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1
Ng, Gar Yein. « Judicialisation and the End of Parliamentary Supremacy ». Global Journal of Comparative Law 3, no 1 (29 mai 2014) : 50–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00301003.
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There is now a greater presence of the judiciary checking the legislature, moving away from the classical paradigm that the judge is the weakest branch of government. This article traces political and judicial developments in uk, France and the Netherlands, countries following a parliamentary supremacy model. The following questions are addressed: Are courts of the early 21st century willing to supervise a parliament that has been conceived as supreme? Have parliaments subsequently shown a willingness to be supervised by courts? From the comparative analysis, what has this meant for the separation of powers?
2
LIJPHART, AREND. « Democracy in the 21st century : can we be optimistic ? » European Review 9, no 2 (mai 2001) : 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
3
Ham, Laurens, Nina Geerdink, Johan Oosterman, Remco Sleiderink et Sander Bax. « Krijg je nog rente voor een lied ? : Stadsdichterschap als eer en verdienste sinds de middeleeuwen1 ». Nederlandse Letterkunde 25, no 1 (1 avril 2020) : 99–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/nedlet2020.1.005.ham.
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Abstract This article presents the first diachronic overview of the economic, social and symbolic profits of ‘city poets’ (‘stadsdichters’) in the Low Countries. From the early fifteenth century onwards, there have been many (more or less) official relationships between city councils and poets. The prominence and the form of these relationships, however, diverged greatly in different periods: whereas official appointments were the standard in the fifteenth, sixteenth and the twenty-first centuries, the period in between saw a much more diverse landscape of informal appointments and relationships. After presenting a historical overview of the role of city poets throughout the centuries, this article focuses on two well-documented periods in which formal agreements were made between town governments and poets: the late Middle Ages and the start of the 21st century. We analyze political and financial agreements explicitly in relationship to the complexities surrounding the production of city poetry. City poetry, paid by public money, is bound to be controversial: in general because its status is subject to changes and political discussions, but also because this form of commissioned poetry is sometimes seen as a form of propaganda. Official city poetry seems to flourish most in societies with a stable political-religious climate (as in the Southern Low Countries in the fifteenth and sixteenth century) and/or with a keen interest in city marketing (as in Flanders and the Netherlands in the twenty-first century).
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Mahmoudi, Hamid, Keith Walker, Abdolrahim Navehebrahim, Hamidreza Arasteh et Hossein Abbasian. « The Missing Pieces in the Puzzle of Iranian Undergraduate General Education : Quantitative Findings ». Comparative and International Education 49, no 1 (14 décembre 2020) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cie-eci.v49i1.13431.
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The general education (GE) literature suggests that there is a mismatch of courses offered to students in Iranian higher education institutions such that the needs of 21st-century students are unmet by these curricula. This article points to the missing pieces in terms of learning and content gaps in many of the undergraduate GE programs designed under the influence of policy, values, and politics which originate from both religious and government interests. The article explores undergraduate students’ general 21st-century skill requirements and examines the extant curricula for possible gaps. The gap analysis points to the need for up-to-date general skills such as thinking skills, decision-making, research, awareness of international issues, lifelong learning, problem-solving, critical thinking, and it offers that these remedies might be a precious investment in Iran’s higher education for the future of that society.
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Rather, Aqib Yousuf. « Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century ». Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no 24 (28 juin 2022) : 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.
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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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Montiel, G. L. « The new Mexican political system : reconfiguration of capacities and power ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no 1 (23 août 2020) : 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Theodore, John D. « The Process Of Globalization In Latin America ». International Business & ; Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no 1 (30 décembre 2014) : 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i1.9044.
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The purpose of this article was to examine and evaluate the historical and developmental process of globalization in Latin America from the 1970s to the second decade of the 21st century and make proposals for the additional developments needed in education, society, labor, management, politics, economics, business, government, and legal areas in order for the region to attain higher developmental levels in regional integration and globalization on a continuous basis. It also examined the advantages and disadvantages of globalization as perceived by its proponents and adversaries in the region.
