitution and written laws. These latter are folket, the people.This primary division leads to a similar distinction between state and nation as well as a parallel distinction in government between representative government and democratic, self-organization of the citizens. A special focus of the book is the interaction and mutual dependency of the specified categories in an historical perspective of change from a late feudal society to a modem democratic welfare state. Essential institutions in this long societal process have been (a) the Lutheran Church; (b) from 1814, the municipal local schools for all, including girls; (c), for centuries, the patriarchal household; and (d) the rising centralized power of king and state. These four institutions formed the ideological and practical base of society until, through the slow effect of the Enlightenment, the individual and the people as such, within a national and democratic framework, took over in the period 1870-1900 and became the ideological basis of society with special and defined rights and duties attaching to every adult male and, from 1920, female. After the pre-1814 ethnic and cultural Danish-Norwegian-German conglomerate state finally broke down with the loss (1814) of Norway to Sweden and (1864) the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein to Pmssia, Denmark became the most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous state of Europe. Not until then could the ethnic concept of ‘the p e o p l folket, finally take over the indisputable role as the rock of the Danish society - a role which was further strengthened by the German occupation of Denmark 1940-45.Before 1870, 75% of all cultivated land was worked by the owners of medium-sized family farms, and some 75% of the population made their living in the agrarian sector of society. Agriculture produced the necessary surplus to pay for Denmark’s imports. From 1870, when the farmers began to organize effectively, they gained a higher economic, cultural and political status in Danish class-structured society which they were able to maintain for a hundred years. Up to 1870-90 Copenhagen was the only urban-industrial centre of any great significance, and from the 1890s the organized industrial capital and its workforce rose in influence; but not until the 1960s and 70s did these succeed in outdoing the fundamental influence of the agrarian sector on a national scale. Regrettably, this economic perception of the lower middle-class appearance of Danish society has been under evaluated in Korsgaard’s book, and the reader may thus miss a vital factor in the development of the democratic understanding of the Danish ethnos.The labour unions and the labour movement in politics never became revolutionary to any great extent and from 1916-29 renounced any such tendency and won a national position as a trustworthy partner in a coalition with other political and social forces. They graduated from expressing purely class interests to representing the whole population of Denmark. This led to the formation of a general welfare state for all after the Second World War. All political parties and national movements took part in building a welfare provision from cradle to grave, covering 80-90% of the population, which led to an embracing of both ethnos and demos.From the post-industrial and post-modern society of 1970 until today no leading classes in coalition with other groups have been able to formulate a common ideology and political guidelines for the future. So the Danes collectively are insecure about the future, and divided as to whether they want globalisation, Muslim newcomers, the EUconstitution etc.All in all, this book is a fascinating and well-written contribution to the current debate: Where do we come from? Who are we? And where are we heading?
6
Aars, Jacob, et Anne Lise Fimreite. « Local Government and Governance in Norway : Stretched Accountability in Network Politics ». Scandinavian Political Studies 28, no 3 (septembre 2005) : 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2005.00131.x.
Texte intégral
7
Abrillioga, Abrillioga, Aldian Nugraha, Azzam H. F et Himy Oktafiansyah. « Strategic Issues of the Position of the President 3 Period In the Perspective of State Constitutional Law in the Restriction of Power ». Jurnal Sosial Sains 2, no 6 (15 juin 2022) : 648–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/sosains.v2i6.402.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of extending the presidential term to three terms is one that all of us are concerned about. In this example, in the contestation of the dynamics of government and politics in Indonesia, the discourse of the desire to change the 1945 Constitution aims to homogenize the discourse views of the interests of power, making this an intriguing subject to research. As a concept of preventing the authoritarian pendulum in a country, it is required to limit the power held by a head of state and head of government, particularly the president. The term of office for presidential candidates in Indonesia is controlled by the country's presidential system of government. Like the current dynamics in the Indonesian government, that dilemmas and conflicts of interest stemming from pragmatic reasons for legal politics in Indonesia appear to want to smoothen the constitution, namely Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which has limitedly affirmed the limits of positions held by a president, namely two terms. by using the provisions of the original intense article 37 of the 1945 Constitution to delegate to three terms. In essence, the presidential term restriction is intended to prevent abuse of power.
