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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Norway – Economic policy – History »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Norway – Economic policy – History"

Lange, Even, et Helge Pharo. « Planning and economic Policy in Norway, 1945–1960* ». Scandinavian Journal of History 16, n^o 3 (janvier 1991) : 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759108579219.

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Vorobiev, A. A. « Peculiarities of the Research of the History of Western European Countries, Case of Norway ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, n^o 5(44) (28 octobre 2015) : 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-14-23.

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Abstract: Researcing of history of small advanced countries of Western Europe has a number of specific features, which are connected to its socio-economic level and dynamic development and the dependence on the external economic factor. So the article is devoted to the analysis of regularity of the development of the industry of Norwegian economic specialization (energy sector) in the international division of labour as an important element of its historical development. The author of the article analyzes the influence of the energy sector on the political life of the country, the balance of political forces, legislation, foreign policy priorities, and the history of the development of society. At the same time he uses the interdisciplinary approach to determine the relationship of cause and effect between historical events to compile a complete historical picture. The author concludes that the regularities in history are universal and concern all small highly developed countries of Western Europe including Norway. The complex of economic, social, political, financial, legal, tax, environmental and other measures of state support to specialized branches of the national economy is the main semantic rod of historical events in many of the small countries of Western Europe. Analysis of individual industries of the economy in the international division of labor should be an integral part of researches of the historical development of small countries which have a narrow structure of economy, because it helps to understand the peculiarities of the historical development of nations.

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Zadorin, Maksim Y., et Ekaterina S. Kotlova. « The ‘hybrid model’ of Norway’s ethnic policy in its northern counties : a key to stable interethnic relations ». Baltic Region 11, n^o 2 (2019) : 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2019-2-1.

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In this article, we study the political and legal model currently used by Norway in its Northern counties. This work is a part of comprehensive research supported by the Russian Science Foundation. Our study aims to provide a historical perspective to the model of Norway’s national ethnic policy in the Northern counties by identifying the operational capabilities and assessing the efficiency of these models amid increasing migration flows and changes in the country’s socio-economic environment. The methods we use in this multidisciplinary study are situated at the interface of national and international law, political science, history, and sociology. They include the comparative historical method (the dynamics of ethno-political processes), the systemic method (ethic policy in the framework of target-based programme management), the comparative law method (a comparison of national legal systems and international contractual standards), the value and norm-driven method (ethnic policy viewed through the prism of public good), institutional method (the role of political institutions), and the secondary analysis of sociological data. We also rely on qualitative methods, namely, the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data on ethnic diasporas living in the North of Norway. As a result, we establish that the Kingdom of Norway has a unified approach to national ethnic policy, which rests on self-confessed multiculturalism. However, different ethnic political models are applied in the case of certain ethnic groups. Today, against the background of declared state multiculturalism and integration, the models of acculturation and non-violent assimilation are both operational in Norway. There are sporadic expressions of nationalism and voluntary segregation. We conclude that, despite a unified approach to ethnic policy and despite Norway’s political and legal achievements in the protection of indigenous peoples’ rights, the country’s government carries out a differentiated ‘hybrid’ ethnic policy towards ethnic groups living on its territory. The growing infighting between the right and the left parties in the Storting translates into unpopular and spur-of-the-moment political decisions as regards inter-ethnic relations.

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Skrobanek, Jan, et Solvejg Jobst. « The Impact of COVID-19 on Immigration : The transformation of Norwegian migration policy on asylum seekers ». Sustainable development of the Baltic Sea Region 13, n^o 2 (2021) : 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2021-2-7.

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Until just a year ago, hardly anyone believed that the increasingly unrestrained growth in mobility could be so abruptly interrupted by a radical immobilisation of large population groups. Neither mobility studies nor other research fields had foreseen this kind of scenario in their mobility and migration models. In the past decades, the belief in unconstrained mobility, as well as the practice of mobility and its scientific modelling, relied on the idea of unbounded growth at the sub-national, national and supra-national level. The article focuses on immigration to Norway, showing how institutional constraints were used to deal with the spread of COVID-19 and how they affected immigration to the country. Due to complexity reasons, we focus exclusively on the situation of asylum seekers, giving additional attention to unaccompanied minors. These groups’ migration status is assumed to make them especially susceptible to the newly established immigration measures. Drawing upon a combined focus of data on migration regulations and asylum application statistics, we examine what impact mobility-related COVID-19 measures implemented in Norway since January 2020 had on asylum procedures, asylum mobility and asylum applications in Norway.

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Steenblik, Ronald P., et Mark Mateo. « Western Europe's Long Retreat from Coal and Implications for Energy Trade ». World Trade Review 19, S1 (juillet 2020) : s98—s119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745620000269.

