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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Norse in Greenland »

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Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 26 juillet 2024
Mis à jour le 27 juillet 2024

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1

Mikkelsen, Naja, Antoon Kuijpers et Jette Arneborg. « The Norse in Greenland and late Holocene sea-level change ». Polar Record 44, no 1 (janvier 2008) : 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247407006948.

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ABSTRACTNorse immigrants from Europe settled in southern Greenland in around AD 985 and managed to create a farming community during the Medieval Warm Period. The Norse vanished after approximately 500 years of existence in Greenland leaving no documentary evidence concerning why their culture foundered. The flooding of fertile grassland caused by late Holocene sea-level changes may be one of the factors that affected the Norse community. Holocene sea-level changes in Greenland are closely connected with the isostatic response of the Earth's crust to the behaviour of the Greenlandic ice sheet. An early Holocene regressive phase in south and west Greenland was reversed during the middle Holocene, and evidence is found for transgression and drowning of early-middle Holocene coast lines. This drowning started between 8 and 7ka BP in southern Greenland and continued during the Norse era to the present. An average late Holocene sea level rise in the order of 2–3 m/1000 years may be one of the factors that negatively affected the life of the Norse Greenlanders, and combined with other both socio-economic and environmental problems, such as increasing wind and sea ice expansion at the transition to the Little Ice Age, may eventually have led to the end of the Norse culture in Greenland.
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Lynnerup, Niels, et Søren Nørby. « The Greenland Norse : bones, graves, computers, and DNA ». Polar Record 40, no 2 (avril 2004) : 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247402002875.

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The remains of the Greenland Norse provide unique biological anthropological material for the investigation of human and environmental interaction. As a population, they were generally secluded from most of the contemporary European medieval society, and land suitable for their way of life was limited in Greenland. The archaeological and historical record is excellent, clearly establishing the 500-year period of colonisation. In other words, the Greenland Norse represent a relatively isolated population, constrained in both space and time.Living in an environment with very little buffering capacity, ecological changes immediately had repercussions. Ten years of research have shown a direct climatic impact on the humans as well as changing subsistence patterns. It seems that the Norse in Greenland responded to these changes, although inside ‘cultural’ limits. Demographic modelling indicates that emigration may have accounted for the final abandonment of the settlements. A changing ecology thus seems to have pushed the Greenland Norse out of Greenland, because their sedentary way of life, relying on animal husbandry, and probably with a strong cultural sense of identity focused on farmsteads and domestication, became unsustainable. A further step will be clarifying the genetic history of the Norse as well as of the Thule Culture Inuit. These analyses have commenced by examining mtDNA variation and Y-chromosomal diversity among present-day Greenlandic Inuit, and preliminary results appear to provide some information as to the fate of the Norse people.
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Guðmundsdóttir, Lísabet. « Timber imports to Norse Greenland : lifeline or luxury ? » Antiquity 97, no 392 (avril 2023) : 454–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2023.13.

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The native trees of Greenland are unsuitable for larger construction projects or shipbuilding. Instead, the Norse colonists (AD 985–1450) relied on driftwood and imported timber. The provenance and extent of these imports, however, remain understudied. Here, the author uses microscopic anatomical analyses to determine the taxa and provenance of wood from five Norse Greenlandic sites. The results show that while the needs of most households were met by local woodlands and driftwood, elite farms had access to timber imports from Northern Europe and North America. By demonstrating the range of timber sources used by the Greenland Norse, the results illustrate connectivity across the medieval North Atlantic world.
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Pringle, Heather. « Death in Norse Greenland ». Science 275, no 5302 (14 février 1997) : 924–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.275.5302.924.

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Kristjánsdóttir, Steinunn. « Medieval Monasticism in Iceland and Norse Greenland ». Religions 12, no 6 (21 mai 2021) : 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060374.

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the monastic houses operated on the northernmost periphery of Roman Catholic Europe during the Middle Ages. The intention is to debunk the long-held theory of Iceland and Norse Greenland’s supposed isolation from the rest of the world, as it is clear that medieval monasticism reached both of these societies, just as it reached their counterparts elsewhere in the North Atlantic. During the Middle Ages, fourteen monastic houses were opened in Iceland and two in Norse Greenland, all following the Benedictine or Augustinian Orders.
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Plomp, Kimberly A., Keith Dobney, Hildur Gestsdóttir et Mark Collard. « Mixed ancestry of Europeans who settled Iceland and Greenland : 3D geometric-morphometric analyses of cranial base shape ». Antiquity 97, no 395 (octobre 2023) : 1249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2023.131.

