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1
Morrow, D. J. « Neutrality and foreign policy in Austria since 1955 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.659634.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis has four main contentions; 1. that neutrality has undergone a fundamental change since the advent of the Nuclear Age and that this is most apparent in neutral States whose neutrality is a product of the Second World War settlement. Within this, the importance of foreign policy has greatly increased. The legal doctrines established in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are no longer applicable in the former manner. 2. that Austria's common history with Germany, especially in the period 1938-45, has had a profound effect on the conduct of postwar Austrian foreign policy, directly affecting relations with neighbouring States and the victorious allies. Here too a disturbing divergence between the statements of the political establishment in Austria and political reality since 1955 emerges. The development of a global-scale foreign policy has been in part a response to the growing importance of markets in the developing world and partly a reaction to the stifling effects of this historical legacy. 3. that Austria's foreign policy is based on an unstable equilibrium between the status of permanent neutrality, which since 1955 has had to operate in the context of two ideologically opposed groups, and allegiance to liberal democracy and hence to one of the parties to this ideological conflict. One of the important functions of Austrian policy has been to prevent this reality from becoming the object of manipulation from abroad. This difficulty has been most apparent in the debates over detente and the E.E.C. 4. that the continuing success of Austria, along with other small States in manipulating the World System to their advantage suggests that pure 'realist' and 'world systems' models of international relations are oversimplistic.
2
Morrow, Duncan. « Foreign policy and neutrality in Austria since 1955 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19164.
Texte intégral
3
Pastrňáková, Zuzana. « Proměny rakouské neutrality ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124829.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with the transformation of Austrian neutrality. Austria became neutral in 1955 because neutrality was seen as the most appropriate option for Austria to become an independent state. Austria has always appreciated its neutrality because it enabled an undisturbed development during the period of the Cold War. Only the European integration remained during this time a sensitive issue. After the Cold War, Austria started to redefine its neutrality to be able to join the European Union. It also started to participate in the Partnership for Peace. The decision to join NATO was finally not made. The end of this thesis assesses the impacts of the Treaty of Lisbon on the Austrian neutrality and shows the possible development of the neutral status of Austria.
4
Salmon, Trevor. « Irish security policy : neutrality, non-aligned or 'sui generis' ? » Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3719.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this century the Irish have claimed, at critical moments, that they were neutral and that they have established a policy of traditional neutrality. In the last generation they have also claimed, on occasion, to be nonaligned. These claims are tested by identifying the true nature of neutrality and variables by which a state's claim to be neutral can be assessed, and by identifying the essence of nonalignment. That essence is inapplicable to developed European states. Given that neutrality per se can only apply in time of war, the variables are adjusted to reflect a peacetime policy 'for neutrality' in the event of war. For this purpose the model presented by three European neutral countries is examined and used to generate variables against which to test the Irish claims. The identified variables are: (i) due diligence with respect to neutral rights and duties; (ii) the extent to which Irish claims have been recognised by others; (iii) the disavowal of help by them and; (iv) the extent of their freedom of decision and action. In addition, and partly reflecting the claim to non-alignment, two other variables are used: (v) lack of isolationism, willingness to ameliorate world problems, and impartiality and; (vi) the attitude to identity, nation- building, unity, stability and self-determination. Ireland has consistently failed to meet the criteria associated with either 'of' or 'for' neutrality, whilst its record on variable (v) is mixed. Its concern with variable (vi) has been pervasive, but ineffectual. Nonetheless, Ireland has not been committed to co-belligerency, although neither non-aligned, neutral nor an alliance member. It is in a ‘sui generis' position, particularly, but not only, within the European Community.
5
Mallinson, William David Eustratios. « Dutch foreign policy, 1948-1954 : from neutrality to commitment ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1142/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to explain why and how the Netherlands came to form part of the post-war Western security system and to support he rearmament of West Germany. It looks critically at how major post-war developments in Europe affected Dutch foreign policy, traditionally one of abstentionism, and considers the extent of Dutch influence in post-war Western cooperation. The Dutch attitude towards the process of German rearmament and to the Netherlands' own security needs is described and analysed. The considerable problems the Dutch had with Britain and the Unites States over Indonesia and the German question, and with Britain and the "European question", are set out and analysed, as are important aspects of Dutch-German relations, particularly the "annexation question" and trade. Important landmarks, and how the Dutch approached them, are dealt with. These are the Marshall Plan, the Brussels Treaty Organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the Council of Europe, the Schuman Plan and the Plieven Plan. The different attitudes of two Foreign Ministers, Dirk Stikker and Willem Beyen, towards the question of European integration, are analysed. The thesis concludes that Beyen laid less stress on the Atlantic partnership than did Stikker, and considerably more on European integration. Its final conclusion is that the Netherlands, although it decided to be a part of an alliance, still retained sufficient independence to influence events.
6
Talcan, Igor. « Moldova Quo Vadis neutrality and European integration ? problems of policy / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FTalcan.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey ; Abenheim, Donald. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on May 13, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-124). Also available in print.
7
Tsybrovska, Diana Serhiivna, et Діана Сергіївна Цибровська. « The Swedish Model of Neutrality policy : an experience for Ukraine ». Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51712.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1.Шевченко А. Р. Принципове
позиціонування окремих
інституціональних питань зовнішньої політики Швеції / А.Р. Шевченко // Політ2010. Сучасні проблеми наук : зб. тез Х Міжнарод. наук.-практ. конф. молодих учених і студентів, (м. Київ, 7–9 квіт. 2010 р.). – К. : НАУ, 2010. – С. 192
2. Мельник О. Чернова А. Нові виклики та загрози вимагають нових підходів до оборони: досвід Швеції / Мельник О., Чернова А. - «Національна безпека і оборона» №1, 2009 р. - С.35.
3. Пабат А. Стратегічний менеджмент конкурентоспроможності національної економіки в перспективі євроінтеграції / А.Пабат, С.Хамініч // Економіст. - 2005. - № 12. - С.59- 62.Considering the Swedish model of a “neutral” state as an experience for Ukraine, it should be noted that Sweden belongs to the small group of countries that build their foreign policy on the values of human rights, democracy and international cooperation.International law and democratic values are key principles that determine Sweden’s interests in relations with other countries. Sweden opposes isolationism and selfishness in international politics. According to the Swedish Foreign Ministry, Swedish foreign policy must remain active, fearless and constructive.At present, the main priority of the government’s foreign policy is to preserve a principled and cohesive European Union, Sweden’s “most important foreign policy arena.”
Розглядаючи шведську модель «нейтральної» держави як досвід для України, слід зазначити, що Швеція належить до невеликої групи країн, які будують свою зовнішню політику на цінностях прав людини, демократії та міжнародного співробітництва. цінності - це ключові принципи, що визначають інтереси Швеції у відносинах з іншими країнами. Швеція виступає проти ізоляціонізму та егоїзму в міжнародній політиці. На думку шведського МЗС, шведська зовнішня політика повинна залишатися активною, безстрашною та конструктивною. На сьогодні головним пріоритетом зовнішньої політики уряду є збереження принципового та згуртованого Європейського Союзу, "найважливішої зовнішньополітичної арени Швеції"
8
Akbaba, Turgay. « FROM NEUTRALITY TO ACTIVE ALLIANCE : TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1945-1952 ». Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/282183.
Texte intégralRésumé :
HistoryM.A.
Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952.
Temple University--Theses
9
Briglauer, Wolfgang, Volker Stocker et Jason Whalley. « Public Policy Targets in EU Broadband Markets : The Role of Technological Neutrality ». Forschungsinstitut für Regulierungsökonomie, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6773/1/Briglauer_Whalley_Stocker.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Commission has recently sought to substantially revise how it regulates the telecommunication industry, with a key goal being to incentivise investment in high-speed broadband networks. Ambitious goals to incentivise investment in high-speed broadband networks have been set across the European Union, initially in the "Digital Agenda for Europe" and more recently in its "Gigabit strategy". These goals reflect the view of many that there are widespread and significant socio-economic benefits associated with broadband. Our analysis explores the consequence of target setting at a European level, in terms of encouraging investment and picking which technology should be adopted within the context of technological neutrality. We demonstrate that while public policy targets might implicitly favour specific technologies, especially when gigabit targets are defined, the technological choices that occur within individual Member States are shaped by the complex and dynamic interaction between a series of path dependencies that may vary significantly across as well as within Member States. Adopting an ecosystem perspective, we propose a conceptual framework that identifies the key factors associated with technological neutrality and informs a rational decision-making process.Series: Working Papers / Research Institute for Regulatory Economics
10
Thompson, David G. « From Neutrality to NATO : The Norwegian Armed Forces and Defense Policy, 1905-1955 / ». The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935125881334.