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AbstractWestern Europe's industrialization was powered largely by coal. Within 15 years after the end of the Second World War, however, governments were subsidizing coal and protecting producers from foreign competition while allowing their industries to contract in a way that avoided large-scale unemployment of miners. The oil-price shocks of 1973–1974 and 1979–1980 gave temporary reprieve to hard-coal production until international oil prices slumped in 1986. This event, combined with ever more stringent environmental regulations and, later, caps on carbon-dioxide emissions, led to the disappearance of subsidized coal mining in one country after another. As of the end of 2019, hard coal was still being mined – in small amounts – in only three Western European countries: Norway, Spain, and the United Kingdom. This paper describes the history of the industry from 1945 through to the present, and the consequences of subsidy policy for trade in hard coal and its substitutes. A common observation is that a reduction in subsidized coal production by a country has not necessarily translated into increased imports of coal on a one-for-one basis.

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Leong, Ho Khai. « Malaysia - Malaysia's New Economic Policy. By Ahmad Idriss. Petaling Jaya : Pelanduk Publications, 1990. Pp. xv, 212. Figures, Tables, Notes, Bibliography. - Growth and Ethnic Inequality : Malaysia's New Economic Policy. By Just Faaland, J.R. Parkinson and Rais Saniman. Kuala Lumpur : Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, in association with the Chr. Michelsen Institute, Bergen, Norway, 1990. Pp. vii, 347. Tables, Boxes, Diagrams, Bibliography. » Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, n^o 2 (septembre 1993) : 431–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400003015.

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Huxley, Peter John. « The development and results of the European Mental Health Integration Index (2014) ». Journal of Public Mental Health 14, n^o 4 (21 décembre 2015) : 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpmh-07-2015-0030.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to report on the development and results of the Mental Health Inclusion Index. Design/methodology/approach – Data gathering and interviews with key policy makers in 30 countries in Europe (the EU28 plus Switzerland and Norway). Data gathered enabled the production of an 18 indicator benchmarking index ranking the 30 countries based on their commitment to integrating people with mental illness. Findings – The main findings were: mental illness exacts a substantial human and economic toll on Europe, and there is a substantial treatment gap, especially for people with common mental health problems. Germany’s generous social provision and strong healthcare system put it number one in the Mental Health Integration Index. The UK and Scandinavian states come next. The lowest-scoring countries in the index are from Europe’s south-east, where there is a long history of neglect of mental illness and poorly developed community services. One needs to understand that the leading countries are not the only ones providing examples of best practice in integrating those with mental illness. Employment is the field of greatest concern for people with mental illness, but employment is also the area with the most inconsistent policies across Europe. A distinction can be made between countries whose policies are aspirational and those where implantation is support by substantial and most importantly sustained, resource investment. Europe as a whole is only in the early stages of the journey from institution- to community-based care. Lack of data makes greater understanding of this field difficult, and improvement can only be demonstrated by repeated surveys of this kind, based on more substantial, comprehensive and coherent information. Research limitations/implications – Usual caveats about the use of surveys. Missing data due to non-response and poverty of mental health inclusion data in many European countries. Practical implications – The author reflects on the findings and considers areas for future action. The main implications are: better services result from substantial, but most importantly, sustained investment; and that employment is most important to people with mental health problems, but is one of the most inconsistent policy areas across Europe. Social implications – Supports the need for consistent investment in community mental health services and more consistent employment policies in Europe. Originality/value – This survey is the first of its kind in Europe, and was conducted by the Economist Intelligence Unit in London, and sponsored by Janssen.

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Fougner, Tore. « Economic Nationalism and Maritime Policy in Norway ». Cooperation and Conflict 41, n^o 2 (juin 2006) : 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836706063661.

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Sejersted, Francis. « The development of economic history in Norway ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 36, n^o 3 (septembre 1988) : 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.1988.10408126.

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Sejersted, Francis. « Norway and the scandinavian economic history review ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 50, n^o 3 (septembre 2002) : 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.2002.10410826.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Norway – Economic policy – History"

Lindgren, Eva. « Samhällsförändring på väg : Perspektiv på den svenska bilismens utveckling mellan 1950 och 2007 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-33469.

