Articles de revues sur le sujet « Noncitizen children »
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1
Matlow, Ryan, et Daryn Reicherter. « Reducing Protections for Noncitizen Children — Exacerbating Harm and Trauma ». New England Journal of Medicine 380, no 1 (3 janvier 2019) : 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejmp1814340.
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Kuka, Elira, Na’ama Shenhav et Kevin Shih. « Do Human Capital Decisions Respond to the Returns to Education ? Evidence from DACA ». American Economic Journal : Economic Policy 12, no 1 (1 février 2020) : 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20180352.
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This paper studies human capital responses to the availability of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which provides temporary work authorization and deferral from deportation for undocumented, high-school-educated youth. We use a sample of young adults that migrated to the United States as children to implement a difference-in-difference design that compares noncitizen immigrants (“eligible”) to citizen immigrants (“ineligible”) over time. We find that DACA significantly increased high school attendance and high school graduation rates, reducing the citizen-noncitizen gap in graduation by 40 percent. We also find positive, though imprecise, impacts on college attendance. (JEL H52, I21, I26, J13, J15, J24)
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Lipton, Brandy J., Jefferson Nguyen et Melody K. Schiaffino. « California’s Health4All Kids Expansion And Health Insurance Coverage Among Low-Income Noncitizen Children ». Health Affairs 40, no 7 (1 juillet 2021) : 1075–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.2021.00096.
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Jewers, Mariellen, et Leighton Ku. « Noncitizen Children Face Higher Health Harms Compared With Their Siblings Who Have US Citizen Status ». Health Affairs 40, no 7 (1 juillet 2021) : 1084–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.2021.00065.
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Bitler, Marianne, Lisa A. Gennetian, Christina Gibson-Davis et Marcos A. Rangel. « Means-Tested Safety Net Programs and Hispanic Families : Evidence from Medicaid, SNAP, and WIC ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 696, no 1 (juillet 2021) : 274–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211046591.
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Hispanic families have historically used means-tested assistance less than high-poverty peers, and one explanation for this may be that anti-immigrant politics and policies are a barrier to program participation. We document the participation of Hispanic children in three antipoverty programs by age and parental citizenship and the correlation of participation with state immigrant-based restrictions. Hispanic citizen children with citizen parents participate in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and Medicaid more than Hispanic citizen children with noncitizen parents. Foreign-born Hispanic mothers use Medicaid less than their socioeconomic status would suggest. However, little evidence exists that child participation in Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) varies by mother’s nativity: foreign-born mothers of Hispanic infants participate in WIC at higher rates than U.S.-born Hispanic mothers. State policies that restrict immigrant program use correlate to lower SNAP and Medicaid uptake among citizen children of foreign-born Hispanic mothers. WIC participation may be greater because it is delivered through nonprofit clinics, and WIC eligibility for immigrants is largely unrestricted.
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Potochnick, Stephanie, et Irma Arteaga. « A Decade of Analysis : Household Food Insecurity Among Low-Income Immigrant Children ». Journal of Family Issues 39, no 2 (27 juillet 2016) : 527–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x16661216.
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Our study advances literature on immigrant food insecurity by examining whether national-level differences in immigrant and nonimmigrant families’ risk of food insecurity persist across time and for different ethnic/racial groups. Using data from the Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement for low-income households with children aged 0 to 17 years, we examine trends (2003-2013) in immigrant and nonimmigrant food insecurity overall and for different ethnic/racial groups. We also assess how immigrant families are faring compared with their nonimmigrant peers in the wake of the Great Recession and its prolonged recovery period. We find that among low-income households with children, noncitizen immigrant households and their U.S.-born household counterparts experience similar levels of food insecurity, while citizen immigrant households demonstrate the lowest levels of food insecurity. Citizen immigrant households, however, appear to have been most affected by the Great Recession and the protective influences of citizenship status do not appear to extend to Hispanic immigrants.
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Waldrop, Ron D., et Robert A. Felter. « Inaccurate Trauma History Due to Fear of Health Care Personnel Involving Law Enforcement in Children of Noncitizen Immigrants ». Pediatric Emergency Care 26, no 12 (décembre 2010) : 928–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/pec.0b013e3181fe91ba.
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Bergen, Heather, et Salina Abji. « Facilitating the Carceral Pipeline : Social Work’s Role in Funneling Newcomer Children From the Child Protection System to Jail and Deportation ». Affilia 35, no 1 (11 décembre 2019) : 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919866165.
