Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Non-governmental organizations – Palestine »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Non-governmental organizations – Palestine"
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Binti Nazri, Noor Atika Shafinaz. « PERANAN ORGANISASI BUKAN KERAJAAN (NGO) DALAM KONFLIK KEMANUSIAAN DI PALESTIN ». Islam Realitas : Journal of Islamic & ; Social Studies 3, no 1 (15 juillet 2017) : 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/islam_realitas.v3i1.213.
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Humanitarian aid has become one of the human rights agenda in international world. In this case, there are various international organizations including non-governmental organizations (NGOs) involved. For Malaysia, the NGO is well regarded as one of the NGOs most active in providing humanitarian aid to Palestine. The organization has been using the platform of non-governmental organizations in providing humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people. This study focuses Viva Palestina Malaysia, which is one of Malaysia NGOs active in Palestine. It will review the activities of the police and Viva Palestina Malaysia contribution towards the Palestinians. The study will indicate the role of non-governmental organizations in the fight for the truth, raise awareness of issues, provide assistance and conduct humanitarian activities in Palestine
Bantuan kemanusiaan telah menjadi salah satu agenda hak asasi manusia dalam dunia antarabangsa. Terdapat pelbagai organisasi antarabangsa termasuk Organisasi Bukan Kerajaan (NGO) yang terlibat dalam hal ini. Bagi Malaysia, NGO itu dengan baik dianggap sebagai antara kumpulan organisasi bukan kerajaan yang paling aktif dalam menyediakan bantuan kemanusiaan ke Palestin. Organisasi ini telah menggunakan platform bukan kerajaan dalam menyalurkan bantuan kemanusiaan kepada rakyat Palestin. Kajian ini memfokuskan Viva Palestina Malaysia yang merupakan salah satu NGO dari Malaysia bergiat aktif di Palestin. Ia akan mengkaji aktiviti, polisi dan sumbangan Viva Palestina Malaysia terhadap Palestin. Kajian akan menunjukkan peranan organisasi bukan kerajaan dalam memperjuangkan kebenaran, meningkatkan isu kesedaran, menyediakan bantuan dan menjalankan aktiviti kemanusiaan di Palestin
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NAKHLEH, KHALIL. « Non-Governmental Organizations and Palestine : The Politics of Money ». Journal of Refugee Studies 2, no 1 (1989) : 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/2.1.113.
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Abuiyada, Reem, et Ra’ed Abdulkarim. « Non-Governmental Health Organizations in Palestine from Israeli Occupation to Palestinian Authority ». Asian Social Science 12, no 12 (28 octobre 2016) : 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n12p29.
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The paper examined the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organisations (PNGOs) from a historical perspective with focus on their roles, the challenges they faced, and their current status after the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in 1994.It also examined their driving motives, their contributions to the advancement and development of the Palestinian society, and the challenges they faced. The role of health in development is highlighted and an introduction to NGOs in general is offered, with emphasis on their characteristics in comparison to the public and private sectors after the establishment of the PNA in parts of the West Bank and Gaza Strip (WBG).It is clear that PNGOs in general and health NGOs in particular played an instrumental role in providing much needed health services, but also in paving the road for the establishment of a Palestinian state. The paper showed that there are three main challenges that faced NGOs, namely, political challenges, financial challenges and the unclear role of the PNA. The first two challenges faced NGOs during the Israeli occupation and continue to do so after the establishment of the PNA. The third challenge became relevant only after the establishment of the PNA in parts of the WBG.
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Barghouti, Dia. « Reviving al-Nabi Musa : Performance, Politics, and Indigenous Sufi Culture in Palestine ». New Theatre Quarterly 38, no 1 (février 2022) : 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x21000415.
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This article explores the revival of Palestinian indigenous performance practices that were part of the Sufi Nabi Musa festival. Focusing on the 2018 and 2019 government-sponsored performances, it examines how the different sociopolitical changes that took place in Palestinian society, following the mass expulsion of Palestinians from their land in 1948, have led to the marginalization, politicization, and eventual revival of indigenous performance practices, which are an important part of Palestinian theatre history. Exploring Sufi rituals as indigenous performance practices shows that theatre forms not based on appropriations of European-style theatre existed in Palestine in the twentieth century. It also raises important questions as to why many of them have been neglected by Palestinian non-governmental theatre organizations (NGOs). Dia Barghouti is the Arab Council for the Social Sciences Postdoctoral Fellow at the Abdelmalek Essaadi University in Morocco. Her research focuses on indigenous performance traditions in the Levant and North Africa. Her work on theatre and Sufism has appeared in New Theatre Quarterly and Jadaliyya.