Texte intégral
11
Williams, Madison R. « Structural Limits of Liberal Neutrality : Understanding Problems for Sustainabiity ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/421.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Liberalism is a political philosophy that is “committed in the strongest possible way to individual rights, and, almost as a deduction from this, to a rigorously neutral state” (Walzer 99). It takes its “constitutive morality” to be a “theory of equality that requires official neutrality amongst theories of what is valuable in life” (Dworkin 203). For this reason, some theorists say Liberalism and the idea of environmental sustainability are not in conflict with one another. According to Mike Mills, because the commitment to neutrality means there is “no given set of policies associated” with Liberalism, any outcome is plausible (168). However, through this paper, I will show that the frameworks of Liberal political theory are not neutral because they cannot give due consideration to claims for environmental sustainability. Given these procedural incapacities, true neutral consideration would involve a counterintuitive commitment to fully supporting sustainability, further justification for which could come from a reexamination of the underlying Liberal theory of human nature.
12
Larson, Jeremy. « A longitudinal fiscal neutrality analysis of the Minnesota k-12 public school funding formula ». Thesis, The University of North Dakota, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3640926.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Efforts to improve our school system must start with equity" (Department of Education's Equity and Excellence Commission, 2012). This study is a statistical analysis of the 2003-2012 Minnesota K-12 pubic school general education (foundation) formula in regard to fiscal equality and wealth neutrality. The analysis utilizes a longitudinal approach to compare the findings of previous equity studies to current relatable data as it pertains to the State of Minnesota. A number of modifications have been imposed on the original Minnesota funding formula over the past decade. This study tests the equity level of a selected number of revenue sources and reviews previous studies to determine how equity has or has not been improved as a result of the modifications.
Fiscal neutrality is described as the wealth of the school district and should be a function of the wealth of the state as a whole, not of the wealth of the local school district. This study analyzed the fiscal neutrality of 333 public school districts in Minnesota in terms of variance, permissible variance, coefficient of variation, and Gini Coefficient. The analysis was based upon three research questions: 1. Based on an analysis of the 2003 to 2012 general education formula, what were the fiscal equality and wealth neutrality characteristics of Minnesota's school districts? 2. Based on an examination of like data elements from the four major Minnesota fiscal equality and wealth neutrality studies, what trends can be observed? 3. Based on the recommendations of previous studies, what legislative impact did they have?
The findings of the research show that overall the disbursements of revenue through the Minnesota funding formula do meet the standards of wealth neutrality. However, there are categories of the formula that remain inequitable and the reliance of local taxpayers on the referendum revenue source has increased over the years studied.
13
Numata, Yuki. « Why Foreign Policy Principles Persist : Understanding the Reinterpretations of Japan’s Article 9 and Switzerland’s Neutrality ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/157.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines why Japan and Switzerland have chosen to keep the vocabulary of Article 9 and neutrality, respectively, and to reinterpret their definitions to suit their needs (policy reinterpretation), instead of simply abandoning the original policy and replacing it with a new, more suitably worded policy that clarifies the changing policy position of the government (policy abandonment). By analyzing the legal history of the overseas capabilities of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Swiss Armed Forces, as well as the actions and influences of the government, political parties, and the public, this study finds the following trends. First, the government tends to refrain from policy abandonment either due to perceived public opposition or benefits in international negotiations. Second, party resistance is not an significantly influential factor in the choice of policy abandonment over policy reinterpretation. Finally, public opinion is influential, but self-contradictory; often supporting the change in policy (increased overseas capabilities of armed forces) but opposing the concept of policy abandonment due to high attachment to the respective policies of Article 9 and neutrality.
14
Ekelund, Simon. « Förändrad syn på svensk militär alliansfrihet ? : En studie om svensk neutralitetspolitik mellan 1990-2008 ». Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2592.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish policy of neutrality has changed between the years 1990-2008. The research method used for this essay has been comparative case study, which strives to answer four research questions. Two of these questions are: Which specific occurrences have been fundamental in changing the Swedish policy of neutrality? How have the Swedish policy of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment changed between the years 1990-2008? The theoretical frame work of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. In order to explain the Swedish act regarding the policy of neutrality, Logic of Consequences and Logic of appropriateness are used. The conclusion of the study points out that Sweden has become much more flexible in terms of policy of neutrality and policy of security. The years between 1990-2008 are distinguished due to the fact that the international cooperation has become much more important in the Swedish act of security. Sweden still has the policy of non-alignment, but cooperation between the states is more and more prioritized to secure peace around the world.
15
Carden, Ron M. « German policy toward neutral Spain, 1914-1918 ». New York : Garland, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35698574t.
Texte intégral
16
Fullan, Adrian Francis. « 'Irish neutrality' : the implications of European Political Co-operation and the Common Foreign and Security Policy ». Thesis, University of Ulster, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413834.
Texte intégral
17
Spelman, Greg Thomas. « Reconciling a policy of neutrality with the prospect of integration : Ireland, the European economic community, and Ireland's United Nations policy, 1965-1972 ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2003. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/1/Greg_Spelman_Thesis.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
18
Spelman, Greg Thomas. « Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972 ». Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
19
Stjärnqvist, Amanda. « Balancing Independence and Neutrality : A Study of Civil Society and State Interaction ». Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-35028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Interaction between the civil society and the state has increased in modern democracies. This thesis analyzes the forms and dynamics of the interaction between civil society and governmental institutions in Skåne about the issue of refugee reception. This is done by examining two overarching research questions: 1. How, why and between which actors interaction occurs; and 2. How interaction develops over time and which factors influence the changing nature of the interaction. With the theoretical framework of civil society and state relations, governance, social movements and critical junctures, a research model is developed to analyze the case of interaction between the spheres in Skåne. The research model is based upon semi-structured interviews with governmental institutions and representatives from civil society organizations. The development of the interaction is described through the framework of critical junctures, showing the interaction developed with an intention of increased interaction and participation, while being cautious of the independence and neutrality of the civil society at the same time. The results show that the interaction occurs through partnership, networks, funding and personal informal interaction. Shared goals and the intention of increasing interaction because it is believed to better solve the complex problems are reasons for interaction. The empirical findings point at factors such as ideological affinity, structure, resources and experience to be important to gain access to the interaction. Another important conclusion is the lack of representation of certain valuable perspectives, such as Muslim organizations or free churches. The issue of representation stems mostly from structural factors and lack of resources. Relations between the civil society and governmental institutions in Skåne has grown closer, and the interaction is complex and dynamic. Together, the spheres address the complex issue of refugee reception. It is characterized by a mutual respect and an awareness of the necessity of an independent and neutral civil society. In spite of problems with representation, the interaction does facilitate knowledge exchange and increases adaptability to complexity. It has increased the overall participation in interaction between the spheres.
20
Bohatová, Martina. « Neutralita Švédska jako členského státu EU ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-74716.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sweden is currently viewed as a small country of North Europe. However, it can be proud of a long historical tradition with a number of political successes -- the fact that there has not been a war for more than two hundred years due to neutrality can be considered as the biggest one. The neutrality is perceived as a politico-security conception. The thesis tries to sum up the perception of Swedish neutrality, to chart its changes in time and to measure its compatibility with the EU membership through the observation of the Swedish foreign policy, the participation in Common Foreign and Security Policy, Common Security and Defence Policy and the preparation of the EU Council Presidency. The aim is to confirm the hypothesis that Sweden is due to changes in the perception of neutrality concept the full member of the European Union also in such complex things as Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy.
21
Rolenc, Jan Martin. « Vývoj a proměny bezpečnostní politiky Švédska v kontextu globalizace ». Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-359808.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the thesis is to examine the aspects and benefits of neutrality for both Sweden and the international community, to look for the causes of its current changing and problematic situation and to identify the opportunities it still offers. The text therefore answers these research questions: What was the contribution of neutrality to Sweden's security policy in the 20th century? What was the contribution of Swedish neutrality to the international community in the 20th century? What has changed and how that, since the end of the Cold War, Swedish neutrality has been transformed? What opportunities does Swedish security policy offer today? In accordance with the aims and questions, the topic is elaborated as an historical interpretive (and explanatory) and literature-assessing dissertation. Its first part (chapter 1) is a conceptual analysis and a state of the art review of the wider context of the topic. The second part (chapters 2 and 3) is a qualitative single case study. As to theory, the thesis draws from liberalism, constructivism and the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. The changes in (international) security and Swedish security policy and neutrality are interpreted in the context of globalisation processes. The text identifies two notions of security - military and open/liberal, which it links to two dimensions of political neutrality - realistic and idealistic and, by applying them, answers the questions asked. It concludes that the Swedish security policy or neutrality has been and is primarily about finding effective and legitimate alternatives and ways to implement them in a transforming, complex and uncertain world.
