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Miguel, Elena De. « Nominal Infinitives in Spanish : An Aspectual Constraint ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 41, no 1 (mars 1996) : 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100020247.
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AbstractThe aim of this article is to provide an analysis of two types of Spanish infinitival constructions headed by a determiner. In an attempt to define the categorial status of the infinitive morpheme, it is proposed that there are two homophonous infinitival morphemes which project two different structures: one of them is inflectional in nature and projects clausal configurations; the other one is derivational in nature and projects nominal structures. This latter suffix carries an activity aspect and attaches only to aspectually compatible verbal stems. This proposal explains the different properties and contexts for the two structures analysed, and, more interestingly, provides an account for a number of data that remained unexplained in previous analyses.
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Gerasimenko, Natalia. « Challenges of typyfing nominal infinitive sentences in modern Russian ». E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020) : 21003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021021003.
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The present paper investigates nominal infinitive sentences in terms of their grammatical parsing. For this purpose, a structural-semantic method was applied. When performing structural analysis of a sentence, students often experience certain difficulties trying to distinguish its subject and predicate. The purpose of this work is to manage the challenges of defining subject and predicate in a sentence when learning Russian in school or university. Specifics of using an infinitive as a subject is substantiated; semantic groups of nouns that get in connection with infinitives are described. It was defined that in nominal infinitive sentences, the infinitive acts as a subject, while the noun performs a function of the main component of a copulative-nominative predicate. In most cases, an adjective relating to a noun that acts as a predicate is considered a part of that predicate. Nominal infinitive sentences have a limited group of special copulas functioning.
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Ibrahim, Hussaina. « THE NOMINAL ROLES OF GERUNDS AND INFINITIVES ». PUPIL : International Journal of Teaching, Education and Learning 3, no 1 (9 avril 2019) : 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijtel.2019.31.181188.
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Looyenga, Sietze. « A syntactic analysis of Dutch nominal infinitives ». Linguistics in the Netherlands 9 (3 septembre 1992) : 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.9.17loo.
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Makeeva, Nadezhda, et Irina Ryabova. « “Infinitive” class 15 in Dabida ». Language in Africa 1, no 4 (30 décembre 2020) : 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2020-1-4-183-198.
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The paper deals with the morphosyntactic properties of infinitives in the Dabida language. As in the majority of Bantu languages, Dabida infinitives are allocated to noun class 15 by virtue of their morphological structure, in particular, the nominal prefix ku-. Nevertheless, from the morphosyntactic point of view infi nitives demonstrate a number of nominal and verbal properties that reveal their dual nature. Although these properties are not usually attested in the same ku- form thus contrasting the two uses, there are, however, syntactic positions where both verbal and nominal features are exhibited at once.
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Werner, Martina. « Korpuslinguistische Perspektiven auf die sprachhistorische Entwicklung der nominalisierten Infinitive im Deutschen ». Linguistik Online 102, no 2 (27 mai 2020) : 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.102.6829.
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Nominalized infinitives (NIs, such as (das) Lachen ‘(the) laughing’, (das) Um-die-Ecke-Wohnen lit. ʻ(the) around-the-corner-living’) are the morphologically most elaborated deverbal nominalization patterns without restrictions in present-day German. However, this was not the case in earlier stages of German. The article reconstructs the steps behind the increase in productivity of the NI since Old High German with the support of historical corpora from Old High, Middle High, Early New High, and present-day German. It will be shown that the increase in productivity is due to an interplay of morphology and syntax. Syntactically, NIs develop from the verbal infinitive together with a syncretism with the pre-Old High German nominal gerund. Morphologically, NIs replace -ung-derived nouns in order to form abstract nouns in Middle High German. In a further step, the morphological complexity of NIs increases, because syntagmata are nominalized, including the emergence of synthetic compounds. In a reverse development taking place from Middle High German onwards, nominalized infinitives can also get result-readings which coincides with pluralizability (such as das Schreiben ‘letter’ – die Schreiben ‘letters’).
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Cominetti, Federica, et Valentina Piunno. « Patterns of nominal infinitives. A comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish ». Faits de Langues 48, no 1 (2016) : 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19589514-048-01-900000014.
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Malá, Marcela. « A Corpus-Based Diachronic Study of a Change in the Use of Non-Finite Clauses in Written English ». Prague Journal of English Studies 6, no 1 (26 juillet 2017) : 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pjes-2017-0009.
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AbstractOccasional notes in secondary literature suggest that there is a growing tendency to use non-finite clauses in written English. It is partly attributed to the fact that during the process of historical development the English finite verb has lost much of its dynamism and the nominal elements of predication, namely infinitives, participles and gerunds have gradually become semantically more important. This paper deals with the occurrences of non-finite clauses in the tagged Brown/Frown and LOB/F-LOB corpora, which are matching corpora of American English and British English respectively. The article looks at 1) the use of noun phrases followed by -ing participles, -ed participles and to-infinitives, 2) the use of -ing/-ed clauses with/without overt subordinators and 3) the occurrences of to-infinitive clauses. When the structural patterns 1), 2) and 3) were taken as wholes there was always an increase in the frequency of occurrence of non-finite clauses demonstrated by hundreds of examples in the Frown and F-LOB corpora. This may be considered significant since there is only a 30-year difference between the Brown/Frown and LOB/F-LOB corpora. The findings thus completely support the premise that when the perspective of the research is diachronic, in written English non-finite clauses are becoming increasingly prominent.
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Vanseveren, Sylvie. « Évolution linguistique et évolution de perspective en grammaire comparée des langues indo-européennes : le cas du «locatif sans désinence» ». Travaux neuchâtelois de linguistique, no 34-35 (1 octobre 2001) : 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/tranel.2001.2546.
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This paper deals with the problem of the casual origin of the Greek infinitives in -men, -ein, with respect to the «endingless locative» and the «casus indefinitus» hypothesis. These assumptions can be connected with the progress made in the linguistic research especially on the nominal inflection, from a chronological and methodological point of view.
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Demske, Ulrike. « Nominalization and argument structure in Early New High German ». ZAS Papers in Linguistics 27 (1 janvier 2002) : 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.27.2002.150.
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Recent work on argument selection couched in a lexical decomposition approach (Ehrich & Rapp 2000) postulates different linking properties for verbs and nouns, challenging current views on argument inheritance. In this paper, I show that the different behavior with respect to verbal and nominal linking observed for Present-Day German does not carry over to ung-nominals in Early New High German. Deverbal nouns and corresponding verbs rather behave alike with respect to argument linking. I shall argue that this change is motivated by the growing rift between ung-nominals and their verbal bases both focussing on different parts oftheir lexicosemantic structure in Present-Day German. Evidence for the verb-like behavior of ung-nominals in Early New High German comes from the regular meaning relation between verbs and corresponding derived nouns, the actional properties of event-denoting nouns, and the patterning of ung-nominals with nominalized infinitives. Even their syntactic behavior reflects the verbal character of ung-nominals during that period of the German language. The diachronic facts can be accounted for in a straightforward way once we adopt a lexical decomposition approach to argument selection.