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Buchanan, F. Robert. « Hopefulness and hardship : ethical orientations of the Palestinian diaspora ». International Journal of Ethics and Systems 36, no 4 (13 août 2020) : 507–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoes-04-2020-0049.
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Purpose Home country support from hardship nation émigrés is an under-researched topic area, particularly pertaining to Palestine which is a comparatively extreme case of oppression and apartheid. The purpose of this study is to examine the nature of this motivation, in context to well-known dynamics of diaspora behavior, to understand individual and situational variables that drive ethical decision-making. Design/methodology/approach This is an exploratory mixed methods field study using self-reported variables. Structural equation modeling was conducted through partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM). Qualitative data is presented through thematic analysis and bracketing. Findings A desire to live in Palestine in the future was not in itself significantly related to a favorable outlook for the country or to a desire to support the nation. Findings indicate that family support and a sense of altruism and hopefulness for the future of Palestine influenced home country nationalism in charitable investments in hospitals, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and educational institutions. Subjects’ direct portfolio investments tended to be primarily real estate and to a lesser degree in business operations. Research limitations/implications The sample size needs to be larger and draw from greater diversity in overseas locations, as well as respondents representing Gaza and Israel locations. Objective outcome variables would be desirous. Social implications Social constructivism theory is applied in understanding the ethical nature of the loyalty of these diasporans. Originality/value The Palestine diaspora is under-researched, particularly individual differences in motives for overseas Palestinians’ support of their ancestral homeland. Some might consider it irrational to desire to return and invest in the nation. Policymakers can benefit from empirical evidence of the type of investment and their rationales. A profile emerges in the respondents’ commitment of financial resources for personal and family real estate. Their direct investments include business ownership, as well as education and health care organizations, impacting the sustainability of this nation.
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Najjar, Shahenaz, Sali Hafez, Aisha Al Basuoni, Hassan Abu Obaid, Ibrahim Mughnnamin, Hiba Falana, Haya Sultan, Yousef Aljeesh et Mohammed Alkhaldi. « Stakeholders’ Perception of the Palestinian Health Workforce Accreditation and Regulation System : A Focus on Conceptualization, Influencing Factors and Barriers, and the Way Forward ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 13 (2 juillet 2022) : 8131. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19138131.
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The Health Workforce Accreditation and Regulation (HWAR) is a key function of the health system and is the subject of increasing global attention. This study provides an assessment of the factors affecting the Palestinian HWAR system, identifies existing gaps and offers actionable improvement solutions. Data were collected during October and November 2019 in twenty-two semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with experts, academics, leaders, and policymakers purposely selected from government, academia, and non-governmental organizations. The overall perceptions towards HWAR were inconsistent. The absence of a consolidated HWAR system has led to a lack of communication between actors. Environmental factors also affect HWAR in Palestine. The study highlighted the consensus on addressing further development of HWAR and the subsequent advantages of this enhancement. The current HWAR practices were found to be based on personal initiatives rather than on a systematic evidence-based approach. The need to strengthen law enforcement was raised by numerous participants. Additional challenges were identified, including the lack of knowledge exchange and salary adjustments. HWAR in Palestine needs to be strengthened on the national, institutional, and individual levels through clear and standardized operating processes. All relevant stakeholders should work together through an integrated national accreditation and regulation system.
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Sabella, Anton Robert, Rami Kashou et Omar Omran. « Assessing quality of management practices in Palestinian hospitals ». International Journal of Organizational Analysis 23, no 2 (11 mai 2015) : 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoa-03-2014-0747.