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The aim of this thesis is to give a perspective on the development of the Swedish automobility between 1950 and 2007. New knowledge on automobility’s role for economic historical development will be achieved by studying the interaction between the diffusion of the private car on the national and the regional level, and the households’ preferences and the government’s regulations of car ownership. The first paper, Two Sides of the Same Coin?, compares car diffusion in Norway and Sweden to find explanations for the national and regional patterns. We ask whether the slower diffusion in Norway can be explained with national differences in income, institutions, infrastructure and population settlements; or if regional differences in income and population density have affected the outcome? Our conclusion is that car diffusion in Norway and Sweden displays two sides of the same coin; the national levels converged, but the process did not follow the same regional pattern. Regional differences in income and population density have in general been a significant explanation for car density in Sweden, but not in Norway. The second paper, Driving from the Centre to the Periphery?, examines whether the diffusion of private cars followed the over-all socio-economic and geographical changes in Sweden from 1960 to 1975. In particular, it studies if ownership per capita followed changes in income or changes in population density (urbanisation). The analysis is based on unique Swedish parish-scale census material that includes all private car owners for the years 1960, 1970 and 1975. Our conclusion is that income levels were more important than other explanations for the diffusion of private cars in Sweden between 1960 and 1975. The third paper, ‘En ledande och samordnande funktion’, contributes with new knowledge on how the Swedish government has organised traffic safety in certain ways since the 1950s. The emphasis is on the establishment and closing down of the National Road Safety Office (TSV) and how the changing forms of organisations before, during and after TSV have been reflected in the road plans from 1958, 1970 and 1990. Our conclusion is that the motives for both establishment and closing down of the TSV were the same; to create a more efficient organisation regarding traffic safety. These changes have been reflected in the road plans where an increased control over the infrastructure can be recognised, especially during the last two decades. The fourth paper, A Dark Side of Car Ownership, examines whether improved technical performance with respect to fuel consumption have been counterbalanced through increasing engine power and weight, how such properties are valued by the consumers, and in what way political instruments have affected this development. The analysis is based on historical data covering all car models within the 50 percentiles of new registrations. Our conclusion is that a vehicle purchase rebound effect can be identified since the fuel consumption has decreased over time, while the engine effect has increased. Also, the Swedish car fleet has developed in a setting of political instruments and regulations working in favour of larger and more fuel consuming cars.

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McKillip, James D. « Norway House : Economic Opportunity and the Rise of Community, 1825-1844 ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20520.

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This dissertation argues that the Hudson’s Bay Company depot that was built at Norway House beginning in 1825 created economic opportunities that were sufficiently strong to draw Aboriginal people to the site in such numbers that, within a decade of its establishment, the post was the locus of a thriving community. This was in spite of the lack of any significant trade in furs, in spite of the absence of an existing Aboriginal community on which to expand and in spite of the very small number of Hudson’s Bay Company personnel assigned to the post on a permanent basis. Although economic factors were not the only reason for the development of Norway House as a community, these factors were almost certainly primus inter pares of the various influences in that development. This study also offers a new framework for the conception and construction of community based on documenting day-to-day activities that were themselves behavioural reflections of intentionality and choice. Interpretation of these behaviours is possible by combining a variety of approaches and methodologies, some qualitative and some quantitative. By closely counting and analyzing data in archival records that were collected by fur trade agents in the course of their normal duties, it is possible to measure the importance of various activities such as construction, fishing and hunting. With a clear understanding of what people were actually doing, it is possible to interpret their intentions in the absence of explicit documentary evidence.

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Lindgren, Eva. « Bilism för regional utjämning ? : Studier av privatbilismens geografiska och socioekonomiska spridningsmönster 1950-2000 ». Licentiate thesis, Umeå University, Department of Economic History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1517.

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This licentiate thesis, with the English title Automobility towards Regional Equality? Studies of the geographical and socioeconomic diffusion of the private automobility in Sweden 1950-2000, has the overall aim to investigate the interaction between the private automobility and the Swedish socio-economical development in general. Firstly, the diffusion of private car ownership in Sweden is mapped both geographically and economically at the national level covering all citizens above the age of 18. Secondly, a comparison with the Norwegian diffusion pattern shows how automobility has interacted with two partly different national contexts. This aim will be dealt with in two articles.

Since the diffusion of private cars in Sweden has not yet been examined in a long run and national perspective covering all individuals, the first article, Driving from the Centre to the Periphery? The Diffusion of Private Cars in Sweden 1950-2000 with focus on 1960-1975, investigates how the diffusion of private cars followed the over all socio-economic and geographical changes from 1960 to 1975; did changes in car ownership per capita primarily follow changes in incomes or changes in population density (urbanisation)? Swedish traffic and regional policies in the 1960s aimed at making the car an instrument for national integration and regional equality, and make it available throughout the country. In the article the effect of that policy is tested. The analysis is based on Swedish census material that includes all car owners for the years 1960, 1970 and 1975. Our conclusion is that income levels were more important than other explanations to the diffusion of private cars in Sweden between 1960 and 1975.

Since Norwegian private car density has lagged behind the Swedish and did not reach the same national levels until the late 1980s, despite the same GDP per capita levels, the second article, Two Sides of the same Coin? Private Car Ownership in Sweden and Norway since 1950, compares car diffusion in Norway and Sweden in both historical time and model time in order to find specific explanations for the national and regional patterns of car diffusion. Can both the time lag and the diffusion process be explained with national differences in income, institutions, infrastructure, and population settlements? Or have regional differences in income and population density affected the outcome? Our conclusion is that car diffusion in Norway and Sweden displays two sides of same coin; the national levels converged, but the process did not follow the same regional pattern. Regional differences in income and population density have in general been a significant explanation for car density in Sweden but not in Norway.

Thus, the licentiate thesis shows how private car ownership in Sweden from the 1950s has interacted with increasing regional equality, especially concerning geographical diffusion.