8
Roces, Mina. « Kinship Politics in Post-War Philippines : The Lopez Family, 1945–1989 ». Modern Asian Studies 34, no 1 (janvier 2000) : 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On being awarded the Legion of Honor by President Corazon Aquino, Joaquin ‘Chino.’ Roces, publisher of The Manila Times, pleaded with the president:Please allow me to remind you, first. That our people brought a new government to power because our people felt an urgent need for change. That change was nothing more and nothing less than that of moving quickly into a new moral order. The people believed, and many of them still do, that when we said we would be the exact opposite of Marcos, we would be just that. Because of that promise which the people believed, our triumph over Marcos was anchored on a principle of morality . . . . To our people, I dare propose that new moral order is best appreciated in terms of our response to graft and corruption in public service. We cannot afford a government of thieves unless we can tolerate a nation of highwaymen.
9
Yuniyanto, Tri, Dadan Adi Kurniawan et Sutiyah. « REVOLUTION POLITICAL CHANGES IN YOGYAKARTA 1945-1951 ». International Journal of Education and Social Science Research 05, no 06 (2022) : 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37500/ijessr.2022.5607.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indonesian independence has caused change basically in political order and governance, also in Yogyakarta. This study aimed to Understand the concept of power changes in Yogyakarta from feudalism to democracy in local government. This study used the historical method, collecting data through a review of relevant archives, documents and previous research as well as related book references; analyzing to find the authenticity and credibility of sources; carry out interpretations with a political and sociological approach, to find historical, and produce a historiography of fundamental changes in politics and government in Yogyakarta. The results showed that there was a fundamental changed in the government structure. Yogyakarta, in time of the Duch colonial governance was a self-governing state or swapraja, Sultan as King. People’s involvement in determining policy of the government is realized through representative system. That is KNID (National Committee of Yogyakarta and DPRD (Regional Representative Council), and then holding General Election for selecting members of DPRD 1951, that is first general election in Indonesia. Transition from feudalism to democracy, caused Yogyakarta as special Regions, Sultan as governor.
10
Girard, Chris. « Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics ». Open Access Government 36, no 1 (17 octobre 2022) : 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-036-9829.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics Chris Girard, an Associate Professor from the Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies at Florida International University explores education, gender rights and the freedoms of women in Norway. Only one of Norway’s 70 monarchs was a woman over the last thousand years, and now, after great change when universal suffrage was first extended to women in 1913, since 1981, two women have become prime ministers in Norway, serving as heads of state for over 40 per cent of the subsequent four decades. Now, the Norwegian parliament comprises 45 per cent of women legislators, which can partially be attributed to the development of a digital-age layer of information flow, which allowed more Norwegian women to overcome the spatial barriers to government careers that arise from childcare at home. In the present day, there is now a growing demand for educated women counteracts an enduring historical trend extending from the 12th century to the final quarter of the 19th century, when women in Norway had been blocked from higher levels of education.
Thèses sur le sujet "Norway – Politics and government – 1945-"
1
Mispelkamp, Peter K. H. (Peter Karl Heinz). « The Kriegsmarine, Quisling, and Terboven : an inquiry into the Boehm-Terboven affair, April 1940-March 1943 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63255.
Texte intégral
2
Martinsen, Mari. « Oiling Development ? A critical analysis of Norway's petroleum assistance to Angola ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6815.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.
3
Cockett, Richard Bernard. « The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.
Texte intégral
4
MATUS, Adrian-George. « The long 1968 in Hungary and Romania ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74278.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 25 February 2022Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Prof.Federico Romero (European University Institute); Prof. Constantin Iordachi (Central European University); Prof. Juliane Fürst (Leibniz Centre of Contemporary History ZZF)
The sixties witnessed many youth unrests across the globe. Compared to previous decades, a distinctive decisional category emerged: youth. They gained a central role by defining themselves in opposition to other generations and perceiving themselves as a unique one with a purpose to change history through ‘revolution’. At the same time, the youngsters considered themselves to belong to a movement that transcended their local city, the national borders, and ideological barriers. Yet, there were different ways to express the discontent against the values of the ‘gerontocracy’. This dissertation creates a local, regional, and comparative analysis of the history of sixty-eighters from Hungary and Romania. It will focus on their childhood experiences and on the impact of political decisions. A significant determinant was the cultural and psychological background of each of the protagonists. The group cohesion and the cultural and psychological background of each protagonist determined their protest tactics. Some youngsters were not interested in politics, but the state considered their activities, such as listening to Radio Free Europe or playing in a rock band to be a threat. A variety of cultural genres were involved in this process: music was an essential component of the late 1960s, which had a notable role in challenging the Establishment. Thus, another line of inquiry will explain how musicians and artists used different protest expressions, such as Maoism, rock music, or ‘passive resistance' as protest tactics. The relationship between artists and the state was not always an oppositional one. Instead, this project will use James Scott’s concepts of infrapolitics and hidden transcripts to show there was always a negotiation and a compromise between various networks.