22
Race, Richard. « Bureaucratic rationality, flux or neutrality ? : analysing the relationship between civil servants and politicians affecting education policy 1970-74 ». Thesis, Keele University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364439.
Texte intégral
23
Lundquist, Dan. « Swedish Security & ; Defence Policy 1990-2012 : The transformation from neutrality to solidarity through a state identity perspective ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-3821.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to analyse the transformation of Sweden’s state identity as well as its Security and Defence Policy through a theoretical framework based on Alexander Wendt’s “Social Theory of International Relations”. By identifying factors (both internal and external) that have affected Sweden’s actions and policymaking, the thesis provides an understanding of the gradual conversion from neutrality, isolation and national defence to military non-alignment, cooperation and international operations. The thesis discusses a future renationalisation in international relations and identifies difficulties with Sweden’s policy of being militarily non-aligned in peacetime aiming for neutrality in wartime. Because of Sweden’s membership in the European Union, NATO’s Partnership for Peace, and the Declaration of Solidarity, the neutrality option does not seem particularly viable if a conflict were to arise in Sweden’s vicinity.
24
Horni, Hanna í. « British and U.S. post-neutrality policy in the North Atlantic area 09.04.1940-1945 : the role of Danish representatives ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42732.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the German occupation of Denmark on April 9th 1940 Danish representatives were left to their own devices and their positions in their respective host-countries became very much dependent upon the goodwill shown to them by their host-governments and, in the case of the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Greenland, the governments and officials of the occupying forces. With their connections with the Government in Copenhagen severed the main task of the Danish representatives was to secure Danish interests in the North Atlantic Territories as well as elsewhere. The fact that Denmark had not put up a fight to defend her neutrality and the subsequent collaboration of the Danish Government with the German occupiers counted against the Danish representatives abroad. However, the Danes were able to exercise a remarkable level of influence on the British and Americans with regard to their policies towards the North Atlantic Area. The extent of influence was mainly due to the entrepreneurship of each individual, the constitutional status of the territory as part of the Kingdom of Denmark, and also due to strategic importance attached by the occupying forces' governments to the occupied territories in question. This latter point became especially apparent in the power struggle amongst the Danish representatives that emerged from the lack of a Danish Government in exile. It became important to the British and the Americans that it was the Danish representative in their country, who emerged as the victor of this power struggle, because that would help to secure their future interests in the North Atlantic territories. The Danish representatives were thus in some cases shown more goodwill and attention than their Norwegian colleagues, although the Norwegians had put up a brave fight against the Germans and had joined the allied side. The North Atlantic area proved very important to the general war policy of the British and Americans during Second World War. British policies were much dependent upon the Americans and Greenland and Iceland became instrumental in the increased involvement of the Americans in the war.
25
Lindqvist, Lovisa, et Johanna Palm. « The Rise of Solidarity : A comparative analysis of the change in Swedish foreign and security policy after the signing of the Lisbon Treaty ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-42430.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The change in Swedish foreign and security policy that took place during the post-Cold War era is well known. Sweden left the foreign and security policy based on the principle of “nonalignment in peace, aiming at neutrality in the event of war” and headed towards international cooperation within the field of foreign and security policy as well as signing the Lisbon Treaty in 2008 with the EU, which included the principle of solidarity. By implementing a role-theory based analysis, this thesis aims to contribute to an understanding of the changes in Swedish security and foreign policy, which developed after the signing of the Lisbon Treaty in 2008. The research stretches from 2006 until 2011 and examines Swedish foreign and security policy role change and role conceptions by using a comparative case study design of the Swedish Government’s annual foreign declarations. Finally, this study suggests that Sweden no longer perceives itself as a neutral state, but rather as a solidarity state. This shows that Sweden’s foreign and security policy has gone from neutrality to solidarity. In conclusion, the study’s result is that Sweden’s foreign and security policy change from neutrality to solidarity would not be possible without the changes in the foreign policy role conceptions.
26
Stathis, Dionisios D. « Legal and policy perspectives on treaty shopping with special emphasis on equity and neutrality : pending issues and possible solutions ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488076.
Texte intégralRésumé :
International tax planning lies in the borderline between legal and policy focus. Whilst its legal dimension is rather straightforward, policy elements may stem from various economic, political or even moral sources and, therefore, require some common ground for evaluation. In this respect, the fundamental principles of equity (or fairness) and neutrality (or efficiency) may assist in filtering all relevant ideas into a consistent and integral conceptual environment. It is exactly in this conceptual environment that the improper and/or abusive use of tax treaties, commonly referred to as "treaty shopping", is examined. The current study represents a modest contribution to the debate on treaty shopping, which is deemed to be one of the sharpest edges of modern international tax planning. The study. principally, attempts to supplement the reader with a consistent legal and policy framework of the most highly acclaimed anti-treaty shopping approaches both in a treaty and a domestic context. Moreover, this study extends to peripheral aspects of tax treaty abuse, such as its possible linkages with international trade imperatives or its compatibility with regional trading blocs' objectives and policies. In the latter case, tax coordination policies in the European Union serve as an example. The basic purpose of the thesis is to arrive at effective and pragmatic solutions to well-defined treaty abuse problems, as they might stem from general research. Any proposed solution must conform, to the extent possible, to equity and neutrality concerns.
27
Gichenje, Helene Wanjiru. « A spatially explicit methodology for assessing and monitoring land degradation neutrality at a national scale ». Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/26584.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Land degradation is occurring in all parts of the terrestrial world, and is negatively
impacting the well-being of billions of people. In recognition of the need for sustained
global action on land degradation, the Sustainable Development Goals, adopted by
the global community in 2015, include a specific goal aimed at halting the decline of
land resources and achieving land degradation-neutrality (LDN) by 2030. The primary
objective of this doctoral research was to operationalise the LDN target at the national
level, using Kenya as the case study. The main research questions addressed in this
dissertation have been positioned within a social-ecological systems framework in
which ecosystems are integrated with human society. The first task of this research
focused on determining the extent of land degradation and regeneration, and in
establishing the LDN national baseline using the three LDN indicators (land cover, land
productivity, and carbon stocks). This was then followed by identifying the key drivers
that affect land degradation (browning) and land regeneration (greening) trends within
the 4 main land cover types (agriculture, forest, grassland and shrubland), and within
an area characterised by land cover change. The third task involved an assessment
of the effectiveness of the current land-use policy framework, and associated
institutions, to facilitate the implementation of LDN. Finally, in the last part of this
dissertation, a climate-smart landscape approach at the water catchment level was
proposed as a possible mechanism through which LDN can be operationalised at the
sub-national level; Metodologia espacialmente explicita para a avaliação e monitorização da
neutralidade da degradação do solo à escala nacional
RESUMO:
A degradação do solo é um fenómeno que está a acontecer em todas as partes do
mundo terrestre, com impactos negativos no bem estar de milhares de milhões de
pessoas. Reconhecendo a necessidade de uma ação global contra a degradação do
solo, os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, adotados pela comunidade global
em 2015, incluem um objetivo específico para travar o declínio de recursos terrestres
e atingir a neutralidade de degradação do solo (NDS) até 2030. A presente tese de
doutoramento teve como grande objetivo a operacionalização da NDS a nível
nacional, usando o Quénia como caso de estudo. As principais perguntas de
investigação consideradas nesta dissertação foram colocadas num enquadramento
socio-ecológico, em que ecossistemas estão integrados com a sociedade. A primeira
tarefa desta investigação consistiu em determinar valores de degradação e de
regeneração do solo para estabelecer a base de referência de NDS nacional usando
três indicadores de NDS (cobertura de solo, produtividade do solo e reservas de
carbono). Seguidamente foram identificados os principais fatores que influenciam a
degradação do solo (browning) e a regeneração do solo (greening) nas 4 principais
coberturas de solo (agricultura, floresta, pastos e matos), bem como numa área
marcada por alterações da cobertura de solo. Para a terceira tarefa foi avaliada a
eficácia do atual quadro político sobre o uso de solo, bem como das instituições
associadas, na viabilização da implementação da NDS. Na última parte da dissertação
é adotada uma escala a nível da bacia hidrográfica, como uma abordagem “climate
smart” adequada para a operacionalização da NDS a um nível sub-nacional.