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This article examines the intersections of the child protection, immigration and criminal systems, and the carceral logics that undergird all three systems. Taking seriously Patricia Hill Collins’ (2017) call to analyze “intensified points of convergence” (p. 1464), we analyze the role of social work in perpetuating carceral systems and the tools that feminist social work provides for disrupting them. Using a case analysis of a foster child in Halifax, Canada, who in 2018 was faced with deportation after social workers failed to secure his citizenship status, we argue that a pipeline exists between child protection and a growing “crimmigration” system. The carceral logics of this pipeline not only draw from anti-Black, Islamophobic, and settler colonial histories of oppression, but they also position certain noncitizen families as unassimilable and requiring of state intervention rather than social supports. With this carceral pipeline in mind, we then draw from feminist anticarceral and intersectional approaches to consider a range of resistance strategies. Ultimately, we argue for a transformative justice approach that goes beyond reforming the pipeline and instead takes seriously the insights of abolitionist movements as an alternative to purely reformist approaches.
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Goldfarb, Deborah, Kristin Hansen Lagattuta, Hannah J. Kramer, Katie Kennedy et Sarah M. Tashjian. « When Your Kind Cannot Live Here : How Generic Language and Criminal Sanctions Shape Social Categorization ». Psychological Science 28, no 11 (2 octobre 2017) : 1597–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797617714827.
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Using generic language to describe groups (applying characteristics to entire categories) is ubiquitous and affects how children and adults categorize other people. Five-year-olds, 8-year-olds, and adults ( N = 190) learned about a novel social group that separated into two factions (citizens and noncitizens). Noncitizens were described in either generic or specific language. Later, the children and adults categorized individuals in two contexts: criminal (individuals labeled as noncitizens faced jail and deportation) and noncriminal (labeling had no consequences). Language genericity influenced decision making. Participants in the specific-language condition, but not those in the generic-language condition, reduced the rate at which they identified potential noncitizens when their judgments resulted in criminal penalties compared with when their judgments had no consequences. In addition, learning about noncitizens in specific language (vs. generic language) increased the amount of matching evidence participants needed to identify potential noncitizens (preponderance standard) and decreased participants’ certainty in their judgments. Thus, generic language encourages children and adults to categorize individuals using a lower evidentiary standard regardless of negative consequences for presumed social-group membership.
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Muchomba, Felix M., et Neeraj Kaushal. « Medicaid Expansions and Participation in Supplemental Security Income by Noncitizens ». American Journal of Public Health 111, no 6 (juin 2021) : 1106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2021.306235.
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Objectives. To estimate the effect of Medicaid expansion on noncitizens’ and citizens’ participation in the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) expanded Medicaid eligibility to cover low-income nonelderly adults without children, thus delinking their Medicaid participation from participation in the SSI program. Methods. Using data from the Social Security Administration for 2009 through 2018 (n = 1020 state-year observations) and the Current Population Survey for 2009 through 2019 (n = 78 776 respondents), we employed a difference-in-differences approach comparing SSI participation rates in US states that adopted Medicaid expansion with participation rates in nonexpansion states before and after ACA implementation. Results. Medicaid expansion reduced the SSI (disability) participation of nonelderly noncitizens by 12% and of nonelderly citizens by 2%. Estimates remained robust with administrative and survey data. Conclusions. Medicaid expansion caused a substantially larger decline in the SSI participation of noncitizens, who face more restrictive SSI eligibility criteria, than of citizens. Our estimates suggest an annual savings of $619 million in the federal SSI cost because of the decline in SSI participation among noncitizens and citizens.
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Watson, Tara. « Inside the Refrigerator : Immigration Enforcement and Chilling Effects in Medicaid Participation ». American Economic Journal : Economic Policy 6, no 3 (1 août 2014) : 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.6.3.313.
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“Chilling effects” are a popular explanation for low program take-up rates among immigrants, but the effects of an icy policy climate are inherently hard to measure. This paper finds robust evidence that heightened federal immigration enforcement reduces Medicaid participation among children of noncitizens, even when children are themselves citizens. The decline in immigrant Medicaid participation around the time of welfare reform is largely explained by a contemporaneous spike in enforcement activity. The results imply that safety net participation is influenced not only by program design, but also by a broader set of seemingly unrelated policy choices. (JEL I18, I38, J13, J15)
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Warren, Robert, et Donald Kerwin. « A Statistical and Demographic Profile of the US Temporary Protected Status Populations from El Salvador, Honduras, and Haiti ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no 3 (septembre 2017) : 577–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500302.