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Lin, Syaru Shirley, et 林夏如. « National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43761896.

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Greenwood, Robert. « The local state and economic development in peripheral regions : a comparative study of Newfoundland and Northern Norway ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/35768/.

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This comparative study of local development initiatives is inspired by efforts to address the chronic economic underdevelopment of Newfoundland. It explores the combination of economic and political forces which generate and sustain regional disparities within industrialised countries. This requires a conceptualisation of peripherality, underdevelopment and development. In the face of global economic restructuring, there are emerging trends which may be creating development opportunities which peripheral regions have social and economic advantages in exploiting. As these are rooted in the the potential of regional production systems of interdependent small and medium sized firms, economic development strategies must be implemented on a sub-national, and - in the Canadian context - subprovincial level. Traditional regional development policies by higher levels of government have failed on both political and economic grounds; a lower level of economic decision-making must take the lead if these emergent possibilities are to be realized. Local economic decision-making can take many forms: voluntary, third sector bodies, regional boards or bureaucracies of higher levels of government, or elected local government. Because only the last, the local state, can draw on the legitimacy of local democratic accountability, combined with the authority and resources of a state body, it is argued that it is best suited to implementing local development strategies, particularly those which must foster the trust and regional consensus for the delicate balance of co-operation and competition necessary for successful inter-firm networks. These conceptualisations provide the analytic thrust for a comparative analysis of development efforts implemented by a range of local organisational forms in Newfoundland and Northern Norway. Like Newfoundland, Northern Norway depended upon resource exploitation, particularly the fishery, with similar labour market and demographic characteristics. As part of a unitary state with weak regional government but substantial local government autonomy, Northern Norway provides a useful contrast in terms of local institutional forms. No assumption is made that the findings of the four Norwegian case studies can be generalised to the experience of the four Newfoundland cases examined. By relating the varying forces at work in each context, however, analytic generalisation is possible, in which the primary causal forces discerned in specific cases can inform theory, which can in turn be related to other contexts. Only by attemptig .to discern the substantial constraints on efforts to generate economic activity in peripheral regions can appropriate organisational forms and development strategies be adopted.

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Giugliano, Ferdinando. « Industrial policy and productivity growth in Fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:982ff041-a460-4d62-9973-d6431b6b3092.

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The first chapter - Crisis? Which Crisis? - constructs a new series of industrial value added at constant (1938) prices for Italy, for the period between 1928 and 1938. The data employed are shown to be better indicators of the dynamic of the Great Depression than those used by Carreras and Felice (2010) and allow to substantially revise the profile of the Crisis. The contraction appears to be more pronounced and persistent, placing the Italian experience more in line with that of other industrialised countries. The second chapter - The Italian Climacteric - presents new estimates of total factor productivity growth for Italy over the Fascist era and compares them with analogous ones for the pre-World War One period and for Germany and Britain. Because of the absence of a fully reliable GDP series, a dual growth accounting framework is employed. This approach permits the incorporation of new data on land rents and of new evidence on the returns to human capital. Results show that during the interwar era Italy experienced a “climacteric", defined as a cessation of TFP growth, which compares poorly with the coeval performance of Britain and Germany. This disappointing result contrasts vividly with what occurred in the late liberal Italy, when TFP grew less quickly than in Germany, but faster than in Britain. The third chapter - A Tale of Two Fascisms - offers the first quantitative assessment of labour productivity dynamics within the Italian industrial sector and of their links with Fascist competition policy. We argue that the institutional context in which Italian firms operated and, in particular, changes in the level of product market competition had a significant effect in determining their productivity performance. By relying on a new dataset and on new labour productivity estimates, we show that the earlier more liberal period of the Fascist era was characterised by a true productivity boom, which ended following the switch to a more interventionist industrial policy. Panel data evidence shows that reductions in the level of competition in the industrial sector were associated with lower productivity growth, while changes in industrial structure were a less significant factor.

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Ohinata, Shin. « Issues in economic growth and trade policy in East Asia ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4205/.

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This thesis consists of three studies. The topics discussed are in the area of international trade and economic growth with a reference to the policy issues in East Asia. The study in Chapter 2 presents a model of North-South trade which can explain the observed cross-country variations in factor prices. Intuition and evidence suggest that knowledge is largely non-excludable and hence all countries should have access to broadly similar technology. However, this public-good assumption for technology leads to implausible predictions of factor prices in standard models. The model in this study does not assume any differences in technology but its predictions are consistent with observations. In Chapter 3, the implications of the two vintage models for growth accounting are examined. Growth accounting studies have shown that total factor productivity growth in East Asian economies has been slower than expected. Analysis of the vintages models suggests that this puzzling finding could be due to mismeasurements of capital arising from the particular characteristic of East Asian growth experience. In Chapter 4, it is shown that when asymmetric economies adopt an open regionalism policy, some of them may gain at the expense of others. This result is very different from the commonly held view in the literature. In certain situations, some economies in the bloc achieves a higher welfare level than under global free trade. A policy of open regionalism could therefore turn out to be an obstacle to the process of multilateral trade liberalization.