28
Mathiesen, Olof. « From consensus on neutrality to a divided opinion on NATO : A study of the Swedish foreign- and security policy debate : 1989-2018 ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352833.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the end of the Cold War, Sweden’s security strategy has undergone radical changes. Due to recent years deteriorated security situation in Europe, the debate on Swedish NATO-membership has become more prominent. Previous research has mostly focused on the practical/military implications of the choice of security strategy whereas the knowledge about the political ideas and goals that are behind the choice of security strategy is largely unknow. Based on a qualitative approach, this thesis has studied how the Swedish foreign and security policy debate has changed between 1989–2018. Targeting the Social Democratic party, the Moderate Party, the Centre party and the Liberals, this thesis has described and analyzed these parties’ fundamental goals/values and world views from the perspectives of realism and liberalism. This study finds that there has been several changes both in world views and fundamental goals/values, where the earlier period in this study was more influenced by realism, to where liberalism started to become more prominent in the debate from the late 1990s until 2018, although realism has in some degree come back during recent years.
29
Campos, Renato Silverio. « Uma abordagem da hipótese da neutralidade da moeda usando dados do Brasil pós-Real ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/96/96131/tde-06052010-110957/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A hipótese da neutralidade da moeda tem como marco teórico a Teoria Quantitativa da Moeda (TQM), que é fundamentada a partir da equação de trocas de Fisher, supondo que a velocidade-renda da moeda é constante, sendo o produto real determinado exogenamente por variáveis não-monetárias, tais como a tecnologia, o estoque de capital e a oferta de trabalho. Mas, o produto real é realmente exógeno no Brasil? Ou, em outras palavras, é válida a hipótese de neutralidade da moeda? Esse tema tem sido objeto de muitos estudos empíricos. Ademais, o efeito Tobin e as teorias de crescimento endógeno sugerem que pode haver um efeito real da moeda no longo prazo. Este trabalho investigou as possíveis relações de longo prazo entre a oferta nominal de moeda, o nível de preços e o Produto Interno Bruto (PIB) real para o Brasil de 1946 a 2008, utilizando dados de baixa frequência (anuais). Para a parte empírica foi utilizado o teste de cointegração de Johansen e integração das variáveis, com destaque para o estudo de estacionaridade da velocidade de circulação da moeda, que se mostrou ser constante apenas na presença de quebras estruturais. Principalmente, foram utilizados testes de exogeneidade, com o objetivo de permitir ao pesquisador trabalhar com um conjunto de informações o mais amplo possível, vale dizer, que englobasse as informações que proviessem da teoria econômica e do processo gerador de dados. Quanto aos testes de raiz unitária, encontrou-se que as variáveis em estudo (y, m e p) são I(1), ou seja, são estacionárias apenas em primeira diferença. Os resultados encontrados vão no sentido de validar a exogeneidade do produto real, apesar de os resultados provenientes do teste de causalidade Granger não ter sido conclusivo. Dessa forma, este trabalho cria evidências a favor da hipótese da neutralidade da moeda.The hypothesis of neutrality of money is the theoretical framework of the Quantity Theory of Money (QTM), which is based from the Fishers equation of exchange, assuming that the income-velocity of money is constant, the real output is exogenously determined by nonmonetary variables, such as technology, capital stock and labor supply. But the real output is truly exogenous in Brazil? Or, in other words, it is valid the hypothesis of neutrality of money? This theme has been the subject of many studies. In addition, the Tobin effect and the endogenous growth theories suggest that there may be a real effect of money in the long run. This study investigated the possible long-run relationships between the nominal money supply, the price level and real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for Brazil from 1946 to 2008, using low frequency (annual) data . For the empirical test was used the Johansen cointegration and integration of the variables, especially the study of the stationarity of the velocity of money circulation, which provided to be constant only in the presence of structural breaks. Mainly, we used exogeneity tests in order to allow the researcher to work with a set of information as broad as possible, ie, encompassing the information come from the economic theory and data generator process. For the unit root tests, it was found that the study variables (y, m e p) are I (1), ie, are stationary only in first difference. The results are in line to validate the exogeneity of real output, although the results from the Granger causality test was not conclusive. Thus, this work creates evidence for the hypothesis of neutrality of money.
30
Melbi, Malin. « Militär alliansfrihet eller inte ? : En argumentationsanalys av Moderaterna respektive Socialdemokraternas syn på ett svenskt medlemskap i försvarsalliansen Nato ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-44042.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose with this study is to investigate how the two biggest political parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate/Conservative Party, looks at a membership in the defense alliance North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The question have the illegal annexation of Crimea affected how the parties look at a membership in Nato will be answered and analyzed. How they discuss, how they believe that a membership can affect the Swedish foreign policy will be examined in this paper. Nato is a topic that during the last century’s have divided the Swedish population into two groups: one that advocates a membership and one that fight’s against a Swedish membership in the alliance. The debate about Nato has, since the illegal annexation of the Crimea, changed and are now more relevant than ever to discuss. This paper illustrates how the Moderate/Conservative Party and the Social Democrats argues in the debate regarding a membership in Nato. Since 2003 the Moderate/Conservative Party are in favor of a membership in the defense alliance Nato, what this paper will find out is why they want Sweden to become a member in Nato and how they argue for a membership. The Social Democrats are not in favor of a membership in the defense alliance, they advocates the defense line Sweden have had since the mid 1900s, the Non-alignment.
31
Stridsman, Jacob. « Sverige och Koreakriget : en studie av Sveriges hållning till Koreakonflikten 1947-1953 / ». Umeå : Umeå University. Department of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:142016/FULLTEXT01.
Texte intégral
32
Shirizadeh, Ghezeljeh Behrang. « Reaching carbon neutrality in France by 2050 : optimal choice of energy sources, carriers and storage options ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021EHES0013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pour contribuer à l’objectif de contenir le réchauffement climatique à 1,5°C, le gouvernement français a adopté l'objectif de zéro émission nette de gaz à effet de serre d'ici 2050. Le principal gaz à effet de serre étant le dioxyde de carbone, et la plupart des émissions de CO2 étant dues à la combustion d'énergies fossiles, cette thèse porte sur l'atteinte de la neutralité carbone des émissions françaises de CO2 liées à l'énergie d'ici 2050. Cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle relatif des différentes options bas-carbone dans le secteur de l'énergie pour atteindre la neutralité carbone. Plus précisément, cette thèse étudie d'abord le secteur électrique français, d'abord dans un système entièrement renouvelable, et ensuite dans un en intégrant d'autres options d'atténuation, c'est-à-dire l'énergie nucléaire et la capture et le stockage du carbone. J'étudie l'impact des incertitudes liées au développement des coûts des énergies renouvelables et des options de stockage et j'aborde la question de la robustesse d'un système électrique entièrement renouvelable face aux incertitudes liées aux coûts. Plus tard, en ajoutant d'autres options bas-carbone dans le secteur de l'électricité, j'analyse le rôle relatif des différentes options. De même, pour encourager les investissements dans des sources d'énergie renouvelables telles que l'énergie éolienne et solaire, j’étudie le risque d'investissement lié à la volatilité des prix et des volumes des technologies d'électricité renouvelable, et les performances de différents régimes de soutien publique. L'analyse de cette thèse va au-delà du système électrique et considère également l'ensemble du système énergétique en présence d'un couplage sectoriel. Au cours de cette thèse, j’ai développé une famille de modèles d'optimisation de l’investissement et du fonctionnement pour répondre à différentes questions concernant la transition énergétique française. Ces modèles minimisent le coût du système considéré (système électrique ou système énergétique dans son ensemble) en satisfaisant l'équilibre offre/demande à chaque heure pendant au moins un an, en respectant les principales contraintes techniques et opérationnelles et liées aux ressources et à l'usage des sols. Ainsi, la variabilité à court et à long terme des énergies renouvelables est prise en compte. En utilisant ces modèles, je réponds aux questions soulevées ci-dessus. Ces modèles ne sont pas utilisés pour trouver une seule solution optimale, mais plusieurs solutions optimales en fonction de différents scénarios de conditions météorologiques, de coûts, de demande énergétique et de disponibilité des technologies. Par conséquent, l'importance de la robustesse face aux incertitudes est au centre de la méthodologie utilisée, ainsi que l'optimalité. Les résultats de ma thèse montrent que les sources d’énergie renouvelable sont les principaux facilitateurs de la transition énergétique, non-seulement dans le système électrique mais aussi dans l'ensemble du système énergétique. Bien que l'élimination de l'énergie nucléaire n'augmente que marginalement le coût d'un système énergétique neutre en carbone, l'élimination des énergies renouvelables est associée à des inefficacités élevées tant du point de vue des coûts que des émissions. En fait, si le gaz renouvelable n'est pas disponible, même un coût social du carbone de 500 €/tCO2 ne suffira pas pour atteindre la neutralité carbone. Cela est dû en partie aux émissions négatives qu'il peut produire avec le captage et le stockage du carbone, et en partie à la rentabilité des moteurs à combustion interne alimentés au gaz renouvelable. Le message central de cette thèse est