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Executive Summary1 This report presents detailed statistical information on the US Temporary Protected Status (TPS) populations from El Salvador, Honduras, and Haiti. TPS can be granted to noncitizens from designated nations who are unable to return to their countries because of armed conflict, environmental disaster, or other extraordinary and temporary conditions. In January 2017, an estimated 325,000 migrants from 13 TPS-designated countries resided in the United States. This statistical portrait of TPS beneficiaries from El Salvador, Honduras, and Haiti reveals hardworking populations with strong family and other ties to the United States. In addition, high percentages have lived in the United States for 20 years or more, arrived as children, and have US citizen children. The paper finds that: • The labor force participation rate of the TPS population from the three nations ranges from 81 to 88 percent, which is well above the rate for the total US population (63 percent) and the foreign-born population (66 percent). • The five leading industries in which TPS beneficiaries from these countries work are: construction (51,700), restaurants and other food services (32,400), landscaping services (15,800), child day care services (10,000), and grocery stores (9,200). • TPS recipients from these countries live in 206,000 households: 61,000 of these households (about 30 percent) have mortgages. • About 68,000, or 22 percent, of the TPS population from these nations arrived as children under the age of 16.
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Goodman, Adam. « Barring the Gates ». Labor 18, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8767338.
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When long-term Chicago resident and World War II veteran Rodolfo Lozoya traveled to Mexico in 1957 to visit his ailing mother, he probably did not think that he would face the threat of permanent separation from his US citizen wife and children. But when he tried to reenter the United States, authorities excluded him from the country because of his alleged past membership in the Communist Party. The saga of Lozoya’s exclusion and his family’s separation offer insights into the hypocritical nature of democracy in Cold War America. The case also sheds light on the intertwined lives of citizens and noncitizens, and how immigrant rights groups such as the Midwest Committee for Protection of Foreign Born mobilized to defend people from exclusion and deportation under the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952. Federal censors’ decision to withhold materials on Lozoya more than fifty-five years later, and thirty years after his death, points to the enduring legacy of the Cold War and to the pervasive fear of radical politics in the twenty-first century.
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Chacón, Jennifer M. « Human Trafficking, Immigration Regulation, and Subfederal Criminalization ». New Criminal Law Review 20, no 1 (2017) : 96–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2017.20.1.96.
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In the fifteen years since the enactment of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act—the U.S. legislation implementing the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children—every state in the United States has enacted its own, state-level antitrafficking law. This paper presents a multistate survey of state-level antitrafficking laws and the criminal prosecutions that have been conducted pursuant to those over the past decade. The comparative treatment of noncitizens and citizens in antitrafficking prosecutions is of particular concern. This research reveals that while subfederal implementation of antitrafficking laws has the potential to complement stated federal and international antitrafficking objectives, it also has the power to subvert and undermine those goals. State-level enforcement both mirrors and amplifies some of the systemic problems that arise when the criminal law is used as a tool to combat trafficking, including the manipulation of antitrafficking tools and rhetoric to perpetuate racial subordination and migrant criminalization. Ultimately, this research offers broader theoretical insights into the promises and pitfalls of overlapping criminal jurisdiction both within federalist systems and within frameworks of international regulation.
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Ober, Josiah. « Quasi-Rights : Participatory Citizenship and Negative Liberties in Democratic Athens ». Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no 1 (2000) : 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002521.
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The relationship between participatory democracy (the rule of and by a socially diverse citizenry) and constitutional liberalism (a regime predicated on the protection of individual liberties and the rule of law) is a famously troubled one. The purpose of this essay is to suggest that, at least under certain historical conditions, participatory democracy will indeed support the establishment of constitutional liberalism. That is to say, the development of institutions, behavioral habits, and social values centered on the active participation of free and equal citizens in democratic politics can lead to the extension of legally enforced immunities from coercion to citizens and noncitizens alike. Such immunities, here called “quasi-rights,” are at least preconditions for the personal autonomy and liberty in respect to choice-making that are enshrined as the “rights of the moderns.” This essay, which centers on one ancient society, does not seek to develop a formal model proving that democracy will necessarily promote liberal constitutionalism. However, by explaining why a premodern democratic citizenry of free, adult, native males—who sought to defend their own interests and were unaffected by Enlightenment or post-Enlightenment ideals of inherent human worth—chose to extend certain formal protections to slaves, women, and children, it may point toward the development of a model for deriving liberalism from democratic participation. Development of such a model could have considerable bearing on current policy debates.