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Castle, Edward W. « The Dedication Formula 'IR.N.F M MNW.F ». Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 79, no 1 (octobre 1993) : 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339307900108.
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A study of the problems involved in the translation of the dedication formula ir.n.f m mnw.f. Previous theories attempting to resolve these problems are subjected to critical examination and a new theory proposed. The semantic direct object of the verb is found in the phrase m mnw.f, the direct object being coordinated with the preposition m in order to allow it to function within an emphasized adverbial adjunct as the emphasized semantic direct object of a nominal ir.n.f. Following infinitives are treated as substantives in apposition to this emphasized semantic direct object.
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Ilioaia, Mihaela, et Marleen Van Peteghem. « Dative experiencers with nominal predicates in Romanian : a synchronic and diachronic study ». Folia Linguistica 55, s42-s2 (14 octobre 2021) : 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2021-2031.
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Abstract This article investigates the evolution of the Romanian pattern [dative clitic + ‘be’ + N] (cf. Mi-e foame, lit. me.dat=is hunger, ‘I’m hungry’) from the 16th century until present-day Romanian. This pattern traces back to the Latin mihi est construction (lit. me.dat is), but is semantically more restricted than its Latin ancestor in that it can only express a physiological or psychological state. The aim of our study is to examine to what extent the dative experiencer behaves like a subject and the noun denoting a state like a predicate. We argue that, although certain subject diagnostics raise problems in Romanian, due to the obligatoriness of clitics and the scarcity of controlled infinitives, this pattern is clearly an instance of non-canonical subject marking with quirky dative case. The tendency toward expansion of this construction in present-day Romanian contradicts the hypothesis proposed in language typology according to which non-canonical subject marking tends to recede in favor of canonical marking in European languages.
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Ilioaia, Mihaela, et Marleen Van Peteghem. « Dative experiencers with nominal predicates in Romanian : a synchronic and diachronic study ». Folia Linguistica 55, s42-s2 (14 octobre 2021) : 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2021-2031.
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Abstract This article investigates the evolution of the Romanian pattern [dative clitic + ‘be’ + N] (cf. Mi-e foame, lit. me.dat=is hunger, ‘I’m hungry’) from the 16th century until present-day Romanian. This pattern traces back to the Latin mihi est construction (lit. me.dat is), but is semantically more restricted than its Latin ancestor in that it can only express a physiological or psychological state. The aim of our study is to examine to what extent the dative experiencer behaves like a subject and the noun denoting a state like a predicate. We argue that, although certain subject diagnostics raise problems in Romanian, due to the obligatoriness of clitics and the scarcity of controlled infinitives, this pattern is clearly an instance of non-canonical subject marking with quirky dative case. The tendency toward expansion of this construction in present-day Romanian contradicts the hypothesis proposed in language typology according to which non-canonical subject marking tends to recede in favor of canonical marking in European languages.
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Liceras, J. M., E. Valenzuela et L. Díaz. « L1/L2 Spanish grammars and the pragmatic deficit hypothesis ». Second Language Research 15, no 2 (avril 1999) : 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026765899675128586.
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In recent research on primary (L1) and non-primary (L2) acquisition,special attention has been given to whether syntactic development is subject to a continuity condition. While it has been proposed that the continuity condition applies to both L1 and L2 syntactic growth,the changes that take place in developing grammars have sometimes been attributed to other cognitive systems. Specifically, it has been proposed that child grammars are ‘underspecified’ because they lack a pragmatic principle which determines the range of indices available for establishing verbal and nominal coreference. According to this proposal, a grammar which is underspecified for Number has null subjects and bare NPs only with non-inflected verb forms. Assuming that adults will not have a pragmatic deficit of the kind proposed for children, we have analysed data from child L1 Spanish and adult L2 Spanish. The results of our analysis show that: (1) in child L1 Spanish, the feature Person may encode Number so that when Person is distinctively implemented, root infinitives and bare NP subjects will cease to occur. However, the pervasive morphology of Spanish verbs conspires against the possibility of providing clear-cut evidence for underspecification in the case of child Spanish; (2) the different nature of L1 and L2 root infinitives may provide partial evidence for underspecification in the case of L1 Spanish; and (3) in the case of L2 learners, the distribution of null and overt subjects seems to be partially determined by their L1 rather than by underspecification.
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Yang, Yang, Ngee Thai Yap et Afida Mohamad Ali. « A Corpus-Based Comparative Study on Syntactic Complexity in University Students’ EFL Writing in Southwestern China : A Case of Pu’er University ». World Journal of English Language 12, no 8 (11 octobre 2022) : 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v12n8p172.
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Syntactic complexity is the variety and sophistication degree of the syntactic structures conveyed in written production. The syntactic complexity of general Chinese university students’ EFL writing has been studied previously, but the performance of university students in educationally underdeveloped Southwestern China remains unclear. Taking Pu’er University as a case, this study collected 400 EFL compositions from 100 university students in Southwestern China and compared them with 200 writing samples from the Louvain Corpus of Native English Essays. Scores of 11 syntactic complexity indices were calculated using the L2 Syntactic Complexity Analyzer. The independent samples t-test was conducted to investigate whether and the extent to which the two groups differed on syntactic complexity indices. The results showed that university EFL students in Southwestern China produce a similar length of linguistic units when compared to native English writers. However, the amount of subordination in EFL writing is significantly less than that of native English writers. For the amount of coordination, the university EFL students produced a lower proportion of coordinate phrases than that of native writers, but the proportion of coordinate sentences is not significantly different between the two groups. Finally, for degree of phrasal sophistication, university EFL students in Southwestern China produce significantly fewer complex nominals than native writers do. The results imply that university students in Southwestern China should write more subordinated sentences and complex nominals, such as nominal clauses, infinitives, or gerunds, in their future EFL writing, instead of writing long sentences just heavily relying on simple coordination.
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CORNILESCU, ALEXANDRA. « Romanian nominalizations : case and aspectual structure ». Journal of Linguistics 37, no 3 (novembre 2001) : 467–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226701001074.
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Two Romanian nominalizations, the infinitive and the supine, are compared in Noun+Object (NO) and Noun+Subject (NS) structures, regarding their ability to yield e-(vent)/r-(esult) readings. The NO structures behave alike and yield e-readings. The two NS structures contrast sharply: the infinitive NS is always an r-nominal, the supine NS may be an e-nominal. This contrast between the infinitive and the supine follows from their aspectual properties. While the supine is [−Telic], and may project either an Object or a Subject in e-nominals, the infinitive is [+Telic], and REQUIRES the projection of the Object. This constraint may follow from the fact that in nominals Aspect and Case are checked in the same projection.
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García Negroni, María Marta, et Silvia Ramírez Gelbes. « Construcciones de infinitivo y semántica argumentativa ». Cadernos de Estudos Lingüísticos 51, no 1 (14 juillet 2011) : 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/cel.v51i1.8637218.