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Debate surrounds the identity of the Europeans who settled Iceland and Greenland in the early medieval period. Historical sources record settlers travelling from Norway to Iceland and then Greenland, but recent analyses of biological data suggest that some settlers had British and Irish ancestry. Here, the authors test these hypotheses with 3D-shape analyses of human crania from Scandinavia, Britain and Ireland, and one of the Norse colonies in Greenland. Results suggest that some 63 per cent of the ancestry of the Greenlandic individuals can be traced to Britain and Ireland and 37 per cent to Scandinavia. These findings add further weight to the idea that the European settlers who colonised Iceland and later Greenland were of mixed ancestry.
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7

Nielsen, Flemming A. J., et Thorkild Kjærgaard. « Den første grønlandske bog ». Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 60 (25 janvier 2022) : 73–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v60i.130495.

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Flemming A. J. Nielsen And Thorkild Kjærgaard:The First Greenlandic Book Ever since the arrival of Norse peasants in south-west Greenland in the second halfof the tenth century there have been links between the immense island (2.2 millionkm2) in the north-eastern corner of the American hemisphere and the Scandinavianworld. At the end of the twelfth century, the ancestors of today’s Inuit, a whale- andseal-hunting people speaking a language of the Eskimo-Aleut group, migrated fromEllesmere Island across the narrow Smith Sound to northern Greenland. Within twoand a half centuries, the Norse peasants had, it seems, been exterminated by the Inuit,but Greenland was never forgotten in Scandinavia. In the European world it was generallyrecognised that Greenland was Norwegian territory. In 1380 Norway enteredinto a union with Denmark, and the dream of restoring connections with Greenlandtherefore became a shared Danish-Norwegian dream, although it seemed less and lesspracticable as time went by and the Davis Strait between Baffin Island and Greenlandbegan to teem with Dutch and British whalers and trading ships.However, in 1721 the course of history changed. A Norwegian priest, Hans Egede(1686‑1758), who had been offering his services for more than a decade, was appointed‘Royal Missionary in Greenland’ and was given the necessary support for an expeditionaiming to re-establish the old connection and to reintroduce Christianity into Greenland.Egede’s Greenlandic adventure succeeded, and over the course of the eighteenthcentury Greenland was reintegrated, bit by bit, into the multicultural, multinationalDanish-Norwegian state and society.In 1814 Norway was divided as a result of the Napoleonic Wars. Mainland Norway(what we know as Norway today) was ceded to Sweden while the remote Norwegianislands in the North Atlantic (Greenland, the Faroe Islands and, until 1944, Iceland)were annexed to the kingdom of Denmark.Being a true officer of the Danish-Norwegian empire, where every child had tobe taught to read and appreciate Luther’s Small Catechism, Egede struggled fromthe outset with the exotic Greenlandic language, not just to learn to speak a vaguelyunderstandable ‘kitchen-Greenlandic’ but also to acquire the deeper understandingof phonetic and grammatical structures that was needed in order to develop a writtenversion of the language.During Egede’s fifteen years in Greenland (1721‑36), all the documents pertainingto the mission were handwritten. This was true also for the basic Christian texts inGreenlandic which Egede and his helpers began to produce and distribute among thegrowing number of converts from as early as 1723. Back in Copenhagen in 1736, Egede founded the so-called Seminarium Groenlandicum. The purpose of this institution wastwofold: to teach basic Greenlandic to new missionaries and catechists before they wentto Greenland, and to produce books printed in Greenlandic in order to have a moremajor and focused impact on Greenlandic society than the sporadic effects obtainablewith handwritten texts that were constantly being altered by being laboriously copiedout by hand again and again.The first book published in Greenlandic as part of this programme was a spellingbook containing reading exercises based on Luther’s Small Catechism in addition to acollection of prayers and eight hymns translated from the Danish, comprising a total offorty pages prepared by Egede and printed in Copenhagen in 1739 to be sent to Greenlandthe same year. As a bridge between written and printed culture in Greenland, thissmall book marked an important milestone in early modern Greenland. Until now it hasbeen known only from uncertain and elusive bibliographical sources – sceptical voiceshave even doubted whether it ever existed, but two copies of the book have recentlybeen located and identified in the holdings of the Royal Library. Our article providesa thorough study of the book: how it came to be forgotten, how it was rediscovered,the nature of its contents and details of its typographical layout.Less than a century after Hans Egede’s arrival in Greenland, almost everybody inwestern Greenland had learned to read and write, and the local vernacular had becomea literary language. Later, in 1861, Greenland’s first newspaper was established.It was written and edited from the outset by Greenlanders eagerly discussing their ownaffairs. As a result of the discussions, scattered groups of individuals throughout theenormous but thinly populated island coalesced into a nation, and, thanks to Egede’sendeavours and those of his many successors throughout the eighteenth and nineteenthcenturies, Greenlandic is today the only native American language that is used for anyand every purpose by its speakers, whether it be literature, pop music, government,church services or legislation.
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8