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Johnson, Kevin. « Racial Profiling in the War on Drugs Meets the Immigration Removal Process : The Case of Moncrieffe v. Holder ». University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no 48.4 (2015) : 967. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.48.4.racial.
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In Moncrieffe v. Holder, the Supreme Court held that the Board of Immigration Appeals could not remove a long-term lawful permanent resident from the United States based on a single misdemeanor conviction for possession of a small amount of marijuana. The decision clarified the meaning of an “aggravated felony” for purposes of removal, an important question under the U.S. immigration laws. In the removal proceedings, Adrian Moncrieffe, a black immigrant from Jamaica, did not challenge his arrest and drug conviction. Consequently, the Supreme Court did not review the facts surrounding, or the lawfulness of, the criminal prosecution. Nonetheless, the traffic stop resulting in Moncrieffe’s initial arrest, and the subsequent interactions with police, strongly suggest that race influenced the events leading to the criminal conviction. An examination of the facts of his case highlights how the modern criminal justice system works in combination with immigration removal proceedings to disparately impact communities of color in the United States. Over the last few decades, modern immigration enforcement has evolved into a tough, fast-moving criminal-immigration removal system. As Moncrieffe’s case attests, undocumented immigrants are not the only noncitizens subject to possible removal from the United States. The U.S. government frequently threatens to remove long-term lawful permanent residents convicted of relatively minor crimes. Many of these lawful permanent residents have deep ties to the community—ties that include children who are U.S. citizens.
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Kerwin, Donald, et Mike Nicholson. « The Effects of Immigration Enforcement on Faith-Based Organizations : An Analysis of the FEER Survey ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 7, no 2 (juin 2019) : 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502419854103.
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Executive Summary The effects of US immigration enforcement policies on immigrants, US families, and communities have been well documented. Less attention, however, has been paid to their impact on faith-based organizations (FBOs). Faith communities provide a spiritual home, and extensive legal, resettlement, social, health, and educational services, for refugees and immigrants. This report presents the findings of the FEER (Federal Enforcement Effect Research) Survey, which explored the effects of US immigration enforcement policies on immigrant-serving Catholic institutions.1 Many of these institutions arose in response to the needs of previous generations of immigrants and their children (Kerwin and George 2014, 14, 74–75). Most strongly identify with immigrants and have long served as crucial intermediaries between immigrant communities and the broader society (Campos 2014, 149–51).2 During its first two years, the Trump administration has consistently characterized immigrants as criminals, security risks, and an economic burden. Among its policy initiatives, the administration has supported major cuts in family-based immigration, attempted to terminate the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, reduced refugee admissions to historic lows, instituted admission bars on Muslim-majority countries, attempted to strip Temporary Protection Status (TPS) from all but a fraction of its beneficiaries, erected major new barriers to asylum, and proposed new rules regarding the public charge grounds of inadmissibility that would make it more difficult for poor and working-class persons to obtain permanent residence. US immigration enforcement policies have separated children from their parents, criminally prosecuted asylum seekers, expanded detention, increased arrests of noncitizens without criminal records, and militarized the US–Mexico border. These policies have failed to stem the flow of migrants and asylum seekers: instead, these flows have increased dramatically in recent months. These policies have succeeded, however, in devastating children, instilling fear in immigrant communities, blocking access to the US asylum system, and undermining immigrant integration (Kerwin 2018).3 The Federal Enforcement Effect Research (FEER) Survey points to a paradox. On one hand, US enforcement policies have increased the demand for services such as legal screening, representation, naturalization, assistance to unaccompanied minors, and support to the US families of detainees and deportees. Many Catholic institutions have expanded their services to accommodate the increased demand for their services. On the other hand, their work with immigrants has been impeded by federal immigration policies that effectively prevent immigrants from driving, attending gatherings, applying for benefits, and accessing services due to fear that these activities might lead to their deportation or the deportation of a family member. Among other top-line findings, 59 percent of 133 FEER respondents reported that “fear of apprehension or deportation” negatively affected immigrants’ access to their services, and 57 percent of 127 respondents reported that immigrant enforcement very negatively or negatively affected the participation of immigrants in their programs and ministries.
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Kerwin, Donald, et Robert Warren. « Putting Americans First : A Statistical Case for Encouraging Rather than Impeding and Devaluing US Citizenship ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 7, no 4 (décembre 2019) : 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502419894286.