que pour atteindre la neutralité carbone au moindre coût, il faut un système d'énergie largement renouvelable. Par conséquent, si nous voulons donner la priorité aux investissements dans les options à faible émission de carbone, les technologies de gaz et d'électricité renouvelables sont de la plus haute importanceTo stay in line with 1.5°C of global warming, the French government has adopted the target of net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. The main greenhouse gas being carbon dioxide, and the majority of its emissions being due to energy combustion, this dissertation focuses on reaching carbon-neutrality in French energy-related CO2 emissions by 2050. This thesis dissertation aims to study the relative role of different low-carbon mitigation options in the energy sector in reaching carbon-neutrality. More precisely, this thesis first studies the French power sector, first in a fully renewable power system, and second in a power system containing other mitigation options i.e. nuclear energy and carbon capture and storage. I study the impact of uncertainties related to cost development of renewables and storage options and address the robustness of a fully renewable power system to cost uncertainties. Later, adding other low-carbon mitigation options in the power sector, I analyze the relative role of different low-carbon options. Similarly, to incentivize the investments in variable renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power, I study the investment risk related to the price and volume volatility of renewable electricity technologies, and the performance of different public policy support schemes. The analysis in this thesis goes beyond the electricity system and it also considers the whole energy system in the presence of sector-coupling. During this thesis, I have developed a family of models optimizing dispatch and investment to answer different questions regarding the French energy transition. These models minimize the cost of the considered system (electricity system or the whole energy system) by satisfying the supply/demand equilibrium at each hour over at least one year, respecting the main technical and operational, resource related and land-use constraints. Thus, both short-term and long-term variability of renewable energy sources are taken into account. Using these models, I address the questions raised above. These models are not used to find a single optimal solution, but several optimal solutions depending on different weather, cost, energy demand and technology availability scenarios. Therefore, the importance of robustness to the uncertainties is at the center of the used methodology beside optimality. The findings of my thesis show that renewable energy supply sources are the main enablers of reaching carbon neutrality in a cost-effective way, no matter the considered energy system; either only electricity or the whole energy system. While the elimination of nuclear power barely increases the cost of a carbon-neutral energy system, the elimination of renewables is associated with high inefficiencies both from the cost and emission points of view. In fact, if renewable gas is not available, even a social cost of carbon of €500/tCO2 will not be enough to reach carbon-neutrality. This is partially due to the negative emissions that it can provide once combined with carbon capture and storage, and partially due to the cost-optimality of renewable gas-fired internal combustion engines in reaching carbon-neutrality in the transport sector. This dissertation has several important policy-related messages; however, the central one is that reaching carbon-neutrality for the lowest cost requires a highly renewable energy system. Therefore, if we are to prioritize investment in low-carbon options, renewable gas and electricity technologies are of the highest importance
33
Gallouët, Laure. « Une politique de la neutralité ? Les stratégies de sécurité et de défense de la Seconde République d'Autriche de 1955 à nos jours ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOU20063.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Au terme de dix années d’occupation alliée (1945-1955), le statut international de l’Autriche changea. Le 26 octobre 1955, le Parlement autrichien adopta en effet la loi constitutionnelle sur la neutralité perpétuelle. Cette décision souveraine de l’État autrichien était néanmoins à mettre en relation avec le contexte du début de la Guerre froide, le Mémorandum de Moscou et la signature du Traité d’État. Bien qu’inspiré par la neutralité suisse, le modèle autrichien de la neutralité permanente présenta très vite ses spécificités. Dès 1955, l’Autriche signala, par son adhésion aux Nations unies, que sa neutralité reposait avant tout sur une composante militaire, et que ce statut ne l’empêchait pas de prendre part à des organisations internationales. Ce travail de recherche présente les différents défis auxquels fit face la Seconde République et le rôle que joua la neutralité au sein des considérations stratégiques autrichiennes de 1955 à nos jours. La démarche est ici diachronique, car la politique de sécurité et de défense, tout comme l’interprétation juridique et politique de la neutralité, évoluèrent au gré de l’évolution du contexte internationalAfter ten years of allied occupation (1945-1955), Austria’s international status changed. On October 26, 1955, its Parliament passed the constitutional law on the neutrality of Austria. This sovereign decision of the Austrian State has nonetheless to be considered in the context of the beginning of the Cold War, the Moscow Memorandum and the Austrian State Treaty. Even if Swiss neutrality was seen as a model, the Austrian concept of permanent neutrality demonstrated its uniqueness. As early as 1955, Austria’s accession to membership in the United Nations indicated that its neutrality was based above all on its military character, and that this status did not prevent the Austrian state from taking part in international organizations. This doctoral thesis presents the various challenges faced by the Austrian Second Republic and how neutrality has influenced its strategic decision-making. The approach here is diachronic, since security and defense policy, as well as legal and political interpretation of neutrality, have evolved over time in order to adapt to changes in the international environment
34
Cooper, Alissa. « How regulation and competition influence discrimination in broadband traffic management : a comparative study of net neutrality in the United States and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:757d85af-ec4d-4d8a-86ab-4dec86dab568.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Telecommunications policy debates concerning the contentious issue of net neutrality have revolved around a number of broadband network operator behaviors, including discriminatory traffic management – differential treatment of network traffic associated with different Internet applications for the purpose of managing performance. Some stakeholders have advocated for regulatory intervention to prevent network operators from discriminating to the detriment of independent application innovation. Others would prefer to rely on competition between network operators to discipline operator behavior. Fixed-line broadband markets in the United Kingdom and the United States have differed substantially with respect to discrimination, competition, and regulation. The UK has experienced intense competition and pervasive discriminatory traffic management without triggering regulatory activity. The US has seen much less discrimination, limited competition, and regulatory threat followed by regulatory intervention. This thesis uses elite interviews, participant observation, and documentary analysis in a comparative study of these two cases between the mid-2000s and 2011 to determine why network operators take up discriminatory traffic management (or not) and how competition and the regulatory environment affect traffic management outcomes. This thesis demonstrates that network operators take up discriminatory traffic management primarily to control cost, performance, or both. Competition promotes rather than deters discrimination because it drives broadband prices down, encouraging operators to manage high-volume applications whose traffic incurs high costs. Regulatory threat can be sufficient to counteract these desires, but in its absence and without concerns vocalized by interest groups, discriminatory approaches endure. Telecommunications regulators intervene to safeguard nondiscrimination when they conceive of their remits as encompassing social and industrial policymaking, are ambivalent about litigation risk, and are driven by their leaders’ reputational agendas, as in the case of the Federal Communications Commission. With a narrower perception of its remit and more concern for its organizational reputation, Ofcom exemplifies the characteristics that inhibit traffic management regulation.
35
CASSANO, GIULIA. « IL MULTICULTURALISMO NEL RAPPORTO DI LAVORO ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/925248.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research conducted in this doctoral thesis aims to investigate the protection offered by labour law to multicultural workers. The problem is analysed from the angle of the prohibitions of discrimination. It first reconstructs the regulatory framework, at an international, European and Italian level, with particular reference to the analysis of the risk factors directly connected with the phenomenon of multiculturalism (ethnic origin, language, race, religion). It then goes on to study the structure of the prohibitions of discrimination, dwelling on the possible configurability of a right to equal treatment. Having affirmed the existence of such a right, its characteristics are analysed, also in the light of the traditional debates of interpreters and scholars of anti-discrimination law. Subsequently, the study focuses on the search for the limits – internal and external – of the right to equal treatment. With reference to the external limits, in particular, the discussion is articulated by reasoning on the basis of two different declinations of the right to equal treatment, for which the point of balance is sought with respect to other rights worthy of protection: the constitutionally protected rights of third parties and the right to freedom of enterprise under Article 41 of the Italian Constitution. With this in mind, a number of hypotheses are analysed that have been the focus of attention of anti-discrimination law scholars as well as national and supranational courts. In this context, the nature of the obligation of “reasonable accommodation”, provided for by law for discrimination on the grounds of disability, is also reconstructed, and its possible extension to all other hypotheses of discrimination is investigated by way of interpretation.
