Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Nobility – Spain – History »

By the early seventeenth century, petitioners at the royal court in Madrid who claimed descent from the Inca rulers of Peru, the Aztec rulers of Mexico, and the Nasrid emirs of Granada found ways to acquire noble status and secure rights to their ancestral lands in the form of entailed estates. Their success in securing noble status and title to their mayorazgos (entailed estates) rested on strategies, used over the course of several generations, that included marriages with the peninsular nobility, ties of godparentage and patronage, and military service to the crown. This article will examine the networks formed in Madrid between roughly 1600 and 1630 when the descendants of the Inca and Aztec rulers interacted with peninsular noble families at court, obtaining noble status and entry into the military orders and establishing their mayorazgos. Their strategies for claiming nobility show striking parallels to those adopted by the Morisco nobility, and one aim of this article is to suggest how knowledge of such strategies circulated among families both at the royal court in Madrid and in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru.

The image of the lone and footloose venturer, all but penniless, striking out for the Indies seeking immediate enrichment, has long since given way to a more balanced picture of the Spanish settlers of the New World in the sixteenth century. This revised picture suggests that the Spanish emigrants had their origins principally in a wide middle sector of social and occupational groups, ranging from hidalgos below the level of the high nobility, professionals and officials, to artisans and tradespeople of all sorts, farmers, and an impressive number of “servants.” One component of the earlier image of Spanish emigrants—the down-on-his lick hidalgo whose pride and sense of honor propelled him to the Indies in hope of improving his fortunes—survived the transition to the revised idea now accepted, his reputation somewhat rehabilitated but his presence undeniable. Stereotypes notwithstanding, the image of the cadet sons of hidalgo families and of relatively poor hidalgos going off to the Indies has considerable basis in fact; it is a reflection of the realities of Spanish family and social structure that sent the same type of individual into religious orders, universities, or the army. But while a basic truth gave rise to the longstanding cliche, we still know relatively little of what lies behind it—nor, for that matter, do we know very much about the hidalgos and provincial nobility of Spain, the sector (as opposed to the high titled nobility) that entered into the Indies venture in the sixteenth century in some numbers.

In 1519 Spanish conquistadors arrived on the shores of Mesoamerica under the leadership of Hernando Cortés. Following the defeat of Mexico-Tenochtidan, the Aztec capital, Cortés requested that members of the Franciscan order be sent from Spain to lead the conversion effort. In 1523 the first three Franciscans arrived, among them fray Pedro de Gante. One year later another 12 Franciscans made the journey. They established themselves in the southeastern portion of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, and under their direction Nahua laborers built the principal Franciscan religious compound, San Francisco, and the first indigenous chapel in New Spain, San Josef de los Naturales. Together this friary and chapel served as the main point of interaction for Franciscan conversion efforts within the altepetl, ethnic state, of Mexico-Tenochtidan. In the courtyard of San Francisco, next to the indigenous chapel, fray Pedro established an indigenous school aimed at the indoctrination of the Nahua peoples of Mexico-Tenochtitlan and other outlying altepetl. Although its students were primarily members of indigenous nobility, other promising Nahuas received an education there as well.

The marriage of Louis XIV of France and Maria Theresa of Spain sanctioned the end of the Franco-Spanish war (1635-1659). The terms of the peace treaty and the marriage agreement were the result of a long negotiation which conclude with the extraordinary embassy sent to Madrid, led by Antoine III Gramont, marshal of France and duke of Gramont. In this article, we examine different aspects of the entry, reception and regalement of the French embassy at the court of Philip IV. For this purpose, we have considered an extensive corpus of textual sources (accounts, diaries, memories, poetical compositions and archival documents) that supply information about those events. We have focused our attention on the role played by the nobility -in particular, by Juan Gaspar Enríquez de Cabrera, 10th Admiral of Castile-, considering at the same time the relevant function of the material culture in early modern diplomacy.

Bell towers are essential elements of religious architecture, which have been part of villagers’ lives for centuries and have marked their identity and orientation from a far distance. This research provides widens our knowledge of geometrical aspects of bell towers through a search for common building patterns. Throughout the history of construction and architecture, there have been specific studies about particular bell towers, but few have taken a more general approach, studying 18th-century architectural treatises and building warnings for ecclesiastical buildings after the Council of Trent. In the Spanish ecclesiastical territorial organisation, the Diocese of Orihuela and its region (Bajo Segura) had great importance, with outstanding social development and territorial expansion due to the colonising action of the clergy and nobility in the 18th century. In 1829, an earthquake had destructive effects on the area’s architectural heritage. This paper studies the bell towers that endured the earthquake by recording data in situ, generating a catalogue, and analysing and comparing the data obtained. The results outline a construction model that meets the established guidelines of the architectural treatises as far as geometrical proportions and building patterns are concerned.