Vésteinsson, Orri. « Parishes and Communities in Norse Greenland ». Journal of the North Atlantic 201 (janvier 2009) : 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.s215.

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9

Lynnerup, Niels. « Endperiod Demographics of the Greenland Norse ». Journal of the North Atlantic 7, sp7 (novembre 2014) : 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.sp702.

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Madsen, Christian Koch. « Marine Shielings in Medieval Norse Greenland ». Arctic Anthropology 56, no 1 (janvier 2019) : 119–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/aa.56.1.119.

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11

Sadowski, Ryszard F. « The influence of cultural factors on the collapse of the Greenland Norse civilization ». Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 18, no 5 (31 décembre 2020) : 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2020.18.5.19.

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The understanding of the collapse of ancient civilizations is important for the understanding of very complex process happening in our civilization. The Earth is put in danger due to many reasons and some of them do not change throughout history. Because of the global range of human actions, the power reached by contemporary man is much more dangerous than it used to be centuries ago. Therefore, the understanding of the past collapses is crucial for the safety of our global village. The article shows the reasons for the collapse of the Greenland Norse civilization. It seems that the main reason was climate change but it also seems that the Greenland Norse could have survived, or at least postponed the collapse. The author indicates that cultural factors were the roots of ecological degradation and the lack of economic adaptation. The Norse knew the Inuit and their adaptive strategies but did not learn from them. It seems that the collapse of the Greenland Norse civilization was the choice of the Norse’s elite. The leaders kept the society in a risky balance in order to rule over them, but finally, the fragile equilibrium was shattered and caused the collapse.
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12

Nordvig, Mathias. « Norse Greenland : Viking Peasants in the Arctic ». Scandinavian Studies 92, no 4 (1 décembre 2020) : 543–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/scanstud.92.4.0543.

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Lynnerup, Niels, et Nina von Wowern. « Bone mineral content in medieval Greenland Norse ». International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 7, no 3 (mai 1997) : 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1212(199705)7:3<235 ::aid-oa344>3.0.co;2-2.

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14

Edwards, Kevin J., Gordon T. Cook, Georg Nyegaard et J. Edward Schofield. « Towards a First Chronology for the Middle Settlement of Norse Greenland : 14C and Related Studies of Animal Bone and Environmental Material ». Radiocarbon 55, no 1 (2013) : 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_js_rc.v55i1.16395.

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The so-called Middle Settlement (Mellembygden) of Norse/Viking Greenland has received far less attention than either of its larger Eastern and Western counterparts. The Greenlandic Norse occupation is nominally taken to date between AD 985 and about AD 1450 and it is generally assumed that the Western Settlement was abandoned prior to the Eastern, but where the Middle Settlement fits into the pattern temporally has hitherto been completely unknown. This paper presents the first absolute dating evidence from the Middle Settlement. In addition to providing the results (14C, δ13C, δ15N) of a radiocarbon dating and stable isotope measurement program from domesticated (Bos, Ovis/Capra) and wild (Rangifer) animal bone and cultural-environmental (coastal, possibly midden) samples, the paper also addresses some problems of 14C estimation for the period of Norse occupation in Greenland. Investigations show a Medieval Scandinavian presence close to the start of the conventional landnám period (after AD 985) and with occupation continuing up to at least the 14th century AD. The start of this activity, found at 2 sites, bears comparison with various locations in both the Eastern and Western Settlement areas. The terminal phase of activity in the Middle Settlement is represented at 1 site only, but despite this limitation, it shows that the Norse may have been present for most of the period that they occupied sites in both the Western and Eastern settlements. Caribou bone from separate contexts that also contained Thule Inuit material proves useful in indicating dates for a probable post-Norse Inuit presence. The position of age estimates on the calibration curve underscores the need to look critically at such evidence when making chronological inference during the Norse period owing to the existence of plateaus and wiggles. The inclusion of samples from both domesticated and wild fauna considered to be possibly modern, yet reported from archaeological assemblages, provides a warning to archaeozoologists to be especially vigilant when considering the potential non-contemporaneity of material.
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15

Edwards, Kevin J., Gordon T. Cook, Georg Nyegaard et J. Edward Schofield. « Towards a First Chronology for the Middle Settlement of Norse Greenland : 14C and Related Studies of Animal Bone and Environmental Material ». Radiocarbon 55, no 01 (2013) : 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200047779.