36
Ozsolak, Ahu. « The Evolution Of The Security Policies Of Sweden And Finland Within The European Union : A Comparative Analysis ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608012/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to analyze the evolution of the security policies of Finland and Sweden within the European Union (EU) with a comparative perspective. The main argument of this thesis is that increasing European integration in the field of security and defense may lead to adaptations and modifications in the security policy formulations of two militarily non-allied EU member states, Finland and Sweden. However, the nature and extent of these adaptations will depend on each state&rsquos own security policy perspective and own perception of the ongoing European security integration. This thesis seeks answers to questions such as &ldquo
How does the policy of non-participation in military alliances affect these countries&rsquo
standpoints and their participation in general in the EU&rsquo
s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and in the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP)?,&rdquo
&ldquo
How do Finland and Sweden interpret and apply this policy perspective within the CFSP, and in the CESDP?&rdquo
and &ldquo
What does membership of the EU imply for the policies of the militarily non-allied countries?.&rdquo
This thesis consists of nine chapters. The second chapter gives the conceptual framework of this thesis. The third chapter focuses on the evolution of their neutrality policies until the Second World War while the fourth one presents the evolution of their security policies from the Second World War until the end of the Cold War. The fifth chapter covers the transition period from their neutrality policy to their EU membership, while the sixth chapter focuses on the evolution of their security policies especially within the CESDP. The seventh chapter draws attention to their new security policy agenda and the eighth chapter presents the comparative analysis of their security policies in the EU. The ninth, and concluding chapter, offers an overall comparative perspective about the respective security policy profiles of the two countries within the EU. This thesis has reached the conclusion that owing to their different histories, geopolitical positions and security policy concerns during the Cold War, their ways of adapting to the changes within the EU were inclined to be different too. Even though their entry to the EU in 1995 may be accepted as the starting-point for the potential future convergence of their security policies, the similarities in their security policy considerations do not outweigh the differences for the time being.
37
Stridsman, Jacob. « Sverige och Koreakriget : en studie av Sveriges hållning till Koreakonflikten 1947-1953 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Department of historical, philosophical and religious studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1801.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse the Swedish policy towards the Korean Conflict 1947–1953. “Swedish policy” means primarily the Swedish Government’s policy, but also the action taken by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish Defence Staff.
When the UN treated the issue of Korea in the years before the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 the Swedish government abstained from voting for reasons of principle or legality, namely that the Korean issue belonged to the peace regulations after the Second World War, in which Sweden, as an ex-neutral state, considered that it should not participate.
During the Korean War 1950–1953 the Swedish government almost consistently and in many different ways supported the US-led coalition in defence of South Korea. Although never officially mentioned, this support was given with considerable uneasiness. This uneasiness stemmed not only from fears that the neutrality policy would be compromised in the eyes of the Soviet Union but also from fears of what the reaction would be like in Sweden. The fear concerned two things: that the public support for Sweden joining the Western alliance would be strengthened, and that there would be negative reactions among their own crack units, who were regarded as neutrality supporters. Certain elements in the policy adopted by the Government have been judged as attempts to try to counteract this.
Due to its status as non-aligned country without combat troops in Korea Sweden was given a number of assignments of a mediating and bridging nature during the Korean War. The Swedish government had worries that some of those assignments would be expensive and difficult to carry out. But Sweden had an obvious interest in putting an end to the war and the government also realized that the fact that Sweden was given such missions could be used to justify the Swedish policy of neutrality.
The Korean War broke out quickly and surprisingly and was initially mobile and fluctuating with several dramatic changes in the successes in the field. Throughout the war, also when the warfare had become more static and the armistice negotiations had started, there was a latent threat of escalation towards a major war between East and West. The Swedish foreign and security policy experts in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Defence Staff could not predict the outbreak of the Korean War and all the dramatic shifts, but they had an accurate basic attitude concerning the two superpowers’ desire to avoid a world war and restrict the Korean War to Korea.
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Maagaard, Sebastian. « The End of Sweden’s Nonalignment Policy and Generous RefugeePolicy, or EU as a Solution : Sweden’s National Self-determination in the EU Membership Debate,1987 – 1991 ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-320389.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how the parliamentary debate in Sweden saw the consequences of Swedenas a nation were to join the European Union. The nation is defined as a state based on nationalself-determination. The EU is regarded as a supra-state organisation and one of the moreextensive efforts of its kind. I specifically examine two themes in Swedish foreign policy. Theseare the nonalignment policy and migration policy. Through a discourse analysis I show that allpolitical parties perceive consequences for the self-determination and all argue selfdeterminationwill be lost in the event of membership. However, they are divided in what theybelieved this would lead to. Some parties support EU whereas others are sceptical of EU. Partiesthat support an EU-membership argue that it is inevitable to join and Sweden will lose selfdeterminationanyway. A membership opens the possibility to influence and participate, but anabstaining will lead forced acceptance of policies. Many of the supporters are even positive ofbeing a member in EU. Sceptics, on the other hand believe Sweden will lack influence and loseall self-determination. The organisation itself is against Sweden as it is a supra-stateorganisation, which may reduce the role of single member-states. For the nonalignment policy,the government initially use it as an argument against EU, but later support membership if thenonalignment policy can be kept. The other supporters acknowledge the nonalignment policy,but nevertheless assert that EU is compatible with the nonalignment policy. This is because ofthe changes in the geopolitical situation. Sceptics believe the nonalignment policy rejectmembership, mostly due to the still uncertain geopolitical situation and the suspicion EU willdeprive Sweden of its decision-making. Sometimes they suggest the self-determination andnonalignment policy are prerequisites for each other. In the migration policy, all parties supportgenerous migration policy, but
39
Hammarlind, Eric. « Svenska strategiska narrativ under kalla kriget och 2010-talet : en kvalitativ textanalys av fyra regeringars deklarationer i jämförelse mellan neutralitets- och solidaritetspolitik ». Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6221.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Is the credibility of today's Swedish security policy under question? Through two world wars and the years that followed Sweden has invoked a policy of neutrality and military nonalignment. This policy has come to be perceived as an integral part of the Swedish national identity. Is it possible then that Sweden’s past and present strategic narratives could be contested? This thesis investigates whether or not there is consistency in the narratives expressed by both right wing Swedish governments and socialist Swedish governments. The narratives of both parties are examined during two separate eras of history; the Cold War era of the 1980s is compared with the current more globalized era of the 2010s. A constructivist perspective is utilized in the analysis and a narrative analysis is applied. The results show that there has been significant consistency in the narratives of Swedish security policy from both right wing and socialist governments. There is much greater variation shown between the two eras than there is between the two parties themselves.Är dagens svenska säkerhetspolitik trovärdig eller omstridd? Allt sedan världskrigen har svenska regeringar förhållit sig till en grundläggande idé om svensk neutralitet och alliansfrihet. Denna politik har kommit att betraktas som en väsentlig del av svensk nationell identitet. Samtidigt har inriktningen för den svenska säkerhetspolitiken förändrats vid ett antal tillfällen under de senaste decennierna och gått från neutralitet till solidaritet. Är det då möjligt att gångna som nutida svenska strategiska narrativ är omstridda? Denna uppsats undersöker hur konsekventa svenska säkerhetspolitiska narrativ har varit. Detta genom att granska de narrativ som konstruerats av respektive socialdemokratiska och borgerliga regeringskoalitioner. Dessa narrativ jämförs både inom och mellan två historiska epoker; det kalla krigets 1980-tal och det nutida globaliserade 2010-talet, med specifika nedslag för åren 1982, 1987, 2009 och 2015. Uppsatsen tar utgångspunkt i ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv och en narrativanalys tillämpas i analysen. Resultatet indikerar en betydande samstämmighet inom svensk säkerhetspolitik mellan borgerliga och socialdemokratiska regeringar. En betydligt större variation framträder i en jämförelse emellan de olika tidsepokerna än emellan samtida regeringar av olika politiska färger.
40
Kelso, Douglas Ross. « Open access to next generation broadband ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2008. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16612/1/Douglas_Kelso_Thesis.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Wireline telecommunications infrastructure in the customer access network or CAN is undergoing a veritable technological and commercial revolution. The paired-copper CAN is being modernised with optical fibre deployed ever closer to customers, culminating soon with fibre-to-the-home networks or some variant thereof. Although bandwidth ceases to be a scarce commodity, the underlying natural monopoly will most likely be strengthened.
National competition policy desires open access to multiple service providers yet commercial pressure calls for closure. This has been the recent experience with the hybrid fibre coaxial networks delivering pay television and Internet access.