In May 1561, King Philip II informed the town hall of Madrid that he had chosen their town as the site for his royal residence and court. That year, the city was swiftly transformed into the Catholic king’s court and the heart of his vast monarchy. It also became the principal political and cultural space for the nobility. Yet the greatest noble houses, particularly those in Castile, were initially resistant to the establishment of a sedentary royal court and continued to exercise and represent their status at their own traditional courts. Increasingly, however, they were obliged to reside in Madrid in order to ensure direct access to the king’s grace and favour. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Spanish aristocracy became courtiers through necessity rather than conviction. In response to this situation, and without neglecting their noble estates and interests, they created their own spaces at court, and over time were able to colonize the royal capital and convert it into their own natural habitat.

Resumen: María Guadalupe de Lencastre, VI duquesa de Aveiro, fue muy conocida en su época por su extraordinaria cultura y su apoyo a las misiones católicas. El presente artículo ofrece un recorrido por la vida de esta noble portuguesa exiliada en Madrid, centrándonos en las dificultades a las que tuvo que hacer frente para defender sus títulos y derechos y las particularidades del ejercicio efectivo del poder en sus estados.Palabras clave: Nobleza, Historia de Género, Aveiro, Portugal, EspañaAbstract: The 6th duchess of Aveiro, Maria Guadalupe de Lencastre, was well known at her time for her extraordinary culture and her support to the Catholic missions. This article focuses in her life as a exiled Portuguese noblewoman in Madrid after the Restauraçao, the difficulties she faced in order to protect the patrimony of her House.Key Words: Nobility, Gender History, Aveiro, Portugal, Spain

What is the relation between the early modern lyric and the emergence of modern individuality? Garcilaso de la Vega's verse from early-sixteenth-century Hapsburg Spain is generally assessed in terms of Petrarchan protocols. But the emotive effects of love fictions and pastoral nostalgia provide an incomplete aesthetic picture. Garcilaso's poetry also concerns modern power relations; some of his most impressive tropes allude to contemporary politics. This essay argues that Garcilaso's most experimental and self-assertive verse manifests the political animus of the Toledan nobility. On the ideological fault line between the municipal capitalists of the comunero revolution (1520–21) and the combined forces of the Hapsburg imperialists and the great landed aristrocracy, Garcilaso's “ultramoderate” lyric production problematizes the imperialist-aristocratic coalition by demystifying the official interpretations of recent events as divinely ordered repetitions of classical history. The peculiar self-referential implosion of the second elegy suggests that the emergence of modern individuality occurs in response to imperialist tyranny.

Partindo da existência de uma fidalguia coletiva na região basca de Biscaia, ratificada juridicamente pela monarquia de Carlos V (1527) através da aprovação do conjunto de leis conhecido como Foro Novo, nos perguntamos: como esse fenômeno produziu-se? Quais os agenciamentos discursivos envolvidos em sua emergência? Sendo assim, recorremos a um estudo genealógico não-linear que abrangesse tal processo. Para tanto, utilizamos séries documentais tocantes à sociedade biscainha a partir século XV - especialmente - por meio das quais verificamos a passagem de uma sociedade assimétrica (regulamentada pelo Foro Velho - 1452) para a constituição fidalga em nível territorial. Além disso, não tomamos a fidalguia biscainha como um estatuto petrificado, mas nos preocupamos em analisar seu uso, funcionamento, articulações e produções de saber até inícios do século XVII no contexto monárquico.
Starting by the existence of a collective nobility in the Basque region of Biscay, juridically confirmed by the emperor Carlos V (1527) through the approval of a set of laws known as Fuero Nuevo, we have inquired: How this phenomenon was produced? Which agencies were used for its emergency? In this sense, we have resorted to a non-linear genealogical study, which comprehends that process. To do that, it has been selected documents related to the Biscayan society from the 15th century principally - through which it was verified the transformation from an asymmetric society (regulated by the Fuero Viejo 1452) to the noble constitution in this territoriality. Besides that, we do not understand the Biscayan nobility as a petrified statute, so we were concerned in analyzing its use, operation, articulations and knowledge productions until the beginning of 17th century in the monarchical context.