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Neste trabalho, analisamos distintas construções nominais de infinitivo em espanhol para mostrar a existência dos falsos infinitivos (Varela, 1979; Hernanz, 1999) que, como os dizeres e os seres, aceitam pluralização e entram em todas as construções nominais dos substantivos ordinários. Reconhecemos dois tipos: os falsos infinitivos de tipo A, próximos às nominalizações dos verbos dos quais derivam, e os falsos infinitivos de tipo B, cujos sentidos parecem mais distantes do verbo de base. No quadro da Teoria dos Blocos Semânticos, explicamos essa diferença e a aparente maior distância semântica que existe entre os falsos infinitivos tipo B e os verbos dos quais eles derivam. Finalmente e para poder fornecer uma explicação da escassa produtividade dos falsos infinitivos, propomos relacionálos com a aspectualidade: somente os verbos que contêm o traço homogeneidade/propriedade (como os estativos puros ou as atividades) podem desenvolver falsos infinitivos. Concluímos que as construções de infinitivo representam um espaço interessante de pesquisa que demonstra, por um lado, a capacidade explicativa da TBS enquanto teoria semântica léxica e que, por outro lado, permite esclarecer os alcances das noções relativas à aspectualidade semântica.
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Sitaridou, Ioanna. « The Romeyka infinitive ». Diachronica 31, no 1 (21 juillet 2014) : 23–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.31.1.02sit.
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One Pontic Greek variety, Romeyka of Of, Turkey, today preserves a robust infinitive usage. Comparing the current infinitival distribution in Romeyka with previous stages of Greek, I argue that: (a) the Romeyka infinitive has roots in Ancient Greek due to preservation of the construction prin “before” with infinitive, which remains extremely productive, but which did not survive in other varieties into early medieval times and is only found as a learned construction in ‘high’ registers of the Medieval Greek record; (b) neither the survival of the plain and personal infinitive, nor the emergence of the inflected one can be due to contact with Turkish; (c) the Romeyka infinitive, part of a conservative medieval variety with Hellenistic features, once cut off from other medieval varieties (as early as the 11th c. ce and as late as the 16th c. ce), was reanalyzed as a negative polarity item. Such reanalysis feeds into the discussion that NPIs belong to various syntactic categories, such as nominal NPIs, NPI adverbs, NPI verbs, NPI focus particles, minimizers and now an infinitive, too.
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Doron, Edit. « The Biblical Hebrew infinitive ». Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 12, no 1 (18 juin 2020) : 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01201007.
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Abstract The paper proposes that the same functional categories which determine the inflection of the Biblical Hebrew finite verb also determine the feature specification of the Biblical Hebrew infinitive. This proposal depends both on demonstrating that the infinitive is a verb, rather than a noun (or a verbal noun), as traditionally assumed, and on showing that the functional categories that embed the infinitive are clausal rather than nominal. The article starts by examining the traditional distinction between the Infinitive Absolute and Infinitive Construct, and makes an argument for a single infinitive, with two allomorphs. The former is a verb marked as [+Mood], while the latter is marked as [–Mood], and both are also specified for two other clausal functional categories: T and Asp/Mod. These two latter categories determine a 4-way classification of finite/infinitival verbs: [+T+Asp/Mod], [+T–Asp/Mod], [–T+Asp/Mod], [–T–Asp/Mod]. This classification determines a concomitant 4-way alternation of attachment options of subject and/or object clitics to the verb: [+subj.cl.+Obj.cl.], [+subj.cl.–Obj.cl.], [–subj.cl.+Obj.cl.], [–subj.cl.–Obj.cl.], and moreover accounts for the distribution of the different verb forms.
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Bondaruk, Anna. « On Copular Sentences in Irish and Polish ». Studia Celto-Slavica 3 (2010) : 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/thio4505.
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The paper aims at comparing syntactic properties of various types of copular sentences found in Irish and in Polish. The two languages are particularly fitted for comparison because, unlike a number of natural languages, they possess two ways of expressing a predication relation. In the case of Irish this relation is expressed by two verbal elements tá and is, while in Polish, in addition to a regular verbal structure with być ‘be’, there occurs a pronominal construction with the invariable element to ‘this’ (cf. the Russian ėto). First, the inflectional forms of the predicative verbal elements are examined. Then, a detailed overview of the contexts in which each copular structure can be used is undertaken. It is noted that in both languages the structures with tá and być can appear with AP, PP, AdvP predicates. However, tá is different from być in that it can also take VP complements. A further difference relates to the fact that while nominal complements in Irish can only follow the copula is, they are perfectly licit in both types of Polish copular structures, nonetheless, yielding a distinct case marking on the predicate. It is worth mentioning that the use of to in Polish is more limited than that of is in Irish; only the latter can co-occur with adjectival and prepositional predicates, while the former can link only identical categories, i.e. either two nominals or two infinitives. Moreover, Polish exhibits an interesting copular structure in which both być and to co-occur, e.g.: Marek to jest mój przyjaciel. ‘lit. Mark this is my friend.’ In the final part of the paper an attempt is made to offer an analysis of the structural positions of both Irish tá and is and Polish być and to, taking into account their linking possibilities, interpretational differences they give rise to and the order of the predicates. It is argued that while two Irish verbs to be can be classed together, an analogous treatment for Polish copular elements cannot be maintained.
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Lemish, Nataliya Ye, Yuliia V. Kravtsova et Tetiana S. Tolcheyeva. « ENGLISH PREDICATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS : STRUCTURE AND TYPES ». Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 9. Current Trends in Language Development, no 23 (17 juillet 2022) : 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series9.2022.23.03.
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This paper deals with the typology of predicative constructions in the English language based on their structure. It provides a theoretical overview of the existing standpoints as for the above mentioned language phenomenon, specifying the structure of the English predicative constructions, and determining their types. Any predicative construction consists of two parts – nominal + verbal. Between the two parts of the predicative construction there is a secondary predicative relation, i.e. the relation similar to that as the subject and the predicate have. The predicative construction may be used only when there are two different doers of the actions in the sentence. As soon as there are three types of verbals in English (the Infinitive, the Gerund, and the Participle), it is only logical to identify infinitival, gerundial, and participial predicative constructions: there is no predicative construction without a verbal, and then the name of the construction indicates the type of the verbal used in it. As a result of the study eleven types of predicative constructions were defined, namely: two gerundial types (Gerundial and Half-Gerundial), three infinitival types (Objective Infinitive, Subjective Infinitive, and For-to-Infinitive), six participial types (Objective Participial, Subjective Participial, Nominative Absolute Participial, Prepositional Absolute Participial, and two purely absolute constructions where there is no explicit verbal constituent but it is implied and can be easily restored – Nominative Absolute (Participial) and Prepositional Absolute (Participial)). The paper is believed to be of practical use for future translators / interpreters and English-language teachers, for it gives both an overall idea of a predicative construction as of an English language economy means and syntactic functions of all predicative constructions in the sentence.
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FLEISHER, NICHOLAS. « Attributive adjectives, infinitival relatives, and the semantics of inappropriateness ». Journal of Linguistics 47, no 2 (28 janvier 2011) : 341–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226710000393.