This research asks the question: What are the factors that prevent open access to the broadband services of next generation wireline infrastructure? How can these obstacles be overcome? A particular focus is given to non-price considerations which come to the fore due to the unique strategic and technological characteristics of optical fibre in the access network.
The methodological approach involves data gathering via three case studies - that of the Telstra/Foxtel pay television network, the TransACT broadband network and fibre-to-the-home networks in general. Although the ultimate focus is on the research question above, these cases are discussed in a holistic way with consideration of a number of contextual factors. The research also examines the relationship between the concepts of 'open access' and 'network neutrality', visiting the concept of 'common carriage' in doing so.
Several findings are reached that illuminate the field of telecommunications access regulation as applied to infrastructure capable of delivering truly next generation broadband services. Since 1993, our politicians have only paid lip service to the importance of competition and have deferred to the demands of the dominant builder of telecommunications infrastructure. From the viewpoints of end-users and access seekers, the access regime is found to be incapable of dealing with the technical and commercial bottlenecks arising from optical fibre in the CAN.
It is concluded that communication between users should be recognised as the prime purpose of telecommunications and that the regulatory regime should not reward discriminatory practices detracting from the development of a networked information economy. It is also concluded that dominant players should never be rewarded with access holidays which could otherwise entrench market dominance through the creation of new bottlenecks. Access regulation is ill-equipped to cope with optical fibre in the CAN until it also recognizes the strategic potential of such infrastructure.
41
Kelso, Douglas Ross. « Open access to next generation broadband ». Queensland University of Technology, 2008. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16612/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Wireline telecommunications infrastructure in the customer access network or CAN is undergoing a veritable technological and commercial revolution. The paired-copper CAN is being modernised with optical fibre deployed ever closer to customers, culminating soon with fibre-to-the-home networks or some variant thereof. Although bandwidth ceases to be a scarce commodity, the underlying natural monopoly will most likely be strengthened. National competition policy desires open access to multiple service providers yet commercial pressure calls for closure. This has been the recent experience with the hybrid fibre coaxial networks delivering pay television and Internet access. This research asks the question: What are the factors that prevent open access to the broadband services of next generation wireline infrastructure? How can these obstacles be overcome? A particular focus is given to non-price considerations which come to the fore due to the unique strategic and technological characteristics of optical fibre in the access network. The methodological approach involves data gathering via three case studies - that of the Telstra/Foxtel pay television network, the TransACT broadband network and fibre-to-the-home networks in general. Although the ultimate focus is on the research question above, these cases are discussed in a holistic way with consideration of a number of contextual factors. The research also examines the relationship between the concepts of 'open access' and 'network neutrality', visiting the concept of 'common carriage' in doing so. Several findings are reached that illuminate the field of telecommunications access regulation as applied to infrastructure capable of delivering truly next generation broadband services. Since 1993, our politicians have only paid lip service to the importance of competition and have deferred to the demands of the dominant builder of telecommunications infrastructure. From the viewpoints of end-users and access seekers, the access regime is found to be incapable of dealing with the technical and commercial bottlenecks arising from optical fibre in the CAN. It is concluded that communication between users should be recognised as the prime purpose of telecommunications and that the regulatory regime should not reward discriminatory practices detracting from the development of a networked information economy. It is also concluded that dominant players should never be rewarded with access holidays which could otherwise entrench market dominance through the creation of new bottlenecks. Access regulation is ill-equipped to cope with optical fibre in the CAN until it also recognizes the strategic potential of such infrastructure.
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Schnurr, Jeremy. « “The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt Presidency ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20486.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
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Oh, Seung-Gyu. « La décentralisation dans le domaine de la police - étude de droit comparé : étude de droit comparé : la Corée et la France ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La Corée qui a ouvert l'ère de la démocratisation en 1987 s'avance vers la démocratie dans la vie quotidienne après la mise en vigueur du système d'autonomie locale en 1995. Dans une tendance générale et irrévocable de décentralisation et d'accroissement de l'autonomie, la décentralisation dans le domaine de la police faisait l'objet d'une discussion en tant que moyen de l'achèvement du système d'autonomie locale. Ce problème de réforme n'ayant aboutit à l'exercice limitée d'une police décentralisée que dans la seule province de Jéju exige un nouvel examen. Pour ce faire, il nous faut regarder avec attention vers un régime juridique qui est plus aisé à recevoir en droit coréen : le régime français. En effet, la France est un État traditionnellement unitaire et centralisé qui poursuit un processus de décentralisation en profondeur, incluant la police. Il en y résulte que le service de police décentralisée s'établit au niveau communal sous la direction du maire et sous le contrôle du comité de police locale au niveau provincial. La police autonome décentralisée dispose des attributions générales et se charge des affaires de police judiciaire spéciale. La police nationale assume la sécurité dans les communes n'ayant pas de service propre de police ainsi que la coordination et le contrôle pour les polices municipales. En plus, le rattachement de la Police nationale et du Comité de Police nationale doit être changé du Ministre de l'Administration Publique et de la Sécurité au Premier ministreKorea, which opened the era of democratization in 1987 moves towards democracy in daily life after the implementation of the system of local autonomy in 1995. In a general trend of decentralization and irrevocable and increased autonomy, decentralization in the field of police was under discussion as a means of completing the system of local autonomy. This issue of reform have led to the limited exercise of a decentralized police in Jeju province alone requires a further consideration. To do this, we need to look carefully into a legal system that is easier to receive in Korean law: the French regime. Indeed, France is a traditionally unitary and centralized state which pursues a decentralization process in depth, including the police. It results that the police be decentralized at the municipal level under the leadership of Mayor and under the control of local police committee at provincial level. The autonomous decentralized police has the general duties and is responsible for special police affairs. The National Police assume security in the municipalities that do not have own police service and the coordination and control for municipal police. In addition, the incorporation of the National Police and National Police Board should be changed from the Minister of Public Administration and Security to the Prime Minister. Control over the municipal police would be accomplished administratively by the local police, by national administrative authorities and the national police authorities, or judicially against individual administrative acts
44
Le, Mat Aurore. « Parler de sexualité à l'école : Controverses et luttes de pouvoir autour des frontières de la vie privée ». Thesis, Lille 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL2D009/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Comment parler de sexualité à l’École ? Cette question controversée trouve une première réponse officielle en 1973, dans une circulaire du ministère de l’Éducation nationale intitulée « information et éducation sexuelles » : c'est le début de la politique d'éducation à la sexualité en milieu scolaire en France. Depuis, les réponses apportées à cette même question ont évolué et ont fait l'objet d'affrontements entre différents acteurs. Et si la ligne de front est mouvante, celle-ci se structure toujours autour d'un même enjeu : la définition du public et du privé en matière de sexualité. Cette thèse propose de s'intéresser à cette frontière qui structure la politique d’éducation à la sexualité des années 1970 à nos jours, au prisme de trois histoires qui se déroulent des bureaux du ministère jusque dans la salle de classe. La première intrigue est celle d'un « récit de guerre », où des troupes de volontaires se relaient depuis les années 1970 pour définir ce que l’École a le droit de dire ou non aux enfants. La seconde est une incursion au cœur des stratégies élaborées par les institutions étatiques pour rendre légitime le rôle de l’École dans l'éducation à la sexualité. Enfin, le troisième récit s'apparente à une pièce de théâtre parfois comique, parfois tragique, sans rideau rouge et devant le tableau noir de la salle de classeHow to talk about sexuality at school ? This controversial question was first officially answered in 1973 in a circular from the Ministry of National Education entitled « Information and sexual education ». This was the beginning of the public policy of sex education in the French school environment. Since then, the answers to this same question have evolved and have been the subject of clashes betweendifferent actors. If the battle line has been shifting, there has been a core stake : the definition of public and private in terms of sexuality. This Ph.D proposes to focus on this boundary that structures sex education policy from the 1970s to the present day, through the lens of three stories that unfold from the ministry's offices to the classroom. The first plot is that of a "war story", where troops of volunteers have been taking turns since the 1970s to define what the School is allowed to say or not to say to children. The second is an incursion into the heart of the strategies developed by state institutions to legitimize the role of the school in sex education. In the end, the third story appears to be a theatreplay, sometimes comic, sometimes tragic. Yet it does not take place on a stage but in front of the blackboard
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Obono, Metoulou Gaëlle. « Contribution à l'étude juridique de la politique de l'emploi et des prélèvements obligatoires en droit français ». Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PSLED003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le droit fiscal est le droit de l’impôt alors que le droit du travail régit la relation salariée. Cette apparente indifférence des deux systèmes juridiques cache une interdépendance due aux fonctions de l’impôt. De manière classique, l’impôt a une fonction budgétaire. De ce fait, il exerce une pression sur les contribuables par son impact économique sur leurs patrimoines et leurs revenus. Les contribuables sont alors tentés de mettre en œuvre des techniques d’évitement de l’impôt, par la voie du travestissement des notions juridiques. Le droit fiscal réagit en consacrant des notions autonomes. Ainsi une notion fiscale de salarié permet de déterminer le champ d’application de l’impôt. Une notion spécifique de salaire sert à la détermination des bases d’imposition du salarié.De façon plus contemporaine, la fonction incitative de l’impôt est de plus en plus usitée. Elle n’est pas directement liée à une finalité budgétaire. Elle est appréciée parce que l’impôt exerce une contrainte moins violente que l’interdiction ou la punition. Elle permet d’agir sur les comportements des contribuables en les orientant dans un sens souhaité. Or, il apparaît que le revenu fiscal dépend étroitement du revenu salarial. Pour cela, le Législateur a créé des instruments fiscaux pour annihiler les inégalités du marché du travail. Le droit fiscal devient un droit de la régulation du marché du travailTax law is the law related to taxation while labor law is governing the employee/employer’s relationship. This apparent indifference of these two branches of law covers an interdependence due to tax functions. Conventionally, tax has a budget function. Therefore, it puts pressure on taxpayers by its economic impact on their assets. Taxpayers are then tempted to implement tax avoidance techniques, through the disguise of legal concepts. Tax law reacts by devoting independent concepts. Thus the concept of « employee » in tax law allows one to determine the scope of application of the tax field. A specific concept of « pay » is used to determine the employee's tax base. In a more contemporary way, the incentive function of taxation is increasingly used. It is not directly related to a budgetary purpose. It is also appreciated because tax exercice a less violent strain than prohibition or punishment. It has an influence on the behavior of taxpayers by directing them in a desired direction. However, it appears that tax revenue heavily depends on the wage income. For this reason, the legislator has created fiscal instruments to reduce inequalities in the labor market. Tax law tends to become a law regulating the labor market
46
Kelso, Ross. « Open access to next generation broadband ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2008. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/12663/1/12663a.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Wireline telecommunications infrastructure in the customer access network or CAN is undergoing a veritable technological and commercial revolution. The paired-copper CAN is being modernised with optical fibre deployed ever closer to customers, culminating soon with fibre-to-the-home networks or some variant thereof. Although bandwidth ceases to be a scarce commodity, the underlying natural monopoly will most likely be strengthened.