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The so-called Middle Settlement (Mellembygden) of Norse/Viking Greenland has received far less attention than either of its larger Eastern and Western counterparts. The Greenlandic Norse occupation is nominally taken to date between AD 985 and about AD 1450 and it is generally assumed that the Western Settlement was abandoned prior to the Eastern, but where the Middle Settlement fits into the pattern temporally has hitherto been completely unknown. This paper presents the first absolute dating evidence from the Middle Settlement. In addition to providing the results (14C, δ13C, δ15N) of a radiocarbon dating and stable isotope measurement program from domesticated (Bos, Ovis/Capra) and wild (Rangifer) animal bone and cultural-environmental (coastal, possibly midden) samples, the paper also addresses some problems of14C estimation for the period of Norse occupation in Greenland. Investigations show a Medieval Scandinavian presence close to the start of the conventionallandnámperiod (after AD 985) and with occupation continuing up to at least the 14th century AD. The start of this activity, found at 2 sites, bears comparison with various locations in both the Eastern and Western Settlement areas. The terminal phase of activity in the Middle Settlement is represented at 1 site only, but despite this limitation, it shows that the Norse may have been present for most of the period that they occupied sites in both the Western and Eastern settlements. Caribou bone from separate contexts that also contained Thule Inuit material proves useful in indicating dates for a probable post-Norse Inuit presence. The position of age estimates on the calibration curve underscores the need to look critically at such evidence when making chronological inference during the Norse period owing to the existence of plateaus and wiggles. The inclusion of samples from both domesticated and wild fauna considered to be possibly modern, yet reported from archaeological assemblages, provides a warning to archaeozoologists to be especially vigilant when considering the potential non-contemporaneity of material.
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Arneborg, Jette, Jan Heinemeier, Niels Lynnerup, Henrik L. Nielsen, Niels Rud et Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir. « Change of Diet of the Greenland Vikings Determined from Stable Carbon Isotope Analysis and 14C Dating of Their Bones ». Radiocarbon 41, no 2 (1999) : 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200019512.

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Bone samples from the Greenland Viking colony provide us with a unique opportunity to test and use 14C dating of remains of humans who depended upon food of mixed marine and terrestrial origin. We investigated the skeletons of 27 Greenland Norse people excavated from churchyard burials from the late 10th to the middle 15th century. The stable carbon isotopic composition (δ13C) of the bone collagen reveals that the diet of the Greenland Norse changed dramatically from predominantly terrestrial food at the time of Eric the Red around AD 1000 to predominantly marine food toward the end of the settlement period around AD 1450. We find that it is possible to 14C-date these bones of mixed marine and terrestrial origin precisely when proper correction for the marine reservoir effect (the 14C age difference between terrestrial and marine organisms) is taken into account. From the dietary information obtained via the δ13C values of the bones We have calculated individual reservoir age corrections for the measured 14C ages of each skeleton. The reservoir age corrections were calibrated by comparing the 14C dates of 3 highly marine skeletons with the 14C dates of their terrestrial grave clothes. The calibrated ages of all 27 skeletons from different parts of the Norse settlement obtained by this method are found to be consistent with available historical and archaeological chronology. The evidence for a change in subsistence from terrestrial to marine food is an important clue to the old puzzle of the disappearance of the Greenland Norse, obtained here for the first time by measurements on the remains of the people themselves instead of by more indirect methods like kitchen-midden analysis.
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Kopár, Lilla. « The use of Artistic Media in Norse Greenland ». Journal of the North Atlantic 201 (janvier 2009) : 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.s211.

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Jackson, Rowan, Jette Arneborg, Andrew Dugmore, Christian Madsen, Tom McGovern, Konrad Smiarowski et Richard Streeter. « Disequilibrium, Adaptation, and the Norse Settlement of Greenland ». Human Ecology 46, no 5 (10 septembre 2018) : 665–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10745-018-0020-0.