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I investigate the syntax and semantics of a previously unexamined English adjective construction, exemplified by sentences like Middlemarch is a long book to assign. The construction, which I call the nominal attributive-with-infinitive construction (nominal AIC), is of interest for the semantics of gradability and modality. I argue that the major interpretive characteristic of the nominal AIC – the interpretation of inappropriateness associated with it – arises from the interaction between the positive degree operator associated with the gradable adjective and the modality of the infinitival relative clause, which contributes to the computation of the standard of comparison. Nominal AICs are compared and contrasted with a surface-identical construction I call the clausal AIC, with attributive too, and with attributive comparatives; they are shown to exhibit major syntactic and semantic differences from all of these. The paper serves both as a contribution to the semantic literature on gradability and as a contribution to the descriptive grammar of English, as it is, to the best of my knowledge, the first systematic description and analysis of the nominal AIC.
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Barbiers, Sjef, Hans Bennis et Lotte Dros-Hendriks. « Merging verb cluster variation ». Romance Parsed Corpora 18, no 1 (13 juillet 2018) : 144–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.00008.bar.
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Abstract In this paper we argue that verb clusters in Dutch varieties are merged and linearized in fully ascending (1-2-3) or fully descending (3-2-1) orders. We argue that verb clusters that deviate from these orders involve non-verbal material: adjectival participles, or nominal infinitives. As a result, our approach does not involve any unmotivated movements that are specific for verb clusters. Support for our analysis comes from (i) the interpretation of verb clusters; (ii) the fact that order variation depends on the types of verbs involved, which can be explained by selectional requirements of the verbs; and (iii) the geographic co-occurrence patterns of various orders. First, the 1-3-2 and 3-1-2 orders are argued to be ascending orders with a non-verbal 3. Indeed these orders occur in grammars that have ascending, rather than descending, verb clusters. Secondly, the 1-3-2 order is argued to be an interrupted V1-V2 cluster with a non-verbal 3. Indeed, this order is most common in the region where non-verbal material can interrupt the verb cluster. Our analysis of word order variation in verb clusters in terms of principles of grammar is further supported by an experiment in which we asked a large number of speakers distributed over the Dutch language area to rank all logically possible orders, including orders that are not common in their own variety of Dutch. The results demonstrate that speakers apply their syntactic knowledge to rank verb cluster orders that they do not use themselves. We argue that this knowledge cannot be due to familiarity with the various orders.
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Quintero-Ramírez, Sara. « Funciones sintáctico-textuales del infinitivo y el gerundio-participio en notas periodísticas deportivas en inglés ». Matices en Lenguas Extranjeras 14, no 2 (26 octobre 2021) : 12–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/male.v14n2.83025.
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Esta investigación busca identificar las funciones sintácticas y textuales que desempeñan los gerundio-participios (-ing) e infinitivos en notas periodísticas en idioma inglés. La metodología adaptada consistió en analizar un corpus de veinticinco notas deportivas, para lo cual construimos un modelo de análisis mediante el que examinamos las funciones principales de ambas formas no finitas, tanto a nivel oracional como supraoracional. Con base en este modelo, clasificamos gerundio-participios e infinitivos del corpus con la finalidad de establecer un parangón respecto de su asiduidad y sus respectivas funciones en este género discursivo. Entre nuestros hallazgos, constatamos que ambas formas no finitas se hacen anteceder de verbos auxiliares para formar perífrasis verbales. En complemento preposicional, ambas formas se asocian a sintagmas nominales y adjetivales. A nivel supraoracional, el gerundio-participio juega un rol más textual en las notas periodísticas deportivas del corpus que el infinitivo. Con esta investigación, pretendemos contribuir a los estudios del discurso deportivo, en particular aquellos enfocados en las formas no finitas.
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Fiorentino, Giuliana. « Action Nouns and the Nominal Infinitive in Italian ». Romanische Forschungen 120, no 1 (1 mars 2008) : 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3196/003581208783741436.
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Alieva, Shahla Gahraman. « CHARACTERISTICS OF INFINITIVE WORD COMBINATIONS AS “NOMINAL+VERB” ». "Scientific notes of V. I. Vernadsky Taurida National University", Series : "Philology. Journalism" 2, no 4 (2021) : 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/2710-4656/2021.4-2/01.
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Gärtner, Eberhard. « Recursos gramaticais para a expressão de proposições dependentes da valência do predicado em Português, Espanhol e Alemão ». Filologia e Linguística Portuguesa, no 4 (2 août 2001) : 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2176-9419.v0i4p7-52.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Neste artigo, depois de esvoçar diferenças metodológicas fundamentais entre a descrição de orações subordinadas nas tradições luso-brasileira e alemã, apresentamos uma descrição de orações completivas e construções equivalentes das três línguas em epígrafe, baseada num modelo gramatical que inclui o significado oracional na descrição gramatical. Consideramos a 'proposição' uma entidade semântica (significado oracional) constituída pelas propriedades semânticas do predicado, por meio da valência semântica do mesmo. A valência sintática, então, decide sobre as construções morfo-sintáticas utilizáveis, com um determinado predicado, para a expressão da respectiva proposição dependente subjacente. Grande parte do artigo é destinada à descrição desses recursos gramaticais de expressão, entre os quais contamos tanto as orações conjuncionais e as construções de infinitivo, nas funções oracionais de sujeito, objeto ou complemento adverbial ou em função completiva nominal, como construções substantivadas, nominalizações e pronominalizações. Discutimos tambem construções com elevação de sujeito, entre as quais incluímos construções conjuncionais, de infinitivo, de gerúndio, gerundiais de infinitivo assim como sintagmas adjetivais, nominais e preposicionais como formas de redução de proposições com predicado nominal e locativo. Finalmente referimo-nos a construções mono-oracionais com elevação de vários argumentos. A comparação com o alemão dá como resultado a maior riqueza das duas línguas ibero-românicas em recursos expressivos para proposições dependentes: a comparação entre estas evidencia sutis diferenças entre o português e o espanhol.
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Zinina, Yulia Mikhailovna. « Participle in a compound nominal predicate ». Филология : научные исследования, no 4 (avril 2021) : 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0749.2021.4.35359.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article determines the frequency of using the elements of construction of the compound nominal predicate “copulative verb + participle” in the publicistic speech. Considering the fact that in the English language participle is divided into two types – participle I (present tense) and the participle II (past tense), the article explores the use of 12 copulative – appear, become, get, go, grow, feel, keep, look, prove, remain, seem, sound in combination with both types of participle. The author also examined the dictionary entries for the verb keep as most controversial in determination of the following infinitive form with the suffix -ing. The article provides the points of view of the linguists noting that the terms “gerund” and “participle I”, inherited from the grammatical tradition are unsuitable, and suggest to consider the infinitive forms (participle I and gerund) as the single -ing form due to somewhat overlap of their functions, homonymity and difficulty in distinguishing them. Therefore, participle I, as an element following the copulative verb with the suffix –ing is designated in the article as -ing form. Using the methods of continuous sampling and quantitative analysis on the material of the British online news platforms, such as BBC News, The Guardian, The Evening Standard, and The Express, for the period from January 2020 to March 2021, the author established that in the constructions of the compound nominal predicate “copulative verb + -ing form”, "copulative verb + participle II” in the publicistic style texts, the most common copulative verbs are get, keep, feel, become, remain; participle II has the highest frequency as a binding element of the compound nominal predicate. The research involved 200,000 words.