National competition policy desires open access to multiple service providers yet commercial pressure calls for closure. This has been the recent experience with the hybrid fibre coaxial networks delivering pay television and Internet access.
This research asks the question: What are the factors that prevent open access to the broadband services of next generation wireline infrastructure? How can these obstacles be overcome? A particular focus is given to non-price considerations which come to the fore due to the unique strategic and technological characteristics of optical fibre in the access network.
The methodological approach involves data gathering via three case studies - that of the Telstra/Foxtel pay television network, the TransACT broadband network and fibre-to-the-home networks in general. Although the ultimate focus is on the research question above, these cases are discussed in a holistic way with consideration of a number of contextual factors. The research also examines the relationship between the concepts of ‘open access’ and ‘network neutrality’, visiting the concept of ‘common carriage’ in doing so.
Several findings are reached that illuminate the field of telecommunications access regulation as applied to infrastructure capable of delivering truly next generation broadband services. Since 1993, our politicians have only paid lip service to the importance of competition and have deferred to the demands of the dominant builder of telecommunications infrastructure. From the viewpoints of end-users and access seekers, the access regime is found to be incapable of dealing with the technical and commercial bottlenecks arising from optical fibre in the CAN.
It is concluded that communication between users should be recognised as the prime purpose of telecommunications and that the regulatory regime should not reward discriminatory practices detracting from the development of a networked information economy. It is also concluded that dominant players should never be rewarded with access holidays which could otherwise entrench market dominance through the creation of new bottlenecks. Access regulation is ill-equipped to cope with optical fibre in the CAN until it also recognizes the strategic potential of such infrastructure.
47
Palma, Ana Paula de Albuquerque Alves. « O regime de transparência fiscal : análise da eficácia do regime em Portugal e perspectivas de evolução ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6534.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mestrado em Contabilidade, Fiscalidade e Finanças EmpresariaisDadas as diferenças de tributação do rendimento relativo ao exercício de uma actividade empresarial ou profissional em nome individual ou através de uma sociedade, foi instituído em Portugal, em 1989, um regime fiscal já há muito aplicado noutros países, em particular para as chamadas sociedades de pessoas (partnerships), que desconsidera para efeitos de tributação em imposto sobre o rendimento das pessoas colectivas, alguns entes colectivos, tributando-se o respectivo rendimento directamente na pessoa dos seus sócios ou membros, independentemente de distribuição. Esse regime visava assegurar a neutralidade fiscal, eliminar a dupla tributação económica e combater a evasão e fraude fiscais. Este regime – denominado “Regime de Transparência Fiscal” (RTF) – tem permanecido praticamente inalterado nos seus contornos legais desde a sua criação e tem sido objecto de controvérsia, quer quanto ao seu âmbito subjectivo, quer quanto a aspectos que se relacionam com a sua aplicação. O presente trabalho faz o enquadramento teórico do RTF, analisa o seu funcionamento face à legislação portuguesa e alguns dos principais problemas que têm sido identificados em relação ao mesmo e sumariza algumas perspectivas quanto à sua evolução futura. Em anexo, é feita uma síntese da aplicação subjectiva de idêntico regime em quatro países europeus (Espanha, França, Alemanha e Suécia) e apresentam-se alguns elementos estatísticos sobre a aplicação do RTF em Portugal.
Given the differences in income tax for professional or corporate activities, both personal or through a corporation, it was established in Portugal in 1989 a tax policy long applied in other countries – mainly in partnerships – which disregards for tax purposes of corporate income tax some corporate entities, taxing the income directly on partners and members, regardless of the distribution. That policy aimed to ensure fiscal neutrality, to eliminate double economic taxation and to fight tax avoidance and fraud. This policy – called «Fiscal Transparency Policy» (FTP) – has been kept almost completely unchanged in its legislation since its creation, and has been subject of controversy concerning its subjective scope and the aspects related to its application. This thesis makes the theoretical framework of the FTP, analyses its action in view of Portuguese legislation and some of the main problems that have been identified in relation to it, and also summarizes some perspectives as to its future developing. Furthermore, there are attachments in this thesis that synthesize the subjective application of an identical policy in four European countries (Spain, France, Germany and Sweden) and present statistical elements about the application of the FTP in Portugal.
48
Schmidlin, Marco. « Swiss Armed Forces XXI - the answer to current or future threats ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FSchmidlin.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-115). Also available online.
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Holmén, Janne Sven-Åke. « Den politiska läroboken : Bilden av USA och Sovjetunionen i norska, svenska och finländska läroböcker under Kalla kriget ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6748.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the Cold War, Norway was a member of NATO, Sweden was neutral but depended on Western support in the event of a crisis, while Finland's foreign policy priority was to win and retain the Soviet Union's confidence. The purpose of the thesis is to study whether the three small states' different foreign policy choices had consequences for the ways in which the Soviet Union and the USA were depicted in school textbooks for history, geography, and social sciences in the period 1930 to 2004. To this end, a theory derived from small states' strategies to maintain their independence was applied to textbook production.
The study demonstrates that there was a link between small state foreign policy and textbooks' accounts of the USA and Soviet Union. Swedish and Norwegian textbooks portray international conflicts from a legalistic perspective, taking the part of small states exposed to superpower aggression such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. In Finnish textbooks, however, an interest in defending small state's rights yielded to the need to demonstrate their goodwill towards the Soviet Union, which was described in far less critical terms than in Swedish and Norwegian textbooks. In time, in the name of neutrality, depictions of the USA also became increasingly uncritical.
All three Nordic states had government authorities charged with inspecting and approving school textbooks. Foreign policy's chief influence on textbooks was not effected by direct oversight, however; instead, it was established indirectly by means of the social climate, which determined what was considered politically correct in the three countries, and it was to this that the textbooks' authors adapted their work.
Textbooks are often said to be conservative and slow to change, but the thesis shows that in parts they were politically sensitive, rapidly adapting to changes in what society held to be politically correct.
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Martins, Julia. « Arbetsgivarens rätt att kräva religiös neutralitet och arbetstagarens skydd mot diskriminering på grund av religion ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-141909.
Texte intégral