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Executive Summary This article examines the ability of immigrants to integrate and to become full Americans. Naturalization has long been recognized as a fundamental step in that process and one that contributes to the nation’s strength, cohesion, and well-being. To illustrate the continued salience of citizenship, the article compares selected characteristics of native-born citizens, naturalized citizens, legal noncitizens (most of them lawful permanent residents [LPRs]), and undocumented residents. It finds that the integration, success, and contributions of immigrants increase as they advance toward naturalization, and that naturalized citizens match or exceed the native-born by metrics such as a college education, self-employment, average personal income, and homeownership. It finds that: Naturalized citizens enjoy the same or higher levels of education, employment, work in skilled occupations, personal income, and percentage above the poverty level compared to the native-born population. At least 5.2 million current US citizens — 4.5 million children and 730,000 adults — who are living with at least one undocumented parent 1 obtained US citizenship by birth; eliminating birthright citizenship would create a permanent underclass of US-born denizens in the future. Requiring medical insurance would negatively affect immigrants seeking admission and undocumented residents who ultimately qualify for a visa. About 51 percent of US undocumented residents older than age 18 lack health insurance. In 2017, about 1.2 million undocumented residents lived with 1.1 million eligible-to-naturalize relatives. If all the members of the latter group naturalized, they could petition for or expedite the adjustment or immigration (as LPRs) of their undocumented family members, including 890,000 “immediate relatives.” Their naturalization could put 11 percent of the US undocumented population on a path to permanent residency. The article also explores a contradiction: that the administration’s “America first” ideology obscures a set of policies that impede the naturalization process, devalue US citizenship, and prioritize denaturalization. The article documents many of the ways that the Trump administration has sought to revoke legal status, block access to permanent residence and naturalization, and deny the rights, entitlements, and benefits of citizenship to certain groups, particularly US citizen children with undocumented parents. It also offers estimates and profiles of the persons affected by these measures, and it rebuts myths that have buttressed the administration’s policies. For example, the Trump administration and restrictionist legislators have criticized the US immigration system’s emphasis on family reunification for its supposed failure to produce skilled workers. Yet the article finds that: The current immigration system, which prioritizes the admission of the nuclear family members of US citizens and LPRs, yields a legal foreign-born population that has occupational skills equal to those of the native-born population. The legal foreign-born population living in 24 US states and Washington, DC, and those from 94 source countries 2 have higher percentages of skilled workers than the overall population of native-born workers.
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Dias, Felipe, et Joseph Chance. « The Real Consequences of Symbolic Social Policies : The Public Charge Rule and Benefits Use among Noncitizen Immigrants ». International Migration Review, 31 janvier 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01979183241228208.
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This article examines the impact of the 2018 announcement of changes to the public charge rules on the benefits use of noncitizen immigrant households. Using data from the American Community Survey and difference-in-difference models, as well as an event-study approach, we document a decrease in Medicaid use in 2019 by members of low-income households with noncitizens compared to low-income households with only citizens, with larger effects for children. We find a similar decline in SNAP use but are unable to rule out differential pretrends before the announcement. Our findings suggest that the fear of being considered a public charge susceptible to deportation under the new rules likely explains the decrease in noncitizens’ public benefits in the postannouncement period.
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Nguyen, Kevin H., Ira B. Wilson, Anya R. Wallack et Amal N. Trivedi. « Children’s Health Insurance Coverage and Parental Immigration Status : 2015–2019 ». Pediatrics, 1 août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.2021-056012.
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BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Rhetoric and policies aimed at restricting immigration to the United States, such as those proposed during the Trump administration, may lead to reduced enrollment in Medicaid for children of immigrants, even those who were legally eligible. This study assessed how children’s health insurance coverage changed before versus during the Trump administration by parental immigration status. METHODS: Using American Community Survey data, we compared changes in rates of uninsurance and Medicaid enrollment for children in the United States before (2015 to 2016) versus during (2017 to 2019) the Trump administration. Children were categorized by parental immigration status: citizen children with US-born parents, citizen children with naturalized parents, children from mixed-status families, or noncitizen children. RESULTS: The study population included 2 963 787 children between 2015 and 2019, representing approximately 64 million children annually. Throughout our study period, uninsurance rates for children from mixed-status families and noncitizen children were higher than citizen children with United States-born parents. Beginning in 2017, there were significant increases in uninsurance among children from mixed-status families (0.48 percentage points [PP], 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.06 to 0.91) that increased to 1.48 PP (95% CI: 0.98 to 1.99) by 2019 when compared with concurrent trends among citizen children with US-born parents. Changes were accompanied by significant decreases in Medicaid enrollment by 2019 (−0.89 PP, 95% CI: −1.62 to −0.16). CONCLUSIONS: There were substantial disparities in uninsurance rates by parental immigration status. Compared with citizen children with US-born parents, uninsurance rates among children from mixed-status families significantly increased between 2017 and 2019, with the magnitude of disparity widening over time.