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Purpose – This paper aims to provide an assessment of the quality of management practices and implementation in hospitals operating in the West Bank of Palestine using the Malcolm Baldrige National Quality Award (MBNQA) Criteria. Design/methodology/approach – Based on the MBNQA Criteria, a survey of 51 hospitals was conducted using questionnaires, interviews and focus groups to gather data. Data were analyzed and compared across all administrative types of hospitals using the MBNQA points system. Findings – The results show that the performance of non-governmental organizations and private hospitals was superior with respect to all other administrative types. A closer look at the results show that all hospitals exhibit areas of concern such as human resource focus, information and analysis, as well as performance results. Research limitations/implications – Despite the exclusion of hospitals operating in the Gaza Strip, this research promotes critical management practices aimed at improving quality of management practices and their subsequent implementation in the surveyed hospitals. Practical implications – The MBNQA Criteria, as well as other quality assessment tools, can be used to measure the various activities of hospitals and identify competencies and weaknesses in a tangible manner to improve hospital performance. Originality/value – This paper presents a fresh perspective on the quality management issues in Palestinian hospitals to practitioners, administrators and academics using the MBNQA Criteria. Also, it serves as a foundation for future initiatives and programs aimed at improving quality in hospitals.
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Schneider, Emily Maureen. « Touring for peace : the role of dual-narrative tours in creating transnational activists ». International Journal of Tourism Cities 5, no 2 (26 juin 2019) : 200–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-12-2017-0092.
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Purpose Scholarship on the contact hypothesis and peacebuilding suggests that contact with marginalized ethnic and racial groups may reduce prejudice and improve opportunities for conflict resolution. Through a study of dual-narrative tours to Israel/Palestine, the purpose of this paper is to address two areas of the debate surrounding this approach to social change. First, past research on the effectiveness of contact-based tourism as a method to change attitudes is inconclusive. Travel to a foreign country has been shown to both improve and worsen tourists’ perceptions of a host population. Second, few scholars have attempted to link contact-based changes in attitudes to activism. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of 218 post-tour surveys, this study examines the role of dual-narrative tours in sparking attitude change that may facilitate involvement in peace and justice activism. Surveys were collected from the leading “dual-narrative” tour company in the region, MEJDI. Dual-narrative tours uniquely expose mainstream tourists in Israel/Palestine to Palestinian perspectives that are typically absent from the majority of tours to the region. This case study of dual-narrative tours therefore provides a unique opportunity to address the self-selecting bias, as identified by contact hypothesis and tourism scholars, in order to understand the potential impacts of exposure to marginalized narratives. Findings The findings of this study suggest that while these tours tend to engender increased support for Palestinians over Israelis, their most salient function appears to be the cultivation of empathy for “both sides” of the conflict. Similarly, dual-narrative tours often prompt visitors to understand the conflict to be more complex than they previously thought. In terms of activism, tourists tend to prioritize education-based initiatives in their plans for post-tour political engagement. In addition, a large number of participants articulated commitments to support joint Israeli–Palestinian non-governmental organizations and to try to influence US foreign policy to be more equitable. Originality/value These findings complicate debates within the scholarship on peacebuilding as well as within movements for social justice in Israel/Palestine. While programs that equate Israeli and Palestinian perspectives are often criticized for reinforcing the status quo, dual-narrative tours appear to facilitate nuance and universalism while also shifting tourists toward greater identification with an oppressed population. Together, these findings shed light on the ability of tourism to facilitate positive attitude change about a previously stigmatized racial/ethnic group, as well as the power of contact and exposure to marginalized narratives to inspire peace and justice activism.
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Aziz, Azhar Abdul. « The Burden of Terrorism in Malaysia ». Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no 2 (juin 2003) : 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000856.