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Ortiz López, Luis A., et Héctor Aponte Alequín. « Microvariación sintáctico-semántica-pragmática : El infinitivo frente al subjuntivo en el español (caribeño y mexicano) ». Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 11, no 1 (25 avril 2018) : 131–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen Las gramáticas del español describen como agramaticales oraciones en infinitivos con sujeto patente, como *Eso te pasa por tú ir demasiado rápido y *Para ella estar tranquila tiene que quitarse eso de la mente, frente a las cláusulas en indicativo, como, Eso te pasa porque vas demasiado rápido, o subjuntivo, como, Para que (ella/Ø) esté tranquila tiene que quitarse eso de la mente, como gramaticales. Hasta la fecha se ha estudiado la variación infinitivo/subjuntivo frente a la opcionalidad con el indicativo. La variación infinitivo/indicativo/subjuntivo ha sido ducumentada y estudiada en el Caribe, desde diversas perspectivas teóricas y se ha incorporado la anteposición del sujeto ante el infinitivo como variable independiente en hablantes bilingües. En cambio, no se ha examinado la presencia o ausencia del sujeto en la elección modal, ni se ha controlado el entorno oracional para investigar el efecto de la preposición en variación con el indicativo y el subjuntivo. Por ende, esta investigación examina este tipo de variación, desde la perspectiva de la microvariación modal, infinitivo/indicativo, y en relación con la variable sujeto (PRO vs. pro explícito y sujetos nominales) y la variable preposición “por” Para lograr ese ambiente controlado, se estudia una muestra de 96 participantes: 72 caribeños, y 24 mexicanos, a quienes se les administró un cuestionario de juicios de gramaticalidad, y 25 entrevistas orales a puertorriqueños y a 100 mexicanos, provenientes de PRESEEA. Los hallazgos se sometieron a un análisis variacionista, siguiendo GoldVarb 2010. Del análisis se desprende que los caribeños aceptan y usan con mayor frecuencia las formas verbales en infinitivo en C2s con sujeto patente, en primera persona singular, con sujetos pronominales, en primera persona singular, no específicos y actantes, que los mexicanos. Este comportamiento lingüístico evidencia que la gramática de los caribeños posee un subparámetro de interfaz sintaxis-pragmática que hace gramaticales este tipo de estructuras, con un significado procesal particular que posibilita la comprobación del rasgo nominativo en la Cláusula 2.
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Ahmadova, Aysel. « From Infinitives to Deverbal Nominals in the Language of Orkhon Inscriptions ». IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 21, no 08 (août 2016) : 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-2108011721.
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Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Edita. « Interpretación genérica de sintagmas nominales con núcleo elíptico ». Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 7, no 2 (3 décembre 2018) : 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.7.2.4576.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En este trabajo vamos a ocuparnos de sintagmas nominales con núcleo elíptico y significado inespecífico que refieren genéricamente a personas. Estos sintagmas no recuperan el contenido de su núcleo elíptico anafórica o deícticamente, por lo que se ha propuesto un tratamiento pronominal de los determinantes para ellos. Tras estudiar las condiciones de legitimación de la categoría vacía, mostraremos que se puede sostener que también en estos casos hay un núcleo nominal nulo. La categoría vacía tiene significado humano, se legitima solo en contextos genéricos y con ciertos determinantes que permiten una lectura no anafórica. Sus rasgos se recuperan con un mecanismo de último recurso que se aplica cuando no se dan las condiciones para que se produzca ligado discursivo. Este mismo mecanismo es el que permite interpretar los sujetos arbitrarios de los infinitivos
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Schirakowski, Barbara. « (No) competition between deverbal nouns and nominalized infinitives in Spanish ». Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 9, no 2 (10 novembre 2020) : 257–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.9.2.5215.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores the distribution of deverbal nouns and nominalized infinitives that are built on transitive verbs and occur in eventive interpretations. The study is empirically oriented and based on an acceptability judgment experiment in which argument realization and interpretational possibilities are manipulated as the independent variables. The results show that deverbal nouns prefer but are not limited to realizing the lower argument of the base, whereas nominalized infinitives are mostly restricted to realizing the higher argument. Furthermore, deverbal nouns turn out to be insensitive with regard to the distinction between episodic and generic event readings, while nominalized infinitives are shown to be specialized on generic interpretations. Deverbal nouns and nominalized infinitives are, thus, mostly neither paradigmatically interchangeable nor complementarily distributed as nominalized infinitives reach the same degree of acceptability as deverbal nouns only under very narrow conditions. With regard to the ecological validity of the experimental approach, a comparison to corpus data indicates that high frequency clearly correlates with acceptability, but that the same does not hold for low frequency and unacceptability, that is forms that are not (sufficiently) attested in the corpus do not necessarily receive low ratings within the judgment task. The study, thus, also addresses a number of methodological issues in the study of event nominals.
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Mor, Uri. « One More Look at the Negation of the Infinitive Construct in Second Temple Hebrew ». Vetus Testamentum 65, no 3 (3 août 2015) : 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12301199.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Second Temple Hebrew (Late Biblical Hebrew, Ben Sira, and Qumranic Hebrew) makes predicative use of two seemingly similar constructions: לא + infinitive and אין + infinitive. A syntactic examination of the two from a historical perspective, in light of morphosyntactic changes in the verbal system of Second Temple Hebrew and its sentence patterns, reveals that in spite of the similarities between them in form and in function, these are two seperate constructions that evolved independently. The former, initially a verbal phrase, is the negative counterpart of the affirmative predicative infinitive, and the latter, which constitutes a complete predication, is an offshoot of the existential pattern יש/אין + nominal phrase. In the Hebrew style of the Second Temple period the difference between them narrowed, so that they were occasionally interchangeable.
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SARVASY, Hannah S. « The root nominal stage : a case study of early Nungon verbs ». Journal of Child Language 46, no 6 (22 août 2019) : 1073–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000919000357.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe ‘root infinitive’ phenomenon in child speech is known from major languages such as Dutch. In this case study, a child acquiring the Papuan language Nungon in a remote village setting in Papua New Guinea uses two different non-finite verb forms as predicates of main clauses (‘root’ contexts) between ages 2;3 and 3;3. The first root non-finite form is an apparent innovation of the child, unacceptable in adult-to-adult speech, which must be learned from a special auxiliary construction in child-directed speech. The second root non-finite form functions like attested adult main clause use of the same form. During the study period, the first root non-finite form increases sharply to function as a default verb form, then decreases to nil by 3;2. The second increases gradually to near-adult levels. Both forms are non-finite and have similar proportions in the input. Thus, factors other than finiteness and frequency must explain their distributions.