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Cadioli, Giovanni. « Soviet economic thought and economic policy in the 1940s : influence on 1950s-1960s reforms ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:255012eb-5322-404d-b39a-ad11edb0640d.

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The present thesis looks at the Soviet economy in the 1940s-1960s period. It specifically focuses on the influence of economic policy and thought developed in the late 1940s on the post-Stalinist era. The thesis' aim is to prove that several key elements of 1950s-1960s economic reforms had already been conceptualised, proposed or implemented during the Stalinist period. The pillars of this 1940s-1960s reforming continuity which the research deals with are khozraschet, economic levers (profit, value, market, prices, credit, bonuses), perspective planning, the balance of the national economy method, as well as the debates concerning the law of value and the repeated attempts at drawing up a General Plan and at drafting a new Party Programme. The key figure this thesis focuses on is N.A. Voznesensky, top Soviet planner in 1939-1949. In the late 1930s he revived practices and methods discontinued after 1928, while under his aegis, policies and debates that later influenced post-Stalinist reforms were developed in the late 1940s. The thesis relies on primary evidence gathered at four Russian state archives (RGAE, GARF, ARAN, RGASPI) and on research carried out at British, Russian, Italian and German libraries.

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Alsabah, Mohammad. « Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.

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The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.

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García, Valeriano F. « A critical inquiry into Argentine economic history, 1946-1970 ». New York : Garland Pub, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15487658.html.

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Livres sur le sujet "Norway – Economic policy – History"

Gran, Thorvald. The state in the modernization process : The case of Norway, 1850-1970. Oslo, Norway : Ad Notam Gyldendal, 1994.

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The state in the modernization process : The case of Norway, 1850-1970. Oslo, Norway : ad Notam Gyldendal, 1994.

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1942-, Broberg Gunnar, et Roll-Hansen Nils 1938-, dir. Eugenics and the welfare state : Sterilization policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland. East Lansing : Michigan State University Press, 1996.

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Meyer, Kurt Bernd. Der Wandel der Arbeitsbeziehungen in Dänemark und Norwegen. Frankfurt am Main : Lang, 2005.

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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development., dir. Norway. Paris : Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2003.

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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development., dir. Norway : Economic survey. Paris : OECD, 2000.

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Skånland, Hermod. Doktriner og økonomisk styring : Et tilbakeblikk. Oslo : Norges bank, 2004.

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Lillehammer, Høgskolen i., et Universitetet i Oslo. Institutt for medier og kommunikasjon, dir. "Ikke førenn der er grodd mose på deres talent" : Musikkpolitikken 1859-1905. Oslo : Unipub, 2005.

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Øyvind, Eitrheim, Klovland Jan Tore et Qvigstad Jan Fredrik, dir. Historical monetary statistics for Norway. [Oslo : Norges Bank, 2007.

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Øyvind, Eitrheim, Klovland Jan Tore et Qvigstad Jan Fredrik, dir. Historical monetary statistics for Norway, 1819-2003. Oslo : Norges Bank, 2004.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Norway – Economic policy – History"

Ryggvik, Helge. « Oil and Industry in Norway and Brazil ». Dans Palgrave Studies in Economic History, 219–56. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71044-6_8.

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Brownlow, Graham. « Economic History, the History of Economic Thought and Economic Policy ». Dans An Economist’s Guide to Economic History, 47–53. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96568-0_6.

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Komine, Atsushi. « The Unfinished Revolution in Policy ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 189–205. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-12.

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Heise, Arne. « Fiscal Policy after the Crisis ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 245–64. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-15.

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Dow, Sheila. « Keynes on Theorising for Policy ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 173–88. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-11.

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Leeson, Peter T., et Louis Rouanet. « Austrian Economics and Economic Policy* ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 159–72. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-10.

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Taylor, David. « Trade and Trading Policy Since 1750 ». Dans Mastering Economic and Social History, 332–67. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19377-6_20.

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Schmitz, Hubert, et Bernard Musyck. « Industrial Districts in Europe : Policy Lessons for Developing Countries ? » Dans Studies in Economic History, 117–51. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-0182-6_8.

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Gotsis, George. « Economic Policy in the Prehistory of Economics ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 13–33. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-2.

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Hagemann, Harald. « The German Historical School on Economic Policy ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 123–40. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-8.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Norway – Economic policy – History"

Motuz, V. K. « METHODOLOGICAL BASIS OF STUDYING SOVIET SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UKRAINIAN VILLAGE BEFORE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A NEW ECONOMIC POLICY IN IT ». Dans POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY : DEVELOPMENT AREAS AND TRENDS IN UKRAINE AND EU. Baltija Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-91-4-16.

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Alamanova, Chinara. « Experience of Economic Integration of Kyrgyzstan within the Framework of the Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02188.