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AbstractIn the peace-loving, moderate and progressive country of Muslim-dominated Malaysia, violence generally is alien to the culture. Terrorism initially took shape during the post-independence, communist era by jungle recalcitrant actions. In recent years, this has been superceded by a more internationally related trend of violence. Only very few incidents were based locally, while the majority were linked to international groups or organizations abroad, including the Kumpulan Mujahidin Malaysia (KMM), Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG).Kidnapping with ransom seemed to have been the most commone modus operandi, while killing and robbery accounted for very few of these incidents. The number of victims in each event so far has been small, and smaller for those physically harmed or killed. This pattern of terrorist attacks suggests that the current level of provision of emergency medical services is sufficient to handle such incidents. Recent advances in local emergency medicine also have witnessed the establishment of various teaching and training modules, a pivotal role played by university hospitals and supported by the Ministry of Health.However, the spate of ongoing events of mass destruction such as the conflict in Israel/Palestine, wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the World Trade Center and Pentagon tragedies of 11 September 2001, and the Bali bombing in Indonesia, remain as great concerns to Malaysians. Both the government and the people of Malaysia abhor such unjustified uses of terror, and take every measure to curtail them. The National Security Council policies of Arahan No. 18 and Arahan No. 20 detail specific roles and responsibilities of various agencies in managing terrorism and disasters respectively, while the use of the stern Internal Security Act that allows indefinite detention without trial, evidently has been an efficient intelligence and security apparatus.With more recent developments of terrorist events regionally and globally, Malaysia continues to face an ongoing threat from such activities. Various measures have been and will be actively undertaken both by government and non-governmental agencies in facing these challenges.
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A. Shehab, Ahmed A., et Nurazmallail Marni. « الأحكام الإجرائية والموضوعية لانضمام فلسطين للمعاهدات الدولية ». al-Irsyad : Journal of Islamic and Contemporary Issues 3, no 2 (30 décembre 2018) : 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.53840/alirsyad.v3i2.2.
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The international treaties are among the most important sources of international law. Recent years have witnessed an exaggerated interest by the international community in the development of the international legal system through the legislation of treaties and the implementation of international commissions, bodies and non-governmental organizations. The State is no longer bound by the national Constitution and domestic legislations, but also by a series of international treaties and their obligations and responsibilities at the international and national levels. In order to ensure the validity of these procedures, the treaty requires the parties to regulate procedures for the accession to treaties within the national legal system and to determine the legal value of the international treaty in national law and the mechanism of integration and harmonization, whether by an independent law or by texting in the Constitution on the validity of the signing of treaties and its ratification. There is no doubt that the legal position in the Palestinian legislation is unclear regarding the procedural and substantive provisions of international treaties and their application in the legal system, compared to other laws that deal strictly with the legal organization of international treaties. This study aims at separating the procedural and substantive provisions of the accession to international treaties and their applications in the State of Palestine including the identification of the competent authority to sign the Convention, the mechanism for its ratification and the legal value accorded to the international treaty in Palestinian legislation by using the analytical descriptive method, the historical method, and the comparative method.
تعد المعاهدات الدولية من أهم مصادر القانون الدولي، ولقد شهدت السنوات الأخيرة اهتماما مبالغا من المجتمع الدولي في تطوير المنظومة القانونية الدولية، من خلال تشريع المعاهدات وإعمال اللجان والهيئات الدولية، والمنظمات غير الحكومية، ولم تعد بذلك الدولة ملزمة بالدستور الوطني والتشريعات الداخلية فحسب، بل بمجموعة من المعاهدات الدولية أيضا،ً وما يترتب عليها من واجبات والتزامات ومسؤوليات على الصعيد الدولي والوطني. ولضمان صحة هذه الإجراءات توجب المعاهدة على الأطراف تنظيم إجراءات الانضمام المعاهدات ضمن المنظومة القانونية الوطنية وتحديد القيمة القانون للمعاهدة الدولية في القانون الوطني وآلية الإدماج والمواءمة، س واء بإصدار قانونٍ مستقل، أو النص في الدستور على صلاحية عقد المعاهدات والتوقيع والتصديق عليها. ولا شك أن الموقف القانوني في التشريع الفلسطيني يتسم بعدم الوضوح فيما يتعلق بالأحكام الإجرائية والموضوعية بإبرام المعاهدات الدولية وتطبيقها في النظام القانوني، مقارنة بقوانين أخرى تتناول بدقة التنظيم القانوني لإبرام المعاهدات الدولية، وتهدف هذه الدراسة لبيان الأحكام الإجرائية والموضوعية للانضمام للمعاهدات الدولية، وتطبيقاتها في دولة فلسطين بما يشمل تحديد السلطة المختصة بالتوقيع على الاتفاقية، وآلية التصديق عليها، والقيمة القانونية الممنوحة للمعاهدة الدولية في التشريعات الفلسطينية. وذلك باستخدام المنهج الوصفي التحليلي، والمنهج التاريخي، والمنهج المقارن.