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Star, Bastiaan, James H. Barrett, Agata T. Gondek et Sanne Boessenkool. « Ancient DNA reveals the chronology of walrus ivory trade from Norse Greenland ». Proceedings of the Royal Society B : Biological Sciences 285, no 1884 (8 août 2018) : 20180978. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2018.0978.

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The importance of the Atlantic walrus ivory trade for the colonization, peak, and collapse of the medieval Norse colonies on Greenland has been extensively debated. Nevertheless, no studies have directly traced medieval European ivory back to distinct Arctic populations of walrus. Analysing the entire mitogenomes of 37 archaeological specimens from Europe, Svalbard, and Greenland, we here discover that Atlantic walrus comprises two monophyletic mitochondrial (MT) clades, which diverged between 23 400 and 251 120 years ago. Our improved genomic resolution allows us to reinterpret the geographical distribution of partial MT data from 306 modern and nineteenth-century specimens, finding that one of these clades was exclusively accessible to Greenlanders. With this discovery, we ascertain the biological origin of 23 archaeological specimens from Europe (most dated between 900 and 1400 CE). These results reveal a significant shift in trade from an early, predominantly eastern source towards a near exclusive representation of Greenland ivory. Our study provides empirical evidence for how this remote Arctic resource was progressively integrated into a medieval pan-European trade network, contributing to both the resilience and vulnerability of Norse Greenland society.
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Panagiotakopulu, Eva, et Ashley L. Buchan. « Present and Norse Greenlandic hayfields – Insect assemblages and human impact in southern Greenland ». Holocene 25, no 6 (17 mars 2015) : 921–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683615574585.

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Seaver, Kirsten A. « Desirable teeth : the medieval trade in Arctic and African ivory ». Journal of Global History 4, no 2 (juillet 2009) : 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022809003155.

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AbstractThis article examines the Danish archaeologist Else Roesdahl’s hypothesis that, by the early fourteenth century, an abundance in Europe of elephant ivory from Africa caused a price drop that edged out walrus ivory, with a devastating economic impact on Norse Greenland that directly contributed to the colony’s collapse. While it seems clear that artisanal use of walrus ivory fell from the late fourteenth century onward, and that Greenland exports of walrus ivory decreased in the fourteenth century, evidence for a pre-1500 price drop for African elephant ivory in the European market is lacking. Nor can it be demonstrated that European demand for walrus tusks shrank prior to 1500. Roesdahl’s speculations about changes in the ivory trade and their effect on the Norse Greenland colony are therefore open to question as an explanation for the colony’s demise. An alternative view is proposed, namely that reduced export of Greenland walrus ivory was initiated by the Greenlanders themselves in response to political and economic changes in the Atlantic and North Sea region, at a time when codfish drew English fishermen and fish merchants ever farther west into the North Atlantic, and that the Greenlanders took part in that westward movement.
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Buckland, P. C., T. Amorosi, L. K. Barlow, A. J. Dugmore, P. A. Mayewski, T. H. McGovern, A. E. J. Ogilvie, J. P. Sadler et P. Skidmore. « Bioarchaeological and climatological evidence for the fate of Norse farmers in medieval Greenland ». Antiquity 70, no 267 (mars 1996) : 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00082910.

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Greenland, far north land of the Atlantic, has often been beyond the limit of European farming settlement. One of its Norse settlements, colonized just before AD 1000, is — astonishingly — not even at the southern tip, but a way up the west coast, the ‘Western Settlement’. Environmental studies show why its occupation came to an end within five centuries, leaving Greenland once more a place of Arctic-adapted hunters.
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Rice, Kat. « They Were Here ». General : Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 8 (19 avril 2023) : 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v8i.4189.

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The Norse were a culture of expansion that colonized much of the North Atlantic from Norway to Greenland, and briefly North America before their quest for expansion was pushed to the brink. The question thus becomes, did the Norse encounter Indigenous peoples in North America? If yes, what was the nature of their encounters? Archaeologists Peter Schledermann and Karen M. McCullough presented three theories of contact between the Norse and Indigenous peoples: direct contact, indirect contact, and no Norse presence. Though historians and archaeologists previously questioned if there was any contact between the Norse and the Indigenous peoples of North America, recent developments now suggest the Norse had direct contact with Indigenous peoples in Newfoundland, and direct and indirect contact with Indigenous peoples on Baffin Island. This essay explores the historiography of Norse interactions with the Indigenous peoples of North America in Newfoundland and the High Arctic to trace how the understanding of Norse contact has evolved.
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Millet, Laurent, Charly Massa, Vincent Bichet, Victor Frossard, Simon Belle et Emilie Gauthier. « Anthropogenic versus climatic control in a high-resolution 1500-year chironomid stratigraphy from a southwestern Greenland lake ». Quaternary Research 81, no 2 (mars 2014) : 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2014.01.004.