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At present, practically all countries of the world are involved in integration processes. However, at the present stage, the mechanism of integration interaction is not sufficiently regulated, as evidenced by the experience of integration of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. The history of various integration groupings, along with regularities, carries in itself essential features of historical uniqueness. This determines the theoretical and practical relevance of the research topic. In the article, the example of Kyrgyzstan explores the experience of the country's integration into an integration association. Practice has revealed not only positive results, but also negative unpredictable consequences. Such experience requires scientific and practical study and will be useful for further improvement of economic integration processes. The abolition of customs control has enabled the development of an illegal flow of goods both to Kyrgyzstan and from Kyrgyzstan. The change in tariffs of the Eurasian Economic Union for third countries may lead to a reduction in multilateral trade. Russia's application of anti-sanctions to individual countries violates the first basic principle of integration: the trade policy of the four members of the Eurasian Economic Union is becoming less coherent. The difficult access of goods due to the application of restrictive measures in relation to the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union is noted. To achieve the integration result, the following conditions are necessary: Conducting a harmonious trade integration policy, Implementation of political (institutional) integration, General political support for integration plans, including by third countries.

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Ermakov, Dmitrij Nikolaevich, et Grigorii Germanovich Popov. « Features of the socio-economic development of the USSR and the internal policy of the Soviet government in 1955-1985. » Dans All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98007.

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In recent years, Russia has shown a high interest in Soviet economic history, which is largely due to the critical understanding of state economic policy in the post-Soviet period. In this regard, this article is relevant from the point of view of expanding the theoretical and methodological base of the historical and economic analysis of the USSR. This article provides a rethinking of the economic development of the USSR on the basis of calculations of personal savings and the share of household consumption in GDP and comparisons of these indicators with Western ones.

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Rezer, Tatiana. « History of Corruption & ; Social Values ». Dans The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-75.

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A study of the history of corruption and the penalties for it has inadvertently led to the conclusion that this socially dangerous phenomenon not only fails to disappear from public administration, but continues to remain and increase, having the features of a transnational phenomenon that affects societies and economies of all countries. Throughout history, there has been an evolution of corruption parallel to the evolution of the state. Corruption undermines democratic institutions and values and the ethical values of the individual, leading to a double standard of behaviour in both public service and civil society. In Russia, corruption is recognised by both officials and the population. The main purpose of the study is to examine the manifestation of corruption and methods of counteracting it from a historical perspective. Objectives: analyse the forms and methods of corruption control as viewed through the prism of historical experience; consider contemporary manifestations of corruption from a position of social values. Research methods: a comparative analysis method to investigate the manifestation of corruption and the possibilities for its prevention from a historical perspective. Main conclusions: corruption is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional phenomenon that is seen and studied as an economic, political, social and cultural problem; social values are the basis of a modern preventive mechanism against corruption; public policy against corruption is the main mechanism and strategy.

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Karnyshev, Alexander. « Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia ». Dans Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.

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In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.

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Sevek, Vyacheslav K., Cheynesh G. Dongak, Olga N. Mongush, Choduraa S. Manchyk-Sat et Ayana E. Chuldum. « Russia and its regions in the new economic reality ». Dans Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.czdh9237.

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In the period of tightening sanctions of the collective West, the issue of developing adaptive solutions against external and internal threats to the national economy for each region of Russia comes to the fore as a strategic regulation of the development of the changing situation, including economic independence, stability and sustainability of the national economy, the ability to self-development. The purpose of the work is to reveal the economic consequences of anti-Russian sanctions. The study uses methods of analyzing the problem of economic security and collecting facts related to the anti-Russian sanctions. The novelty of the study lies in identifying the reasons for imposing sanctions on Russia by the collective West led by the United States and identifying external and internal risks in the socio-economic situation in Russian regions. The authors conclude that Russia faced a significant collective external aggression, unparalleled in modern world and Russian history. In this regard, the development of the Russian economy should change the format of the relationship with the outside world, particularly with unfriendly countries on the internal economic policy. It is important not only to reduce the risks associated with the multiple sanctions’ packages adopted by the U.S. and Western countries, but also to restructure the economy by aiming at the growth of investments into import substitution.

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Uzun Kocamış, Tuğçe, Serdar Kuzu et Emre Aksu. « An Overview of Relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan in Light Of Economic Developments in Central Asia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00459.

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Kazakhstan is in a distinctive position among other Central Asian Republics due to its rich economic resources. It has the highest per capita GDP. Turkey is the first country to recognize the independence of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is the major strategic partner of Turkey in Central Asia. Due to its active and constructive approach, its importance has been increasing in Turkey’s foreign policy. Turkey, having qualified human resources, technology know-how, and international experience, is capable of supporting Central Asian countries in various areas. When their economy, production structure, export and import demands are compared withTurkey, we may see a great collaboration opportunities to complement each other. Due to the common history, ethnics, and culture, Turkey has become the strategic partner for Kazakhstan. Turkeyis also an important market for Kazakhstan as it has a continously developing industry, increasing consumer expenses, and growing export potential.