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Rocha Martínez, Rolando. « El sufijo «infinitivizador» en quechua ». Letras (Lima) 81, no 116 (2 juillet 2010) : 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30920/letras.81.116.11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El quechua presenta un sufijo formador de nuevas palabras que ha sido descrito como derivativo nominal deverbativo, es decir, como un sufijo que deriva nombres a partir de elementos lexicales de naturaleza verbal. Sin embargo, la categorización de este sufijo como un derivativo nominal trae consigo una serie de escollos de los que daremos cuenta en el presente estudio con la finalidad de plantear una propuesta factible respecto del estatus nominal o verbal del morfema involucrado. Nuestra investigación propone una recategorización del sufijo en cuestión ya que las descripciones taxonómicas solamente lo han definido como una terminación propiamente infinitiva que constituye formas no personales, pero cuya naturaleza es de tipo nominal. El problema potencial que encontramos en el análisis tradicional de este sufijo es que nos remite a una forma nominal como producto derivado a partir de un verbo; no obstante, el comportamiento de dicha forma derivada dista mucho de ser propiamente un nombre.
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Ghivirigă, Teodora. « The gerund challenge ». Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 65, no 6 (31 décembre 2019) : 817–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00125.ghi.
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Abstract A cursory overview of how the ‑ing forms of a small sample of verbs (see, take, do) are translated in various types of European documents as presented on Linguee (http://www.linguee.com/) indicates a surprising variety of possible equivalents in Romanian: infinitive and nominalized infinitive, conjunctive (preceded by marker să), verbs in the various tenses of the indicative, nominal groups, gerunziu ‑ind/ ‑ând forms etc. Translators often have to compensate for the fact that both English participles and gerunds are potentially ambiguous without complements. Translating any ‑ing forms often involves obligatory or optional grammatical transformations. The present paper proposes the creation of a (preliminary) inventory of interlinguistic correspondences of gerund forms and their equivalents in Romanian based on real corpus (reports of the parliamentary committees) to point out the various translational options, evaluate them quantitatively (the most/least frequently used solutions) and to reveal potential difficulties arising from such an array of options.
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Pacagnini, Ana María Judith, et Ana María Marcovecchio. « 'Entre' en construcción de infinitivo adverbial ». Círculo de Lingüística Aplicada a la Comunicación 80 (27 novembre 2019) : 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/clac.66611.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Los infinitivos de interpretación adverbial vienen registrando una extensión de uso, tanto de tipo como de frecuencia. Así, las propiedades semánticas de entre, preposición que relaciona dos o más entidades o acontecimientos, se proyectan sobre un régimen temporal que, con sintagmas nominales, señala un lapso acotado de tiempo; y en lo aspectual, puede expresar valor durativo o la indeterminación temporal limitada.
Ahora bien, a partir de datos del empleo rioplatense con entre, encontramos una extensión de los infinitivos adverbiales, dadas sus funciones sintácticas (complementos de alternancia, circunstanciales de manera o cláusulas causales) y la correferencialidad de los sujetos con la predicación introductora; la relación semántica entre ellos y con respecto al verbo matriz; y la posible alternancia con cláusulas introducidas por entre que o de gerundio, así como vínculos con otras preposiciones de concomitancia. Estos propósitos se inscriben dentro de un estudio general, cognitivo-funcional, de los infinitivos adverbiales en español.
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Garnes Tarazona, Inmaculada. « Aspectos diacrónicos de la fraseología : análisis comparado de dos construcciones con venga/vinga en castellano y catalán ». Verba : Anuario Galego de Filoloxía 45 (19 septembre 2018) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15304/verba.45.3466.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En este trabajo analizamos el paralelismo cronológico en la aparición de dos construcciones fraseológicas con el mismo significado semántico-pragmático en castellano peninsular y catalán: venga/vinga (a) + infinitivo y venga/vinga (de) + sustantivo. En el plano semántico, estas construcciones intensifican la iteración de la acción (junto a un infinitivo) y la cantidad nominal (junto a un sustantivo). La función pragmática es la de aportar una valoración negativa o una queja por parte del hablante. El análisis a partir de corpus históricos profundiza en la diacronía de las construcciones en catalán y compara los datos con los obtenidos en Garnes (2014, 2015) para las mismas construcciones en castellano. Los resultados muestran que la aparición de estas estructuras se documenta en catalán varias décadas antes que en castellano.
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Farkas, Judit, et Gábor Alberti. « Spelling out of scope taking arguments in (de-)verbal constructions in Hungarian ». Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 8 (31 décembre 2022) : 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.14957.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper systematically investigates operators in post-head positions within the three constructions referring to states of affairs in Hungarian, that is, within verbal, deverbal nominal and infinitival phrases. Hungarian is well-known to be a language in which all types of operator can be, and are usually, spelt out in the pre-head zone. However, it has not been discussed in a systematic and comprehensive way earlier whether operators can appear in post-head positions. The paper points out that this is partially possible via a systematic overview of six basic operator types. It also illustrates that while spelling out operators in the pre-head zone results in unambiguous constructions, placing them in post-head positions yields different types of ambiguity. As for the acceptability of scope taking arguments, finite verbal constructions show a black-and-white picture while infinitival and deverbal nominal constructions can be characterized by gray zones in respect of the readiness of arguments to take scope from post-head position. In these “gray zones”, a somewhat speaker-dependent variation can be observed, presumably with underlying microvariation. To represent and interpret our findings, we use Grohmann’s (2000, 2003) phase-theoretic approach with its pragmasemantics-based three Spell-Out domains per cycle.
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Ogren, David. « Sõnajärg, infostruktuur ja objekti kääne eesti keeles ». Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 6, no 3 (31 décembre 2015) : 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2015.6.3.08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Objekti kääne eesti keeles oleneb eelkõige tegevuse ja objekti piiritle- (ma)tusest, kuid da-infinitiiviga konstruktsioonides leidub palju varieerumist objekti käändes, mida ei ole võimalik seletada piiritletuse mõiste abil. Suur osa sellest varieerumisest on seotud sõnajärjega: da-infinitiivile järgnev objekti on pigem totaalne, infinitiivile eelnev objekt on pigem partsiaalne. Artiklis vaadeldakse seoseid sõnajärje ja objekti käände vahel neljas sagedases da-infinitiiviga konstruktsioonis. Kuna eesti keele sõnajärg sõltub suuresti infostruktuurist, uuritakse, kas ja kuivõrd on sõnajärjega seotud varieerumine seletatav infostruktuuriliste parameetrite abil. Jõutakse järeldusele, et objekti käände varieerumist ei mõjuta mitte infostruktuur, vaid sõnajärg ise. Artikli lõpuosas arutletakse selle üle, miks võiks sõnajärg üldse mõjutada objekti käänet ning miks selle mõju piirdub infiniitsete konstruktsioonidega.Abstract. David Ogren: Word order, information structure and object case in Estonian. While object case in Estonian depends primarily on the boundedness of the action and the object nominal, numerous constructions with da-infinitive verb forms exhibit object case variation that cannot be explained by the boundedness criterion. A considerable amount of this variation is related to word order: VO word order in the da-infinitive phrase favors the use of the total object, OV word order favors the partial object. The article examines the relationship between word order and object case in four common da-infinitive constructions. As word order in Estonian is heavily dependent on information structure, the article also investigates whether the relationship between word order and object case can be explained by information-structural features, and finds that the relevant parameter is in fact not information structure, but rather word order itself. The article closes with a discussion of the possible explanations for the relationship between word order and object case and for why this relationship is found only in non-finite constructions.Keywords: object case, da-infinitive, information structure, word order, variation, analogy
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Буторин, Сергей Сергеевич. « PREDICATIVE QUALITATIVENESS CATEGORY IN KET : LANGUAGE MEANS OF EXPRESSING IT ». Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no 3(29) (14 décembre 2020) : 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2020-3-32-43.