Thèses sur le sujet "Non-governmental organizations – Palestine"
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Shawa, Salma Aown. « Building 'civil society' in Palestine 1993-1998 : four case studies of Palestinian non-governmental organizations ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367560.
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This thesis looks in depth at the efforts of Palestinian NGOs to build 'civil society' during the period after the transfer of power from Israeli occupation to Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in 1993 till 1998. The process of building civil society is shown in the thesis to be understood differently by NGOs, the PNA and international donors in the functions that it involves and the position that NGOs ought to occupy within the Palestinian community. Drawing on the civil society literature, a working definition of the process of building civil society is developed for the purposes of the study which emphasises three dimensions: (i) NGO efforts to gain public influence either by influencing public debate, rights and duties or public policies; (ii) NGO attempts to strengthen community solidarity and (iii) NGO work to promote democratic organisational practices within their own organisations. A set of four NGO case studies was collected and the data analysed with reference to social theory literature, drawing in particular on Bourdieu's concepts of habitus, field and capital. It was found that a set of internal and external obstacles limited NGO efforts to build civil society. These included lack of support from the PNA, the continuation of Israeli occupation in different forms and lack of interest in the community. These obstacles reduced the ability of NGOs to realise this role effectively. Of the three dimensions of the process of building civil society it was only the second one - that of strengthening community solidarity - that NGOs focused on as a way of combating the difficult economic circumstances that Palestinian Territories were experiencing. The thesis concludes that Palestinian NGOs had the potential to build civil society but they needed more appropriate external and internal circumstances to be entrusted with carrying out this role.
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Minkova, Nicole. « The Challenges and Successes of Non-Governmental Organizations in Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon from 1967 to 1982 ; The Case of the American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) ». Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39795.
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This thesis studies a by-product of the continuing and complex Arab-Israeli conflict: the Palestinian refugee diaspora in Lebanon, and the efforts of Western charitable organizations with this population. The rise of the non-governmental organization (NGO) movement embroiled the Western world in the Middle East as a new form of intervention, with the aim of providing emergency relief in the short term and plans for development in the long term. This research studies how Palestinians came to live in their host countries with the help of NGOs, and to determine what the challenges and successes of these organizations were. For this study, the American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) organization is used as a case study by looking at its history of interaction with Palestinians between the War of 1967 and the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, a decade and a half marked by war and exodus. Using ANERA’s annual reports, newsletters, board meeting reports, and interviews with individual Palestinians who were raised in Lebanon, the research looks at the history and ethical complications of the international NGO movement. Furthermore, this thesis analyses the logistical challenges and achievements of ANERA in their programming in Lebanon and the way that Palestinians were portrayed by ANERA back to their American public. Finally, the Palestinian perspective is taken into account to understand the impact of Western NGOs on their own community. Ultimately, this study seeks to determine how what has been ANERA’s historical experience with Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.
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CHALLAND, Benoît. « The power to promote and to exclude : external support for Palestinian civil society ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4226.
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Defence date: 15 July 2005Examining Board: Prof. Rema HAMMAMI (Bir Zeit University, Bir Zeit) ; Prof. Riccardo BOCCO (Institut Universitaire d’Etudes du Développement, Genève) ; Prof. Peter WAGNER (EUI, Florence) ; Prof. Philippe C. SCHMITTER (EUI, Florence) (Supervisor).