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Marusynets, Marianna, et Kyryl Kotun. « Strategies for Adult Education Development in the European Educational Space and International Organizations’ Activities ». Dans ATEE 2020 - Winter Conference. Teacher Education for Promoting Well-Being in School. LUMEN Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/atee2020/18.

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Nowadays, the development of adult education as an important lifelong learning component is conditioned not only by the dynamics of social, scientific and technological progress, changes in the scope and nature of work, increasing leisure time, and opportunities for its rational use but also by the social role of both society and personality. Non-formal youth and adult education is becoming important in the context of ensuring the sustainable and balanced development of society. For the past two decades, adult education as a component of lifelong learning has been a defining goal of education policy in developed countries at the national and international levels. Adult education is considered a social indicator of the state policy human dimension, one of the ways to achieve socio-economic well-being, and a tool for promoting the ideas of the information and knowledge society. The problem of ensuring access to lifelong learning is becoming a priority, and its solution is possible only taking into account the achievements of foreign countries, including European ones, which are reviewed in the article (Austria, Poland, Liechtenstein, France, Spain, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Ukraine). The article outlines the European countries` experience in the field of adult education and describes a network of lifelong learning institutions; it is identified strategic directions for the development of continuing education.

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Akça, Tacinur. « Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries : An Empirical Study ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.

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Voronkova, D. « Comparative analysis of the topics of publications of the journal «Bulletin of Finance, Industry and Trade» for 1913 and 1917 ». Dans Historical research in the context of data science : Information resources, analytical methods and digital technologies. LLC MAKS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1785.978-5-317-06529-4/25-32.

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The reflection of the economic situation in 1913 and 1917 in the official press organ of the Ministry of Finance – «Bulletin of Finance, industry and trade» may be interesting to both historians and economists. The journal is a valuable source on a wide range of issues in Russian economic history. The article provides a comparative thematic analysis of the journal materials using quantitative methods. For this purpose, the author relies, among other things, on the quarterly “Systematic lists of articles” and the bibliographic database created at NSU in 2005. The best way to present changes in the priorities of the editorial policy of the journal is to refer to the quarterly dynamics of the topics of analytical articles and reports.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Norway – Economic policy – History"

Fullerton, Don, et James Mackie. Economic Efficiency in Recent Tax Reform History : Policy Reversals or Consistent Improvements ? Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, mai 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2593.

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Arora, Sanjana, et Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.

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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.

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Crafts, Nicholas, Emma Duchini, Roland Rathelot, Giulia Vattuone, David Chambers, Andrew Oswald, Max Nathan et Carmen Villa Llera. Economic challenges and success in the post-COVID era : A CAGE Policy Report. Sous la direction de Mirko Draca. CAGE Research Centre, novembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-01-3.

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In 2008 there was an expectation of major reform to social and economic structures following the financial crisis. The European Union (EU) referendum of 2016, and the UK’s subsequent exit from the EU in 2020, was also signalled as a turning point that would bring about epochal change. Now, in the waning of the coronavirus pandemic, we are experiencing a similar rhetoric. There is widespread agreement that the pandemic will usher in big changes for the economy and society, with the potential for major policy reform. But what will be the long-term impacts of the pandemic on the UK economy? Is the right response a “new settlement” or is some alternative approach likely to be more beneficial? This report puts forward a new perspective on the pandemic-related changes that could be ahead. The central theme is assessing the viability of epochal reform in policymaking. There seems to be a relentless desire for making big changes; however, there is arguably not enough recognition of how current settings and history can hold back these efforts. Foreword by: Dame Frances Cairncross, CBE, FRSE.

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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.

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Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.

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Glick, Mark. An Economic Defense of Multiple Antitrust Goals : Reversing Income Inequality and Promoting Political Democracy. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp181.

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Two recent papers by prominent antitrust scholars argue that a revived antitrust movement can help reverse the dramatic rise in economic inequality and the erosion of political democracy in the United States. Both papers rely on the legislative history of the key antitrust statutes to support their case. Not surprisingly, their recommendations have been met with alarm in some quarters and with skepticism in others. Such proposals by antitrust reformers are often contrasted with the Consumer Welfare Standard that pervades antitrust policy today. The Consumer Welfare Standard suffers from several defects: (1) It employs a narrow, unworkable measure of welfare; (2) It excludes important sources of welfare based on the assumption that antitrust seeks only to maximize wealth; (3) It assumes a constant and equal individual marginal utility of money; and (4) It is often combined with extraneous ideological goals. Even with these defects, however, if applied consistent with its theoretical underpinnings, the consideration of the transfer of labor rents resulting from a merger or dominant firm conduct is supported by the Consumer Welfare Standard. Moreover, even when only consumers (and not producers) are deemed relevant, the welfare of labor still should consistently be considered part of consumer welfare. In contrast, fostering political democracy—a prominent traditional antitrust goal that was jettisoned by the Chicago School—falls outside the Consumer Welfare Standard in any of its constructs. To undergird such important broader goals requires that the Consumer Welfare Standard be replaced with the General Welfare Standard. The General Welfare Standard consists of modern welfare economics modified to accommodate objective analyses of human welfare and purged of inconsistencies.