Au moyen âge et au début de l’époque moderne, un groupe de personnes se présentait comme les serviteurs de toute la noblesse : les hérauts. Ces personnages en apparence inférieurs se trouvaient investis de fonctions importantes pour l’identité des nobles et du prince. À la Renaissance, malgré un déclin certain cet office continua à exister et à servir princes et nobles dans un contexte d’évolution importantes. Auprès des Habsbourg, ils participèrent notamment aux guerres de Charles Quint, à la sédentarisation et à l’hispanisation de la cour sous Philippe II et à la révolte des Pays-Bas. A travers eux, c’est l’histoire du principat des premiers grands Habsbourg et de leur noblesse que l’on peut deviner
During the middle-ages and the early modern period, a group of person was claiming to be the servants of the whole noble order. They were the heralds. Several important functions related with the identity of the prince and his nobility were associated with these apparently inferior persons. During the Renaissance, in spite of a manner of decline, this officeremained in existence and continued to serve both princes and nobles. The evolutions of these two traditionnal groups were nonetheless important. At the court of the Hapsburg, the heralds took part in particular in the wars of Charles V, in the sedentarisation an hispanisation of the court of Philip II and in the Dutch revolt. Through these persons, the history of the reign of the two first Hapsburg reveals itself

La integración de Cataluña en la monarquía francesa en 1641 abrió un período de convivencia entre dos mundos políticos. Para Francia, la incorporación de la nueva provincia tiene lugar en una sociedad enamorada del heroísmo. El reinado de Luis XIII parece ser la culminación de un proceso de reformulación del paradigma heroico: un modelo político y un referente ético nobiliario. La Guerra de España llevó la cultura heroica a su clímax. En particular, la proclamación del rey como soberano de Cataluña abre nuevos horizontes a este mundo imaginario, que moviliza también a los antiguos referentes mesiánicos. La historia de la compañía catalana producida por el séquito real ofrece una nueva perspectiva sobre la construcción de la imagen de Luis XIII. El horizonte catalán "completa" la construcción de su perfil heroico, y sirve de apoteosis, valorando el hecho de una muerte "sacrificial" como consecuencia de la presencia real en la sede de Perpiñán. Los virreyes se convertirán también en el centro de una narrativa heroica, protagonistas de una verdadera "epopeya catalana". Las luces y sombras de esta heroica experiencia política aparecen en el destino a veces trágico de estos representantes del rey, que deben hacer frente, además de a los retos militares y políticos de su cargo, a los equilibrios de poder en la corte. Por el lado catalán, la llegada de Luis XIII forma parte de la dinámica "revolucionaria" que se inició en 1640, cuando los líderes de la revuelta, que querían ser fieles al rey Felipe IV, formularon una historia capaz de domar acontecimientos que a veces se les escapaban. El horizonte de una providencial "restauración" de Cataluña está cerca. El "momento" republicano parece imposible de encontrar aquí, entre la interrupción formal de la jurisdicción de un rey y la aclamación del otro. A partir de entonces, un discurso providencial de restauración de la provincia se desarrolló a través de la realeza encarnada por un nuevo príncipe "mesías". La imagen del rey se convierte en un ideal sobre el que se proyectan expectativas políticas y por el que los propios líderes de la "revuelta" buscan justificarse. El rey se perdió la visita a Barcelona, justo antes de su muerte. El funeral real servirá para cristalizar esta historia y ofrecerá, a través de la imagen del rey "sacrificado" y "canonizado", un emblema del régimen francés en Cataluña.
L’intégration de la Catalogne dans la monarchie française, en 1641, ouvre une période de coexistence de deux univers politiques. Pour la France l’incorporation de la nouvelle province intervient dans une société éprise d’héroïsme. Le règne de Louis XIII apparaît comme la culmination d’un processus de reformulation du paradigme héroïque: modèle politique et référent étique nobiliaire. La guerre espagnole porte la culture héroïque à son paroxysme. Singulièrement la proclamation du roi comme souverain de Catalogne ouvre des nouveaux horizons à cet imaginaire mobilisant aussi des référents messianiques anciens. Le récit de l’entreprise catalane produit par l’entourage royal offre un nouveau regard sur la construction de l’image de Louis XIII. L’horizon catalan «achève» la construction de son profil héroïque, et lui sert d’apothéose, valorisant le fait d’une mort «sacrificielle» conséquence de la présence royale au siège de Perpignan. Les vice-rois deviendront aussi le centre d’un récit héroïque, protagonistes d’une vraie «épopée catalane». Les lumières et les ombres de cette expérience héroïque du politique apparaissent dans le destin, parfois tragique, de ces représentants