Texte intégralRésumé :
В статье рассматриваются основные разновидности семантической категории качественности, в частности, субкатегория предикативной качественности и языковые способы ее выражения с позиций функциональной грамматики. Показано, что в кетском языке выделяются три типа предикативной качественности: адъективно-предикативная, субстантивно-предикативная и глагольно-предикативная. Адъективно-предикативная качественность выражается адъективными предикатами (как правило, прилагательными); субстантивно-предикативная — предикатами-существительными, которые являются ядром составного именного сказуемого и определяются прилагательными; глагольно-предикативная — предикатами, представленными спрягаемыми глагольными формами. Определен основной инвентарь языковых средств, образующих качественные предикаты: непроизводные качественные прилагательные; производные относительные прилагательные, оформленные словообразовательным суффиксом =ту; каритивные прилагательные; неглагольные субстантивные предикаты, выражающие субстантивно-предикативную качественность; причастия или инфинитивы; субстантивированные комплексные модификаторы; сложнопроизводные прилагательные, оформленные суффиксом производных прилагательных =ту. В статье проанализированы неглагольные средства выражения предикативной качественности, т. е. предикаты, имеющие в качестве главного компонента слово, которое не принадлежит классу полнозначных глаголов, вне зависимости от того, содержится ли в составе сказуемого глагол-связка. Выявлены две ведущие стратегии кодирования качественных предикатов: личная стратегия, которая заключается в оформлении ядра неглагольного предиката показателями согласования с подлежащим по категориям лица, числа и класса (рода), и неличная стратегия, предполагающая использование суффикса =сʹ (ед. ч.) ~ =сʹ=ин (множ. ч.), допускающего согласование с подлежащим только по категории числа. Показано, что имеются некоторые случаи альтернативного кодирования неглагольных качественных предикатов посредством либо личной, либо неличной стратегии кодирования. Приводятся аргументы, подтверждающие, что грамматическая категория степеней сравнения у кетских качественных прилагательных отсутствует. Компаратив и суперлатив выражаются синтаксическими конструкциями, образованными на базе адъективных качественных предикатов. The paper deals with the basic types of qualitativeness category particularly predicative qualitativeness and the language means of expressing it from the standpoint of functional grammar approach. It is shown that three types of predicative qualitativeness are identified in Ket. These are adjective-predicative, substantive-predicative and verbal-predicative ones. Adjective-predicative qualitativeness is expressed by adjective predicates, substantive-predicative qualitativeness — by compound nominal predicates and verbal-predicative qualitativeness — by predicates including finite conjugated verb forms. The basic inventory of language means forming predicative qualitative predicates is identified. The inventory includes underived qualitative adjectives, derived relative adjectives formed by means of the derivative suffix =ту, caritive adjectives, nonverbal substantive predicates denoting substantive-predicative qualitativeness; participles or infinitives; substativized complex modifiers; compound adjectives derived by means of the suffix =ту forming adjectives. The paper analyzes non-verbal means of denoting predicative qualitativeness, i.e. the predicates having as a head a word which doesn’t belong to the class of autosemantic verbs irrespective of the fact whether there is a verbal copula in the predicate structure. Two principal strategies of coding qualitative predicates have been identified including a person and number coding strategy which involves marking the non-verbal predicate by the affixes showing agreement with the subject of the qualitative construction in the categories of person, number and class (gender) and non-personal coding strategy implying the use of the suffix =сʹ (singular) — =сʹ=ин (plural) which allows for agreement with the subject only in the category of number. It is shown that there are cases of alternative coding of non-verbal qualitative predicates using either a person and number coding strategy or a non-personal strategy. The evidence that the grammatical category of degrees of comparison is not found in Ket qualitative adjectives is provided. The comparative and superlative notions are expressed by the syntactic constructions formed on the basis of adjectival qualitative predicates.
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Kozáčiková, Zuzana. « TO-INFINITIVE CLAUSES IN ACADEMIC DISCOURSE – NATIVE AND NON-NATIVE WRITERS COMPARED ». Discourse and Interaction 8, no 1 (30 juin 2015) : 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/di2015-1-53.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The objective of the paper is to examine the use of non-fi nite clauses, more specifi cally to-infi nitive clauses, in written academic discourse and the application of their syntactic and semantic properties in a selected corpus. Based on Quirk et al.’s (1985) subdivision they can be viewed as formal means of text formation and may have nominal, relative and adverbial meaning. This functional classifi cation resembles to some extent that of subclausal units such as noun phrases and adverbs. The analysis focuses on subordinate to-infi nitive clauses in selected papers found in Topics in Linguistics, an international scientifi c journal published by the Department of English and American Studies, Faculty of Arts, Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, Slovakia. Moreover, it tries to investigate possible differences in the application of the presented structure by native and non-native writers of English.
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Zhang, Niina Ning. « Appearance and Existence in Mandarin Chinese ». Studies in Chinese Linguistics 40, no 2 (1 décembre 2019) : 101–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2019-0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In Mandarin Chinese, the string of three overt elements in a row, a locative, a verb, and a nominal, asserts the existence of the entity denoted by the nominal in the location. This paper argues that the verb is contained in an adjunct, whereas the locative in its base position and the nominal establish a matrix predication relation. Thus, instead of the overt verb, the head of the matrix predicate of the construction is null. Moreover, a new analysis is provided to explain the obligatory argument sharing between the verb and the matrix predication of the construction. Furthermore, the paper argues that the agent of a transitive verb in certain types of embedded clauses needs to be Case-licensed by either the v of the selecting verb, as in an ECM construction, or a local c-commanding functional element, such as a complementizer, as in the English infinitive for construction. This Case-licensing explains why the transitive verb in the string has no agent. The research shows that the syntactic strategies to license abstract Cases in Chinese are similar to the ones found in other languages. Finally, the paper argues that the post-verbal -zhe is an adessive marker when it occurs in a non-progressive context.