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Arora, Sanjana, Hulda Mjöll Gunnarsdottir et Kristin Sørung Scharffscher. Gendered dimensions of the COVID-19 Pandemic. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.255.

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This report forms part of the deliverables produced by the international research project Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT), funded by the Norwegian Research Council. It provides an overview of project findings pertaining the gender dimensions of the pandemic, with a particular focus on risk perceptions, compliance and vulnerability. The COVID-19 pandemic has reiterated that the impacts of a crisis are not homogenous. Gender, which encapsulates both biological and socio-cultural ways of being, plays a role in how crises are experienced. This is evidenced by the health, economic as well as societal consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic which have affected women and men, girls and boys differently. Knowledge about gendered implications of the pandemic is thus vital for designing equitable policy responses. This report draws on evidence from former research as well as on findings from an online survey conducted as part of the project’s data collection in 2021. The survey, reaching out to respondents in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, investigated public risk perceptions, reactions to governmental of risk communication about COVID-19, compliance with governmental restrictions and risk mitigation measures and vulnerability during the pandemic (N=4206).

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Riley, Brad. Scaling up : Renewable energy on Aboriginal lands in north west Australia. Nulungu Research Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/nrp/2021.6.

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This paper examines renewable energy developments on Aboriginal lands in North-West Western Australia at three scales. It first examines the literature developing in relation to large scale renewable energy projects and the Native Title Act (1993)Cwlth. It then looks to the history of small community scale standalone systems. Finally, it examines locally adapted approaches to benefit sharing in remote utility owned networks. In doing so this paper foregrounds the importance of Aboriginal agency. It identifies Aboriginal decision making and economic inclusion as being key to policy and project development in the 'scaling up' of a transition to renewable energy resources in the North-West.

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Chhoeung, Norinmony, Sesokunthideth Chrea et Nghia Nguyen. Cambodia’s Cash Transfer Program during COVID-19. Asian Development Bank Institute, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56506/rrmz8095.

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In 2019, Cambodia had been enjoying its steady economic growth until the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic hit the country from February 2020 in the form of severe infectious diseases, causing both economic and social problems for people from all walks of life, especially poor and vulnerable families. The IDPoor Equity Card, a poverty identification and registration system, was introduced in Cambodia to provide cash to poor pregnant women and children since 2016. Given its continued success, Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Hun Sen announced the implementation of the Cash Transfer Program (CTP) using the IDPoor Card system. The CTP provided cash to poor and vulnerable households across the country affected by the pandemic. Executing the first large-scale cash transfer program in history presented significant challenges for the Government of Cambodia. In addition to implementing the program, which had to adhere to the three principles of equity–equality–efficiency, the government had other challenges to overcome, such as the limited number of tablets and facilities to accommodate the many people waiting in line to withdraw cash. Under the guidance of the central government, particularly the Economic and Finance Policy Committee, a technical working group was established to lead the implementation process; coordination among local governments, local councils, agencies, and the poor and needy; review of the IDPoor database; establishment of the digital payment system; and training of local government staff. This enabled the CTP to effectively distribute cash to poor and vulnerable households during the pandemic.

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Crooks, Roderic. Toward People’s Community Control of Technology : Race, Access, and Education. Social Science Research Council, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/jt.3015.d.2022.

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This field review explores how the benefits of access to computing for racialized and minoritized communities has become an accepted fact in policy and research, despite decades of evidence that technical fixes do not solve the kinds of complex social problems that disproportionately affect these communities. I use the digital divide framework—a 1990s policy diagnosis that argues that the growth and success of the internet would bifurcate the public into digital “haves” and “have-nots”—as a lens to look at why access to computing frequently appears as a means to achieve economic, political, and social equality for racialized and minoritized communities. First, I present a brief cultural history of computer-assisted instruction to show that widely-held assumptions about the educational utility of computing emerged from utopian narratives about scientific progress and innovation—narratives that also traded on raced and gendered assumptions about users of computers. Next, I use the advent of the digital divide framework and its eventual transformation into digital inequality research to show how those raced and gendered norms about computing and computer users continue to inform research on information and communication technologies (ICTs) used in educational contexts. This is important because the norms implicated in digital divide research are also present in other sites where technology and civic life intersect, including democratic participation, public health, and immigration, among others. I conclude by arguing that naïve or cynical deployments of computing technology can actually harm or exploit the very same racialized and minoritized communities that access is supposed to benefit. In short, access to computing in education—or in any other domain—can only meaningfully contribute to equality when minoritized and racialized communities are allowed to pursue their own collective goals.

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