First made available online 29 August 2016
The dissertation explores international aid given by western donor agencies to Palestinian NGOs earmarked as civil society promotion. It aims to study the discourse of civil society at work, and the impact of die use of the concept of civil society both by donor agencies and recipient Palestinian organizations. The research is based on a variety of interviews with about 40 donor agencies (governmental, multilateral or non-governmental) and as many Palestinian NGOs. It explores the conditions under which NGOs have been seen as decisive actors for the support and the fostering of a stronger civil society. It analyses the (funding) mechanisms that bring donors and NGOs to work together, their interplay, and the ideational impact that the production of knowledge around ‘civil society’ has on both actors. The first part of the dissertation consists in a theoretical discussion as to why should international actors support civil society abroad, and explores the potential tension between external aid and civil society as one of the domestic venues for the definition o f autonomy. It explores various explanations of the alleged difficulties of Arab societies to develop their own civil society. It will contrast three ideal-typical conceptions of civil society in the Arab worlds - those of Sa’ad Eddin Ibrahim, Burhan Ghalioum and Azmi Bishara. The second part is a study of the historical evolutions of the categories ‘donors' and ‘NGOs'. Some emerging trends in providing funds to NGOs abroad and to civil society support will be matched with a study of associational life in Palestine since the beginning of the 20th century. The third part analyses the products of ‘civil society at work* in the past ten years. Since there has been historically a rich civil society in Palestine, it is interesting to explore the transformations caused by the massive influx of aid for civil society promotion. The two contrasting cases consist of service-oriented NGOs (active in the field o f health — older NGOs) and of value-oriented NGOs (active in the field of human rights and democracy — younger NGOs). We will look at the evolution of the interplay between international donors and these two sets of NGOs, which are increasingly dependent on agenda and funds coming from abroad. The final chapter argues that the discourse o f ‘civil society’, as promoted by international donors, as articulated and re-appropriated by local NGOs, has a triple exclusionary power. First, in political terms because of the various interpretations o f civil society in terms of political engagement; second, in sociological terms, because of the formation of a privileged middle-class; and third, in philosophical terms because o f the re-enforcement of artificial divisions such as the 'West' and the ‘Arabs' and between civil(ised) and non-civil societies.
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Bellotti, Jeremy Aaron. « Peace and Sport : Challenging Limitations across the Sport for Development and Peace Sector ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3009.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This paper examines an international SDP NGO in relation to the most challenging limitations facing the current Sport for Development and Peace sector. Employing an existing academic framework of the contemporary SDP sector, this case study explores under what conditions an SDP organization might begin to emancipate themselves from such limitations.
Livres sur le sujet "Non-governmental organizations – Palestine"
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Sullivan, Dennis J. Non-governmental organisations and freedom of association : Palestine & Egypt : a comparative analysis. Jerusalem : Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, 1995.
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Sullivan, Denis Joseph. Non-governmental organisations and freedom of association : Palestine & Egypt : a comparative analysis. Jerusalem : Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, 1995.
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Hammami, Rema. Civil society in Palestine : "case studies". San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy : European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, 2001.
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Non-governmental organisations in Palestine : Last resort of humanitarian aid or stooges of foreign interests ? Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008.
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Bahmad, Layla. Non-governmental organisations in Palestine : Last resort of humanitarian aid or stooges of foreign interests ? Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008.
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United Nations Latin American and Caribbean Meeting on the Question of Palestine (2005 Caracas, Venezuela). United Nations Latin American and Caribbean Meeting on the Question of Palestine : Caracas, 13 and 14 December 2005. [New York?] : United Nations, Division for Palestinian Rights, 2006.
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Benjamin, Gidron, Katz Stanley Nider et Hasenfeld Yeheskel, dir. Mobilizing for peace : Conflict resolution in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa. Oxford [England] : Oxford University Press, 2002.
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Indonesia) United Nations Asian Seminar and NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine (1997 Jakarta. United Nations Asian Seminar and NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine, Jakarta, 4-7 May 1997. New York?] : United Nations, Division for Palestinian Rights, 1997.
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Tend the olive, water the vine : Globalization and the negotiation of early childhood in Palestine. Greenwich, Conn : IAP-Information Age Pub., 2006.
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Palestinian civil society : Foreign donors and the power to promote and exclude. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Non-governmental organizations – Palestine"
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Bier, Jess. « Validating Segregated Observers : Mapping West Bank Settlements from Without and Within ». Dans Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine. The MIT Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262036153.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chapter 5, “Validating Segregated Observers”, explores the intricate ways that the Israeli occupation shapes empirical observations. Through a critique of feminist standpoint theory and Donna Haraway’s work on situated knowledge, it shows how the most well meaning maps can be drastically different depending on who makes them. After 1967 Israeli settlers have increasingly moved to the West Bank, establishing diffuse but numerous settlements that dominate the landscape, engendering forms of segregation that are both rigid and complex. As a result, Palestinians see different parts of the landscape, and under tougher restrictions, than do Israelis, and vice versa. For example, cartographers in Palestinian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are able to collect map data only within Palestinian areas, and must view the Israeli settlements from without. This produces a dichotomy between, and enforces a drastically unequal separation of, Palestinians and Israelis. It also buttresses imbalances of power in international technoscience, influencing even the most apparently objective, empirical knowledge. Chapter 5 explores the (by no means straightforward) implications of this segregation in detail, while also introducing the notion of refractivity, or material and spatial reflexivity. Throughout, it seeks to understand how cartographers in organizations who use the same tools to map the same landscapes can produce different results.