du roi, qui doivent faire face, outre aux défis militaires et politiques relevant de sa charge, aux equilibres de pouvoir à la cour. Du côté catalan l’avénement de Louis XIII s’inscrit dans la dynamique «révolutionnaire» entamée en 1640. Le meneurs de la révolte, qui se veulent fidèles au roi, Philippe IV, formuleront un récit capable d’apprivoiser des événements parfois leur échappant. L’horizon d’une «restauration» providentielle de Catalogne intervient. Le «moment» républicain semble ici introuvable, entre l’interruption formelle de la juridiction d’un roi et l’acclamation de l’autre. Des lors se développe un discours providentiel de restauration de la province à travers la royauté incarnée par un nouveau prince «messie». L’image du roi devient un idéal sur lequel l’on projette les attentes politiques et par lequel les propres dirigeants de la «révolte» cherchent à se justifier. La visite manquée du roi à Barcelone, précédée de peu à sa mort. Les funérailles royales serviront à la cristallisation de ce récit, et offriront par l’image du roi «sacrifié» et «canonisé», un emblème pour le régime français en Catalogne.
The integration of Catalonia into the French Monarchy, in 1641, opens a period of coexistence of two political universes. In France, The incorporation of the new province arrives in a social context under the influence of an strong culture of heroism. Under Louis XIII’s reign culmines a processus of reformulation of the heroic paradigm: a political model of gouvernement and an ethical referent for the French nobility. The heroic culture is taken to its paroxysm when the Spanish war begins. Specially the proclamation of the king as sovereign of Catalonia opens new horizons for this imaginary, mobilizing also old messianic referents. The narrative of the catalan entreprise developed by the royal entourage offers a new perspective of the Louis XIII’s image making processus. The catalan completes the built of the king’s heroical profile, and serves to make his apotheosis, emphasizing the fact of a sacrificial death as a consequence of the royal presence in the Perpignan’s siege. Vice-rois become the center of an heroical narrative also. They are protagonists of a true «catalan epic». The lights and darkness of this heroical experience of Politics, appear throw the destiny, sometimes tragic, of these king’s agents (and images). They have to face, besides the military and political challenges, to the power’s struggles at court. By the catalan side, the accession of king Louis XIII has to be considered in the «revolutionary» context of 1640. The leaders of the revolt, who revendique to be loyal to their king, Philip IV, build a narrative able to tame serious adverse events, that sometimes escape to their control. The horizon of a providential «restauration» of Catalonia appears in this narrative. Republican time seems here «introuvable», between the broken of one king’s jurisdiction and the other king proclamation. Since then a providential propaganda speech about the restauration of the Principality throw a royalty incarnated by a new prince «messiah». The new king’s figure becomes one idealized image where Catalans look to project their political expectatives. Also a way for the catalan leaders to justify himself. The failed royal visit to Barcelone precedes for little the king’s death. The royal funerals serves to the crystallization of these narratives: they offer the image of an «sacrificed» king, who is also a saint. He becomes the real emblem of the franco-catalan regime.

Defence date: 7 October 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Irving A. A. Thompson ; Prof. Anthony Molho ; Prof. Diogo R. Curto ; Prof. Rafael Valladares
First made available online: 16 June 2021
A fines de 1638 o comienzos del año siguiente se concluyeron las obras de un pasadizo secreto que don Gaspar Alonso Pérez de Guzmán el Bueno, IX duque de M edina Sidonia, había manado construir para unir su palacio con el castillo de Santiago, distantes ambos algunos cientos de metros y situados en lo alto del terraplén de Sanlúcar de Barrameda. Tan novelesca construcción incita a especular sobre su función, aunque la falta de datos concretos sobre su uso aconseja prudencia. En el tiempo del que nos vamos a ocupar, los descendientes de don Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, el héroe de Tarifa, comandaron expediciones de conquista, organizaron armadas, defendieron la costa andaluza y pacificaron reinos. Pero también pleitearon con la Corona, se opusieron a sus designios e interpretaron el bien común desde la perspectiva de su palacio sanluqueño, perspectiva que no siempre resultó coincidente con la voluntad regia. El objeto de este trabajo es desentrañar las lógicas que presidieron la elaboración de las estrategias políticas que los Medina Sidonia fueron desarrollando en este tiempo en un esfuerzo por armonizar sus propios intereses con los de la Corona, modificando unos u otros en la medida que sus posibilidades y cálculos les permitían hacerlo.