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Dzhurova, Albena. « The politics of language : Exploring the DREAMers as the “alien other” in the narratives of immigration ». Politics & ; Policy, 21 octobre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12562.
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AbstractRecently, the Biden administration banned federal agencies from using the phrase “illegal alien,” replacing it with a less dehumanizing expression (e.g., noncitizen, undocumented immigrant, etc.). This article delves into the origins of the alien reference by surveying the case of the DREAMers—a small subset of immigrants brought to the United States as children. Designated as aliens in the broader immigration context, the DREAMers epitomize a problematic narrative depicting the overall “otherness” as deep‐seated in America. I impose Agamben‘s image of the homo sacer onto the conceptualization of otherness to frame the DREAMers as alienated (exempted from the limits of the political state), waiting to enter society through formal legislation. Critically examining the narratives of policy makers in Congress, I study how political elites use language to reinforce existing power structures. In the two‐decade attempt of Congress to resolve the DREAMers‘ marginalized status, they are infantilized and, hence, stigmatized anew.Related ArticlesDuman, Yoav H. 2014. “Reducing the Fog? Immigrant Regularization and the State.” Politics & Policy 42(2): 187–220. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12065.Garrett, Terence M. 2020. “The Security Apparatus, Federal Magistrate Courts, and Detention Centers as Simulacra: The Effects of Trump‘s Zero Tolerance Policy on Migrants and Refugees in the Rio Grande Valley.” Politics & Policy 48(2): 372–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12348.Garrett, Terence M., and Arthur J. Sementelli. 2022. “COVID‐19, Asylum Seekers, and Migrants on the Mexico–U.S. Border: Creating States of Exception.” Politics & Policy 51(3): 872–86. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12484.
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Gonzalez, Gabriela, et Caitlin Patler. « The Educational Consequences of Parental Immigration Detention ». Sociological Perspectives, 5 juillet 2020, 073112142093774. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121420937743.
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Every year, Immigration and Customs Enforcement imprisons hundreds of thousands of noncitizens as they await adjudication on their deportation proceedings. Importantly, many detained individuals have lived in the interior of the country for many years and are parents of young, dependent, school-age children living in the United States. This analysis brings together and builds upon research on parental incarceration and international migration. We analyze 104 multigenerational interviews conducted in California with detained parents, their current or former nondetained spouses/partners, and the school-age children they share. Our findings suggest that children’s academic trajectories are seriously disrupted by the trauma, stigma, and strain of parental imprisonment. Moreover, these vulnerabilities are enhanced in unique ways by children’s positionality as members of mixed-immigration-status families facing the possibility of deportation. Our findings suggest that parental immigration detention can have intergenerational consequences for children’s mobility that disrupt traditional pathways of immigrant integration in mixed-immigration-status families.
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Patler, Caitlin, et Gabriela Gonzalez. « Compounded Vulnerability : The Consequences of Immigration Detention for Institutional Attachment and System Avoidance in Mixed-Immigration-Status Families ». Social Problems, 3 décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spaa069.
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Abstract While an extensive body of literature has analyzed the spillover and intergenerational consequences of mass incarceration, fewer studies explore the consequences of a parallel system: mass immigration detention. Every year, Immigration and Customs Enforcement imprisons hundreds of thousands of noncitizens as they await adjudication on their deportation proceedings, sometimes for months or years at a time. Many detained individuals have lived in the United States for decades and have spouses and/or dependent children that rely on them. This analysis brings together research on immigrant families, mass incarceration, and system avoidance to examine the spillover consequences of immigration detention. Using a multigenerational and multi-perspective research design, we analyze 104 interviews conducted in California with detained parents, non-detained spouses/partners, and their school-age children. Findings suggest that members of these mixed-status families may limit their engagement with surveilling institutions during a family member’s detention. These experiences are rooted in what we call compounded vulnerability—that is, both in the experience of parental/spousal confinement but also as members of mixed-immigration-status families facing the possibility of deportation.