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Jackson, Keith, et Reema Rasheed. « Communication, Culture, and Discord ». Dans Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies, 182–95. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9970-0.ch010.
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This case study highlights and examines an avoidable failure of management communication and leadership in a non-governmental organization (NGO). The case study draws on a real-life example of a NGO that was established in Palestine with European Union (EU) funding and that became subsequently staffed by a team composed of local Palestinian employees and expatriate non-Palestinians who, as is commonly the case in international NGOs, were appointed to executive management and leadership roles. Overall, this case study highlights processes of cross-cultural communication between the local employees, the expatriate employees, and (indirectly) with senior executives of the EU funding agencies, whose distant yet decisive influence give a broader context to the localized communication and conflict management processes described and analyzed here. Finally, recommendations are made for future research specific to effective communication, leadership and conflict resolution in international organizations generally and in Palestinian organizations specifically.
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Leuenberger, Christine, et Izhak Schnell. « Map-Making for Building the Palestinian Nation-State ». Dans The Politics of Maps, 170–95. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076238.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Throughout the 20th century, the rise of the Zionist national movement paralleled the strengthening of the Palestinian national movement. The struggle of the Israelis and the Palestinians over Palestine also manifested itself in the history of surveying and mapping, and their respective rights to do so. After the Hagannah looted the Survey of Palestine, the Palestinians were left with few cartographic resources. The lack of maps of their own weakened their negotiating position during peace negotiations with Israel. Yet, it was not until the 1993 Oslo Accords that Palestinians had a mandate to develop the territory under their jurisdiction. Their attempt to establish the State of Palestine went hand in hand with their effort to survey and map their territory. Consequently, in an effort to produce maps of their own, various governmental and non-governmental organizations produced maps for both building the nation and establishing a state. Logo maps of historical Palestine served to enhance national belonging; and cartographic reconstruction of pre-1948 Palestine retraced an Arab toponomy of the land. Concurrently, maps for building the State of Palestine delineated the territory in line with international law, strengthening Palestinians’ case for territorial sovereignty. Such maps are also vital for governance, land allocation, and development. The lack of territorial sovereignty, restricted access to aerial photos at a suitable scale (due to Israeli restrictions), largely donor-funded mapping projects as well as the lack of a national mapping agency, however, encumber Palestinian mapping efforts to establish a state, that could ascertain the rights of otherwise stateless people.
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Leuenberger, Christine, et Izhak Schnell. « Conclusion ». Dans The Politics of Maps, 196–202. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076238.003.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The story of the establishment of the Israeli nation-state exemplifies some of the main ingredients of nation-state building in the 20th century. Israel came into being where historical narratives, national imaginations, scientific and technical know-how, human and material resources, and national and international support intersected. In the struggle to establish a nation-state, cartography had become crucial for both building the nation, and for building the state. With the 1993 Oslo Interim Agreement, Palestinians also started to survey and map the territory allocated to a future State of Palestine, with the expectation that they would, within five years, have full sovereignty over the West Bank and Gaza. For Palestinians to survey, map, and plan for the territory is crucial for establishing the legitimacy and functionality of a future state. At the same time, their attempt to map their land, as well as the production of various alternative maps by various organizations, are challenging the top-down mappings of the Israeli state and its dominant geopolitics. As boundaries continue to be controversial and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains intractable and unresolved, Israel and Palestine provide different governmental and non-governmental organizations, interest groups, and political protagonists ongoing fodder for persistent map wars. The focus on nationally based cartographic discourses in Israel/Palestine thus provides insights into the complexity, fissures, and frictions within internal political debates, but it also reveals the persistent power of the nation-state as a framework for forging identities, citizens, and alliances.