Chapter 5 ‘Ultra-Leftist Revolution in Hungary' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter '‘The long 1968’ in Hungary and its legacy' (2019) in the book ‘Unsettled 1968 in the troubled present revisiting the 50 years of discussions from east and central Europe’
The introduction of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Eastern-European 1968s?' (2019) in the journal ‘Review of international American studies’
Chapter 1 ‘The Childhood of a Generation' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The pre-history of Hungarian and Romanian 1968ers' (2020) in the journal ‘Wroclaw yearbook of oral history’
5
Anderson, Stephen Frederick. « Establishing US Military Government : Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945 ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
6
Ngo, Tak-Wing. « The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985 ». Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.
Texte intégral
7
Motadel, David. « Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.
Texte intégral
8
Leruth, Benjamin. « Differentiated integration in the European Union : a comparative study of party and government preferences in Finland, Sweden and Norway ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16175.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the field of European studies, the notion of ‘differentiated integration’ (Stubb 1996) was developed in the late 1990s as an alternative to the crude membership/non-membership dichotomy. While the theoretical benefits of this approach are broadly discussed in the existing literature, further empirical studies have been deemed necessary (Holzinger and Schimmelfennig 2012). The Nordic states constitute a particularly interesting laboratory in order to study this phenomenon. Indeed, while these states share several socio-economic and political characteristics, they also differ in terms of their relationship with the European Union. Several studies on these relationships emphasise the relevance of certain contextual variables as key explanatory factors for the variation in attitudes between the Nordic states. However, there is also lack of analysis that looks into the domestic political features that these countries share. Furthermore, most studies in the field tend to ignore the respective government’s positions on European integration, and mostly adopt a top-down approach when focusing on the nation-state as a whole. Adopting a most similar systems design, this thesis aims to answer the following question: have Nordic government preferences on European integration been influenced by domestic political factors? In order to answer this question, four domestic variables are introduced and analysed: relative strength of parties in parliament; composition of government; type of government; and government ideology. Within this comparative framework, three Nordic countries have been selected: the first one belonging to the ‘inner core’ of the European Union (Finland);; while the second is located at its ‘outer core’ (Sweden);; and the third one serves as a control case as an ‘EU-outsider’ which is still located in the Union’s ‘inner periphery’ (Norway). For each state, the analysis starts in the early 1990s, when ‘Europe’ developed into a politically salient issue in domestic politics. The focus is furthermore set on their respective government’s positions regarding five distinct policy areas: participation in the European Economic Area; application for European Union membership; participation in the Schengen Area; participation in the Economic and Monetary Union; and participation in European Battle Groups. The main findings of the thesis suggest that when analysing governments’ positions on (differentiated) European integration, the domestic political features should not be downplayed. For instance, the Swedish government’s opposition to participation in the EMU in 1997 is mostly explained by a lack of party consensus over this issue, unlike in Finland where a broad inter-party agreement was secured for this policy area. The analysis further suggests that studies on party and government preferences on Europe should focus on policy areas rather than on the issue of integration as a whole. Such a focus provides for better understanding of the nature of ‘Euroscepticism’ in the Nordic region and, to a broader extent, in Europe.