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Rahmawati, Yulita Rusli. « ANALISIS STRUKTUR EKSPERIENSIAL PADA TERJEMAHAN UNSUR POST-MODIFIER DALAM KELOMPOK NOMINA DAN DAMPAKNYA TERHADAP KUALITAS TERJEMAHAN DALAM BUKU TO BEE OR NOT TO BEE KARYA JOHN PENBERTHY ». PRASASTI : Journal of Linguistics 3, no 2 (30 novembre 2018) : 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/prasasti.v3i2.8528.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research aims to determine the forms of post-modifier on nominal group, the use of translation technique, and the impact of the translation technique to the translation quality in the book To Bee or Not to Bee. The elements have their roles and functions experientially. In order to get the aspect of readability of the nominal group, the translator must have understanding of how the nominal group is formed based on the experiential structure. This research uses descriptive and qualitative based on Systemic Functional Linguistics Approach. The data collecting techniques used in this research are criterion- based sampling and document analysis by using document analysis, questionnaire and interview in order to obtain the data by giving some questions to the informants. The results of this research show that there are 536 used in this research which consist of non-finite clauses such as relative clauses, participle clauses (past and present) and to-infinitive. The results show there are 124 data (59,61 %) unchanged, 78 data (37,50%) shifting and 6 data (2,89 %) untranslated. Adjective phrases consist of 54 data (10,08 %) with 39 data (72,22 %) unchanged, 14 data (25,93 %) shifting and 1 data (1,85 %) untranslated. Preposition phrases consist of 274 data (51,11 %) with 143 data (52,19 %) unchanged, 97 data (35,41 %) shifting and 34 data (12,40 %) untranslated. The applications of the translation techniques used in this research are single techniques, double techniques, and triple techniques. They have impacts to the translation quality especially in the forms of post-modifier in the nominal groups.
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Śmiełowska, Natalia, et Kamil Wabnic. « Rozmowa egzaminacyjna – wybrane cechy stylu wypowiedzi egzaminatora i egzaminowanego. Analiza korpusowa ». Studia Linguistica 38 (24 janvier 2020) : 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1169.38.8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Oral exam – selected features of style of utterances of examiners and students. Corpus analysisThe purpose of the article is to compare selected features of the style of utterances of professors and students in an oral exam as a communication situation. The research material consists of 25 recordings of oral exam 9 examiners with 32 students. They come from a corpus collected as part of GeWiss – a study project on the spoken scientific language. The texts were divided into two subcorpora: E examiners and S students. Corpus linguistics methods were used in analysis. Several characteristic features of scientific and official styles were compared: numerous structures proszę + infinitive; nominal structures nominal style; extensive hypotaxis. The analysis showed numerous stylistic similarities between the examined subcorpora. The style of none of the texts in the subcorpora is strongly nominal. A clear difference between the subcorpora is the presence of structures with the word proszę – it appears in the utterances of examiners, while in the utterances of students it is almost non-existent. The distribution of means responsible for cohesion in both subcorpora is different parataxis is more common than hypotaxis but is implemented differently; also, there are differences in lists of one hundred most frequently used lexemes in the subcorpora – these differences allow us to distinguish these texts with tools for automatic style similarity analysis.
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Benedetti, Marina. « Ditransitive ‘teach’ and the status of the Theme “argument”(?) ». Journal of Greek Linguistics 20, no 2 (12 novembre 2020) : 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02002003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This paper offers new insights into the much-debated topic of double accusatives, taking διδάσκειν as a case study. By focussing on the different syntactic and semantic properties of the two accusatives in expressions such as διδάσκω σε σωφροσύνην ‘I teach you moderation’, it is shown that the mere reference to distinct semantic roles (Recipient vs Theme) does not provide a satisfactory account of some crucial properties of these constructions. As emerges from textual evidence, the so-called “Theme” may alternate with an infinitival complement (e.g. διδάσκω σε σωφρονεῖν ‘I teach you (how) to exert moderation’). Both the infinitival and the nominal complements are bound to the object of διδάσκω through a relationship which may be defined by the notion of control. This finding reveals the predicative function performed here by the “Theme”, thus supporting a multi-predicative approach to the double accusative construction of διδάσκειν. This hypothesis has relevance to the analysis of other double accusatives of Ancient Greek, and opens a new path for the analysis of comparable data offered by modern languages.
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Cinková, Silvie, Eva Hajičová, Jarmila Panevová et Petr Sgall. « Two Languages - One Annotation Scenario ? Experience from the Prague Dependency Treebank ». Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics 89, no 1 (1 juin 2008) : 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10108-009-0001-y.
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Two Languages - One Annotation Scenario? Experience from the Prague Dependency Treebank This paper compares the two FGD-based annotation scenarios for Czech and for English, with the Czech as the basis. We discuss the secondary predication expressed by infinitive and its functions in Czech and English, respectively. We give a few examples of English constructions that do not have direct counterparts in Czech (e.g., tough movement and causative constructions with make, get, and have), as well as some phenomena central in English but much less employed in Czech (object raising or control in adjectives as nominal predicates), and, last, structures more or less parallel both in their function and distribution, whose respective annotation differs due to significant differences in the respective linguistic traditions (verbs of perception).
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Tuhai, O. « THE STUDY OF COMPLEMENTARY COMPLEXES IN MODERN GRAMMAR SCHOOLS ». Studia Philologica, no 2 (2019) : 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2019.13.12.
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The article focuses on the basic theoretical approaches to the analysis of complementary complexes in modern grammar paradigms. The phenomenon of clausal complementation has been presented. Subordinate sentences are characterized as object clausal complements with the status of a core internal argument of the main predicate. Grammatical configuration and functioning of finite/infinitive complementary sentences in English have been revealed. Grammatical status of clauses under the study is postulated as object predication or the internal verbal complement in the function of an object. Grammatical indicators of finite sentences are analyzed considering specific that/wh- markers of complementation, semantics of matrix verbs as well as temporal tense-form feature in a verbal phrase. Grammatical configuration of infinitive sentences is denoted by to-/wh-markers and noun phrases in a certain case. Identifying criteria of verbal clausal complements have been distinguished. Morphology of the predicate, internal/external syntax of a complementary construction are grounded as leading features of their definition. Typology of verbal complementation in terms of transitivity, complement attachment to the perculia part of speech, functional communicative approach has been reviewed. General monotransitive, complex-transitive and ditransitive complementation has been outlined. When being attached to a particular language constituent a clause is determined as nominal, adjective or verbal complement. Due to communicative peculiarity finite subordinate clauses are positioned as content declarative, interrogative and exclamative.
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Pérez Fernández, Miguel. « Oraciones finales en hebreo rabínico ». Sefarad 52, no 1 (30 juin 1992) : 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/sefarad.1992.v52.i1.1000.
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Dentro del Corpus Tannaiticum y tomando como punto de partida el texto de Sanh 4,5, se estudian distintos tipos de oración final: lě- + infinitivo, še- con valor final y exegético, el uso de bišḇil še- en oraciones nominales y verbales, valor y uso de kěḏê lě- y kěḏê še-, y origen y uso de šemma’.
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Mkhitaryan, Yelena, et Sophie Sarkissyan. « Analytic Causative Constructions in English ». Armenian Folia Anglistika 2, no 1-2 (2) (16 octobre 2006) : 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2006.2.1-2.006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines English analytical causative constructions in the light of cognitive semantics and functional linguistics which makes it possible to identify six syntactic patterns. Each pattern includes two predicates – the first is usually expressed by a causative verb, the second – by different parts of speech or different verb forms (Infinitive, Participle I, Participle II, Gerund, Adjective, Noun). As for the participants of the action (the CAUSER and the CAUSEE), they are the nominal elements of the pattern and are presented by animate or inanimate nouns. This fact is determined by the type of the pattern and the nature of the causative verb involved. The analysis suggests that apart from paradigmatic causative verbs, these patterns can also include verbs that prototypically do not belong to causative verbs in English.