AbstractI start this chapter by introducing the history of Brittany which was independent until 1492 when it became linked to France, and 1532 it became a French pays d’état. Brittany itself did not have any direct experiences with warfare during the mid-seventeenth century, and hence this chapter shows how a particularist province reacted to tax-requests, without the immediate threat of warfare. Nonetheless, taxation had to be paid in order to finance warfare with Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. Central to this chapter is how the nobility responded to these requests. The noblemen strove to uphold their legal status, and heavy taxations could jeopardise their income. Hence, the records of the Breton assemblies do give much information about the tax-negotiations that went on and the underlying noble privileges and conflicts. Especially between 1648 and 1652, when Brittany found itself close to bankruptcy and needed to curtail their expenditure. The used terminology does give away information about the threatened autonomy and means to protect privileges.

Ferdinand II’s reign is regarded as a turning point in Habsburg history. He rebuilt Habsburg power in Central Europe and changed decisively the region’s religious and political complexion. He restored Catholicism to a large part of his dominions and broke the power of the diets and nobility in the Austrian and Bohemian lands. ‘In the service of the faith: 17th and 18th centuries’ outlines his rule and the work of his immediate successors. It also describes the ‘Thirty Years War’ (1618–48), the Peace of Westphalia that ended the conflict, and the end of the Habsburgs’ global empire with the death of Charles II of Spain in 1700.

This chapter begins by introducing Alamán’s unpublished fragment of a personal memoir (1834), a key document in this biographical study. The social structure of the Guanajuato of his childhood is described. His family history in Spain and France going back to the15th century is traced, including the nobility on his mother’s side going back to her great-grandfather, a silver baron. In an elegiac tone the memoir recalls the titled silver aristocracy of Alamán’s youth and the fading of the family fortune over several generations, evoking the status loss that drove so many of his actions as an entrepreneur and public figure. The career of his father, who arrived in Mexico and married a wealthy young widow, is narrated, and the intra-family struggles over inheritance that followed his death.

The history of livestock grazing in the Jornada Basin of southern New Mexico is a relatively recent story, but one of profound implications. For four centuries this region has supported a rangeland livestock industry— initially sheep (Ovis aries), goats (Capra aegagrus hircus), and cattle (Bos taurus and Bos indicus), but primarily beef cattle for the past 130 years. Throughout this brief history of a domesticated ruminant in an ecosystem without a significant presence of large hoofed mammals as part of its evolutionary development, the livestock industry has continually grappled with high degrees of temporal and spatial variation in forage production. Management of this consumptive use, whether during Spanish, Mexican, U.S. territorial, U.S. federal, or New Mexican governments, has constantly reaffirmed the need for grazing management to be flexible and responsive to the stress of droughts. The history of anecdotal experiences has been more recently augmented by scientific investigations first initiated in 1915. This chapter outlines the general history of livestock in this region, defining characteristics of herbivory in arid lands, and principles of grazing management derived from nearly a century of studies on grazing by large domesticated herbivores. Seventeen ships carried 1,200 people and enough cattle, horses, sheep, and pigs to colonize northern Hispaniola during Columbus’s second voyage in 1493. Livestock originating from the Andalusian Plain of southern Spain were loaded aboard ship at the southern port of Cádiz and the Canary Islands before making the 22- day voyage (Rouse 1977). It was not until 1521 that Gregorio Villalobos unloaded livestock in New Spain (Mexico) near Tampico; the actual number of cattle and their origin are disputed. Rouse (1977) claimed that 50 calves were transported to the mainland from either Cuba or Hispaniola, whereas Peplow (1958) and Wellman (1954) claimed 6 animals arrived from Hispaniola. Irrespective of the initial numbers, livestock were soon moved north from the Mexico City area during the early sixteenth century with both missionaries and resource extraction industries as retired military officers and Spanish nobility built a mining- and grazing-based economy throughout the region of present-day northern Mexico.