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AbstractWe performed a high-resolution study of chironomid assemblages in a sediment core retrieved from Lake Igaliku in southern Greenland. The well-dated core is located within the former Norse Eastern Settlement and covered the last 1500 yr. The comparison of chironomid stratigraphy (PCA axis scores) with instrumental temperature data, land use history and organic matter in the sediment over the last 140 yr suggested that the primary changes in chironomid fauna in 1988 ± 2 yr were driven by the shift to modern agriculture in the catchment. This unprecedented change in chironomid fauna was most likely triggered by a shift in in-lake processes. Within the instrumental period, subtle variations in the chironomid assemblages that occurred before 1988 ± 2 yr were significantly correlated with summer temperatures even in times of traditional extensive sheep farming in the catchment. The relevance of the chironomid-derived climate signal over the last 1500 yr was supported by its good concordance with previous studies in west Greenland and in the Arctic. The chironomid assemblage therefore appeared to be a valuable proxy for climate changes within the Norse colony area. Synchronous changes in Norse diet and chironomid-reconstructed climate give new insights into the interplay of Norse society with climate.
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Skaaning Høegsberg, Mogens. « Continuity and Change : The Dwellings of the Greenland Norse ». Journal of the North Atlantic 201 (janvier 2009) : 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.002.s210.

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Nelson, D. Erle, Jan Heinemeier, Jeppe Møhl et Jette Arneborg. « Isotopic Analyses of The Domestic Animals of Norse Greenland ». Journal of the North Atlantic 301 (octobre 2012) : 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.004.s307.

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Lynnerup, N. « The Norse settlers in Greenland : The physical anthropological perspective ». Acta Borealia 8, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580402.

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Dugmore, A. J., T. H. McGovern, O. Vesteinsson, J. Arneborg, R. Streeter et C. Keller. « Cultural adaptation, compounding vulnerabilities and conjunctures in Norse Greenland ». Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109, no 10 (27 février 2012) : 3658–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1115292109.

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Hunt, B. G. « Natural climatic variability and the Norse settlements in Greenland ». Climatic Change 97, no 3-4 (2 avril 2009) : 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10584-009-9575-5.

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Nelson, D. Erle, Jan Heinemeier, Niels Lynnerup, Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir et Jette Arneborg. « An Isotopic Analysis of the Diet of the Greenland Norse ». Journal of the North Atlantic 301 (octobre 2012) : 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.004.s308.

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Guðmundsdóttir, Lísabet. « Wood procurement in Norse Greenland (11th to 15th c. AD) ». Journal of Archaeological Science 134 (octobre 2021) : 105469. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2021.105469.

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Schofield, J. Edward, Kevin J. Edwards, Egill Erlendsson et Paul M. Ledger. « Palynology supports ‘Old Norse’ introductions to the flora of Greenland ». Journal of Biogeography 40, no 6 (27 décembre 2012) : 1119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jbi.12067.

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Albrethsen, Svend Erik. « Saetersin the Norse eastern settlement of østerbygden in southwest Greenland ». Acta Borealia 8, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580396.

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Mainland, I., et P. Halstead. « The Economics of Sheep and Goat Husbandry in Norse Greenland ». Arctic Anthropology 42, no 1 (1 janvier 2005) : 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arc.2011.0060.

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Lasher, G. Everett, et Yarrow Axford. « Medieval warmth confirmed at the Norse Eastern Settlement in Greenland ». Geology 47, no 3 (6 février 2019) : 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/g45833.1.

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Commisso, R. G., et D. E. Nelson. « Patterns of plant δ15N values on a Greenland Norse farm ». Journal of Archaeological Science 34, no 3 (mars 2007) : 440–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.06.012.

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Guillemot, T., V. Bichet, A. Simonneau, D. Rius, C. Massa, E. Gauthier, H. Richard et M. Magny. « Impact of Holocene climate variability on lacustrine records and human settlements in South Greenland ». Climate of the Past Discussions 11, no 6 (17 novembre 2015) : 5401–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/cpd-11-5401-2015.