9
Paberzyte, Ieva. « Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
10
Dockerill, R. P. « Local government reform, urban expansion and identity : Nottingham and Derby, 1945-1968 ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28203.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines changes in the governance of Nottingham and Derby in the period 1945-1968 from a local and national perspective. In so doing it foreshadows the changes wrought by the Local Government Act 1972, which usually receives greater academic attention. Post-war, local authorities became the nation’s principal landlords, while utilities, such as electricity and gas, were nationalised. In fulfilling their new responsibilities, urban authorities were forced to build estates on the periphery of, or outside, their boundaries. The relocation of residents resulted in an exportation of urban identity and greater urban-ness, but was not accompanied by a corresponding redrawing of administrative boundaries. Nevertheless, when urban authorities sought boundary extensions they were fiercely contested by county authorities, local associations, and residents’ groups. Such associations and groups claimed to possess characteristics distinct from the authorities that wished to incorporate them. There was also a fear that democratic accountability would be lost in the creation of larger units of governance. The local feelings aroused by boundary extension proposals demonstrate that local government is more than merely an agent of central government. It is a living organism: changes to it affect not only services, but also the identity of that place. The expansion proposals of the county boroughs of Nottingham and Derby differed markedly. Uniquely amongst county boroughs nationwide, Nottingham sought no expansion under the review initiated by the Local Government Act 1958. The thesis assesses the political motivations behind this and the wider reactions to reconfiguration proposals for both county boroughs. The role of conurbations is considered in terms of local governance, including the extent to which Nottingham and Derby could be classified as one. The thesis concludes that the maintenance of existing party political strengths outweighed local sentiment, and that only those proposals for reform which benefited the former were enacted.
Livres sur le sujet "Norway – Politics and government – 1945-"
1
1943-, Nordby Trond, dir. Storting og regjering 1945-1985 : Institusjoner, rekruttering. Oslo : Kunnskapsforlaget, 1985.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
The liberation of Norway. Oslo : Gyldendal, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Den gylne mellomvegen : Tema frå Venstres historie 1905-1940. Bergen : Vigmostad Bjørke, 2006.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Souveränität oder Integration ? : Die Europapolitik Dänemarks und Norwegens von 1945 bis 1995. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Dahl, Hans Fredrik. Quisling : En norsk tragedie. Oslo : Aschehoug, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Quisling : A study in treachery. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Roness, Paul Gerhard. Stortinget som organisator : Folkevaldes medverknad ved organiseringa av den norske sentraladministrasjonen 1946-1993. [Oslo] : Tano, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
Haga, Arnfinn. Den store flukten. [Oslo?] : Cappelen, 2000.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Quisling : A study in treason. Oslo : Norwegian University Press, 1989.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Jackson, I. Morfar, Hitler og jeg. 2e éd. Oslo : Aschehoug, 2014.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Norway – Politics and government – 1945-"
1
Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman et Ian Budge. « Norway ». Dans Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 420–28. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_37.
Texte intégral
2
Strøm, Kaare W. « Norway ». Dans Coalition Government as a Reflection of a Nation’s Politics and Society, 164–85. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series : Routledge research in comparative politics : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429422379-10.
Texte intégral
3
Jones, Bryan D., et Walter Williams. « The Rise and Decline of Reality-Based Policy Making in the Federal Government : 1945–2006 ». Dans The Politics of Bad Ideas, 232–60. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315662411-9.
Texte intégral
4
Knudsen, Jan Sverre. « To “Move, Surprise, and Thrill” : Thirty Years of Promoting Cultural Diversity in Norwegian School Concerts ». Dans The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 87–101. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis chapter examines how a politics of cultural diversity was implemented over a 30-year period in a Norwegian school concert program run by Concerts Norway. Departing from a historical overview, the chapter outlines the shifting agendas, values, and visions of diversity that governed this ambitious cultural effort. A central aim is to examine the ideological positions that influenced the program and the political and educational debates surrounding it. The concert program is discussed with respect to cultural diversity and anti-racism, democracy, tradition, hybridity, and the tensions between educational and artwork-based paradigms. Based on theorizations of cultural difference, the chapter shows how promoting music to children has been understood as an important part of shaping societal attitudes and laying the grounds for an anti-oppressive education. Critical issues regarding representation, influence, and power in the staging of music involving immigrant performers are raised. The chapter relates the concert programs to the political frames and ideals of the nation-state by illustrating how international cooperation effectively made the concert programs a part of Norwegian foreign policy. It points out how changing government policies had a profound impact on programs promoting cultural diversity, eventually leading to their termination as a national cultural strategy.