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Abstract. Due to its sensitivity to climate changes, south Greenland is a particularly suitable area to study past global climate changes and their influence on locale Human settlements. A paleohydrological investigation was therefore carried out on two river-fed lakes: Lake Qallimiut and Little Kangerluluup, both located close to the Labrador Sea in the historic farming center of Greenland. Two sediment cores (QAL-2011 and LKG-2011), spanning the last four millennia, were retrieved and showed similar thin laminae, described by high magnetic susceptibility and density, high titanium and TOC / TN atomic ratio, and coarse grain size. They are also characterized either by inverse grading followed by normal grading or by normal grading only and a prevalence of red amorphous particles and lignocellulosic fragments, typical of flood deposits. Flood events showed similar trend in both records: they mainly occurred during cooler and wetter periods characterized by weaker Greenlandic paleo-temperatures, substantial glacier advances, and a high precipitation on the Greenlandic Ice Sheet and North Atlantic ice-rafting events. They can therefore be interpreted as a result of ice and snow-melting episodes. They occurred especially during rapid climate changes (RCC) such as the Middle to Late Holocene transition around 2250 BC, the Sub-boreal/Sub-atlantic transition around 700 BC and the Little Ice Age (LIA) between AD 1300 and AD 1900, separated by cycles of 1500 years and driven by solar forcing. These global RCC revealed by QAL-2011 and LKG-2011 flood events may have influenced Human settlements in south Greenland, especially the paleo-Eskimo cultures and the Norse settlement, and have been mainly responsible for their demise.
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Edwards, Kevin J., J. Edward Schofield et Dmitri Mauquoy. « High resolution paleoenvironmental and chronological investigations of Norselandnámat Tasiusaq, Eastern Settlement, Greenland ». Quaternary Research 69, no 1 (janvier 2008) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2007.10.010.

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High-resolution paleoenvironmental data from a peat profile with a small pollen source area are used to reconstruct the impacts oflandnámon vegetation and soils at a Norse farm complex (∅2 at Tasiusaq) comprising two farms in the Eastern Settlement of Greenland. Analyses include the AMS14C dating of plant macrofossil samples and the use of Bayesian radiocarbon calibration to construct improved age–depth models for Norse cultural horizons. The onset of a regionallandnámmay be indicated by the clearance ofBetula pubescenswoodland immediately prior to local settlement. The latter is dated to AD 950–1020 (2σ) and is characterised by possible burning ofBetula glandulosascrub to provide grassland pasture for domestic stock. Clearance and grazing resulted in accelerated levels of soil erosion at a westerly farm. This was followed by an easterly migration of settlement and agriculture. Site constraints prevent an assessment of the demise of the easterly farm, but pressures of overgrazing and land degradation may have been the major factors responsible for the abandonment of the earlier farm.
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Arneborg, Jette, Niels Lynnerup, Jan Heinemeier, Jeppe Møhl, Niels Rud et Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir. « Norse Greenland Dietary Economy ca. AD 980-ca. AD 1450 : Introduction ». Journal of the North Atlantic 301 (octobre 2012) : 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3721/037.004.s303.

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Ross, Julie M., et Cynthia Zutter. « Comparing Norse Animal Husbandry Practices : Paleoethnobotanical Analyses from Iceland and Greenland ». Arctic Anthropology 44, no 1 (2007) : 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arc.2011.0089.

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Nordvig, Mathias. « Arnved Nedkvitne.Norse Greenland : Viking Peasants in the Arctic ». Scandinavian Studies 92, no 4 (2020) : 543–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/sca.92.4.0543.

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Wilken, Dennis, Tina Wunderlich, Peter Feldens, Joris Coolen, John Preston et Natascha Mehler. « Investigating the Norse Harbour of Igaliku (Southern Greenland) Using an Integrated System of Side-Scan Sonar and High-Resolution Reflection Seismics ». Remote Sensing 11, no 16 (13 août 2019) : 1889. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs11161889.