5
Miedema, Frank. « Science and Society an Overview of the Problem ». Dans Open Science : the Very Idea, 1–14. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2115-6_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractScience in the recent past promised to society to contribute to the grand challenges of the United Nations, UNESCO, WHO, the EU agenda and national agendas for change and improvement of our life, the human condition. In this chapter it will be briefly discussed how this social contract between science and society has developed since 1945. In the context of this book I distinguish three time periods, but I do realize slightly different time periods may be preferred, based on the perspective taken. The first phase from 1945 till 1960 is characterized by autonomy, building on the successes of the natural sciences and engineering in World War II. In the second phase, the late sixties till approximately 1980, government and the public lost trust and saw the downside of science and technology. The response from politics and the public was to call for societal and political responsible research inspired by broader socio-political developments in society. The third phase from 1990 till 2010 was one of renewed enthusiasm and hope that science and technology would bring economic growth, which should make nations internationally competitive. There increasingly was also room for societal problems related to environment and sustainability, health and well-being. In this approach of the so-called knowledge economy, with the world-wide embracing of neoliberal politics, strong relations with government and the private sector were established. This was accompanied by short-term accountability, control from government and funders at the level of project output, using accordingly defined metrics and indicators. Because of this, this model became firmly and globally institutionalized.
6
Strøm, Kaare W. « Norway ». Dans Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 66–85. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Norway has, since 1945, had one of highest incidences of minority governments among parliamentary democracies, and this incidence has increased in recent decades. Three conditions have been favorable to minority government formation: (1) a permissive institutional environment including negative parliamentarism and multiple avenues for opposition influence; (2) a pronounced two-bloc party system format with increasingly competitive elections; and (3) a high level of social and political trust in which opposition politicians have few concerns that parties holding executive office may abuse their powers. Under these conditions, Norwegian minority governments have in general been durable and effective.
7
Koren, Elisabeth Solvang. « Political Issues ». Dans New Directions in Norwegian Maritime History. Liverpool University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9780986497360.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This section approaches the political issues that concerned Norwegian shipping as part of the international shipping industry, from four separate angles. The first explores the Norwegian Health Policy as it related to merchant seamen between 1890 and 1940. The second explores the establishment of the Norwegian-American line between 1908 and 1913 and the extent to which the government played a supportive role through intervention, incentives, and nation-building strategies. The third continues to explore government support of maritime activity, by looking at the successes of Norwegian shipping in the Interwar period and the factors which enabled large-scale modernisation such as the re-evaluated tax regime that worked in favour of maritime expansion. The final segment examines the visibility of the small nation of Norway on the international maritime stage - particularly the formation of international organisations and networks, and cooperation between shipowners and government with the end goal of promoting Norwegian shipping to the international community. Overall, it determines that the cohesion between politics and trade helped strengthen Norwegian maritime endeavors during the early-twentieth century.
8
George, Carol V. R. « Politics ». Dans God's Salesman, 157–79. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914769.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines how Norman Vincent Peale’s message of practical Christianity intertwined with his conservative politics during the period 1935–1955. It argues that Peale’s populist religion and conservative politics were mutually reinforcing, whose own postwar bid for acceptance, entitlement, and power coincided with the fullest flowering of Peale’s ministry. The chapter first considers Peale’s Toryism and populism, and more specifically how he first warmed to partisan politics through Prohibition, before discussing his involvement with the National Committee to Uphold Constitutional Government and with a politically partisan group called Spiritual Mobilization, his chairmanship of the Christian Freedom Foundation, and his participation in and eventual withdrawal from Facts Forum, the “educational” organization sponsored by Texas oilman H. L. Hunt.
9
« US Presidents since 1945 ». Dans British Government and Politics, xviii. Edinburgh University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748644551-005.
Texte intégral
10
Askim, Jostein. « Student Financing for Social Equity in Norway, 1947–2020 ». Dans Successful Public Policy in the Nordic Countries, 153–73. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192856296.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter traces the development of Norway’s higher education student financing policy programme from its genesis in 1945, through transformations including the incorporation of non-repayable grants in the late 1950s, the conversion from needs-based to universal eligibility for support around 1970 and the introduction of progression-dependent grants in the 2000s. With the student financing programme, Norway’s political leaders have sought to tackle multiple challenges, including inequalities between the rich and the poor, the urban and the rural population, and men and women. The chapter argues the programme is a success, although not a success any of the 22 governments that have come and gone since 1945 can claim for themselves. Success was enabled by governments repeatedly taking the long view and seeking political compromise solutions rather than trying to build ideological, party-political, prestige projects. As a result, governments have, in the main, incrementally changed the programme and avoided reversing past governments’ reforms. This rationalistic approach to policymaking was assisted by a long list of ad hoc advisory committees consisting of experts and interested parties providing policy proposals. The policy story, therefore, has strong elements of corporatism and evidence-based policymaking.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Norway – Politics and government – 1945-"
1
إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, et محمد إسماعيل جمعه. « "Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model" ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."