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This study presents the results of a marine geophysical survey performed in the Igaliku fjord in southern Greenland in order to understand the harbour setting of the former Norse settlement Garðar (modern Igaliku). The aims of the survey were (a) to reconstruct the former coastline during the first centuries of the Norse settlement period (c. 11/12th centuries) and (b) to search for archaeological remains on the seabed connected to maritime traffic and trade. In order to approach these goals, we used an integrated marine survey system consisting of a side-scan sonar and a reflection seismic system. The system was designed for lightweight transport, allowing measurements in areas that are logistically difficult to access. The side-scan sonar data revealed no remains of clear archaeological origin. Bathymetric data from seismic seabed reflection and additional Differential GPS height measurements yielded a high-resolution bathymetric map. Based on estimates of Holocene relative sea level change, our bathymetry model was used to reconstruct the shift of the high and low-water line since the early Norse period. The reconstructed coastline shows that a small island, which hosts the ruins of a tentative Norse warehouse at the mouth of the present harbour, was connected to the shore at low tide during the early Norse period. In addition, reflection seismics and side-scan sonar images reveal a sheltered inlet with steep slopes on one side of the island, which may have functioned as a landing bridge used to load ships. We also show that the loss of fertile land due to sea level rise until the end of the Norse settlement was insignificant compared to the available fertile land in the Igaliku fjord and is thus not the reason for the collapse of the colony.
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Barr, William. « Harpoon guns, the lost Greenland settlement, and penal colonies : George Manby's Arctic obsessions ». Polar Record 37, no 203 (octobre 2001) : 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400017046.

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AbstractGeorge William Manby (1766–1854) was an English inventor best known for his idea of firing a line from shore to a wrecked ship so that the crew might be saved by means of a breeches-buoy. Around 1819 he turned his attention to new typesof whaling harpoons, bothahand harpoon andagun harpoon. In 1821 he went on a voyage to the Greenland whaling grounds on board Baffin, Captain William Scoresby Jr, with the aim of trying out his inventions, but the experiments were foiled by the reluctance of the crew to cooperate. As a result of that voyage, Manby espoused three ideas that he pursued obsessively for the rest of his life: that there might still be Norse survivors in the so-called ‘Lost Colony’ in East Greenland; that Britain should claim the area of East Greenland north of the area claimed by Denmark; and that this area should be developed as a penal colony.
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Ledger, Paul M., Kevin J. Edwards et J. Edward Schofield. « A multiple profile approach to the palynological reconstruction of Norse landscapes in Greenland's Eastern Settlement ». Quaternary Research 82, no 1 (juillet 2014) : 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2014.04.003.

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AbstractPalynological research is increasingly revealing the landscape impacts of Norse colonisation in southern Greenland. Typically, although not exclusively, these studies are from depositional environments with highly localised pollen source areas close to fjord-side centres of medieval power. In contrast, this paper presents data from Vatnahverfi, an inland district of the Eastern Settlement, and explores the emergence of a cultural landscape through three pollen sequences at variable distances from Norse farms. Two are from mires with small pollen source areas close to (<100 m) and distant from (≥1500 m) probable farming activities. The other provides a more regional signal of vegetation change, albeit one located close to a Norse settlement.Landnámis marked primarily through an increase in microscopic charcoal and the appearance of pollen fromRumex acetosella, although significant differences between profiles are noted. Close to Norse ruins, pollen productivity from grassland communities increases and woodland and scrub representation declines. Further from archaeological remains, palynologically inferred human activity is primarily characterised by decreased productivity, notably declining influx from woodland and scrub species, reflecting grazing herbivores or coppicing. Abandonment of Vatnahverfi is indicated from the late 14th to early 15th century AD.
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Barlow, L. K., J. P. Sadler, A. E. J. Ogilvie, P. C. Buckland, T. Amorosi, J. H. Ingimundarson, P. Skidmore, A. J. Dugmore et T. H. McGovern. « Interdisciplinary investigations of the end of the Norse Western Settlement in Greenland ». Holocene 7, no 4 (décembre 1997) : 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968369700700411.

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Vebæk, C. L. « Hunting on land and at sea and fishing in Medieval Norse Greenland ». Acta Borealia 8, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580395.

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Christensen, Karen Marie Bojsen. « Land use and resource exploitation in the Norse western settlement in Greenland ». Acta Borealia 8, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580397.

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Fredskild, Bent, et Lilli Humle. « Plant remains from the Norse farm Sandnes in the western settlement, Greenland ». Acta Borealia 8, no 1 (janvier 1991) : 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08003839108580400.

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Schofield, J. Edward. « Old Norse elements within the flora of Greenland : a recent palynological perspective ». Quaternary International 279-280 (novembre 2012) : 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2012.08.1430.

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Adderley, W. Paul, et Ian A. Simpson. « Soils and palaeo-climate based evidence for irrigation requirements in Norse Greenland ». Journal of Archaeological Science 33, no 12 (décembre 2006) : 1666–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.02.014.

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