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Abbink, J. « African studies in the Netherlands : A brief survey ». African Research & ; Documentation 87 (2001) : 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012346.
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In the Netherlands there is an active community of Africanist scholars, numbering about 200 to 250. They work mainly in universities and other research institutes, but also in increasing numbers for government ministries (notably of Foreign Affairs and Development Co-operation), NGOs, and other aid organisations. Fields in which Africanists are strong are history, anthropology and geography, and to a lesser extent development sociology, medical science, law, comparative politics and religious studies. The following survey is necessarily a selective one.African Studies in the Netherlands can pride itself on a long history only if we include the many travellers, traders and missionaries active in African regions before the twentieth century. The scholarly study of the continent seriously started a few decades later than in other European countries: after the Second World War, when an Africa Institute was founded (in 1946, see below) and the first special professorial chair in African ethnology was instituted at Leiden University.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. « The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace ». Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no 3 (16 septembre 2022) : 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
10
Coté, Joost. « Colonising Central Sulawesi. The ‘Ethical Policy’ and Imperialist Expansion 1890–1910 ». Itinerario 20, no 3 (novembre 1996) : 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003983.
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The aim of this paper is to investigate the nature of Dutch colonial policy at the turn of the twentieth century in what was then the Netherlands East Indies.’ Referred to in the historiography of this period as ‘the ethical policy’, it is usually characterized as a welfare or developmentalist government. More recent comparisons have drawn attention to similarities between twentieth-century colony policy and the New Order Indonesian policy with a focus on economic growth and the lack of individual ‘development’. ‘Ethical policy’ is not usually a term applied to the politics of other imperialist powers, which begs the question that somehow Dutch colonialism was different. Recent comparative research by M. Kuitenbrouwer, A. Stoler and J. Breman has questioned this assumption.
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Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. « Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 6 (2018) : 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. « “We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero” : Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries ». Polish Journal for American Studies, no 16 (2022) (22 décembre 2022) : 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
13
Mina, Hao. « Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia ». Studies in Social Science Research 2, no 3 (15 juillet 2021) : p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
14
Karklins, Rasma. « Book Review : Daunis Auers, Comparative Politics and Government of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 21st Century ». Political Studies Review 15, no 2 (février 2017) : 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916686364.
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Greiman, Virginia. « The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability ». International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no 4 (octobre 2019) : 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Moore, Sarah. « Towards a Sociology of Institutional Transparency : Openness, Deception and the Problem of Public Trust ». Sociology 52, no 2 (19 janvier 2017) : 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516686530.
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Transparency has become the watchword of 21st-century liberal democracies. It refers to a project of opening up the state by providing online access to public sector data. This article puts forward a sociological critique of the transparency agenda and the purported relationship between institutional openness and public trust. Drawing upon Simmel’s work, the article argues that open government initiatives routinely prize visibility over intelligibility and ignore the communicative basis of trust. The result is a non-reciprocal form of openness that obscures more than it reveals. In making this point the article suggests that transparency embodies the ethos of a now-discredited mode of what Ezrahi calls ‘instrumental politics’, reliant on the idea that the state constitutes a ‘domain of plain public facts’. The article examines how alternative mechanisms for achieving government openness might better respond to the distinctive needs of citizens living in late modern societies.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu et Sanjay Misra. « The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT ». International Journal of Electronic Government Research 15, no 3 (juillet 2019) : 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2019070105.
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While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.
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Elinoff, Eli. « Subjects of politics : Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand ». Anthropological Theory 19, no 1 (27 février 2019) : 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. « The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada ». Society & ; Animals 23, no 1 (2 février 2015) : 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Van Schaik, F. « Vrijheid van meningsuiting en godsdienst versus het nondiscriminatiebeginsel ». Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 3, no 2 (10 juillet 2017) : 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2000/v3i2a2888.
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A certain tension between freedom of expression and the proscription of discrimination is present in post World War II international law. This tension is dealt with differently in different jurisdictions. This contribution addresses the manner in which the lawgiver and courts of the Netherlands have approached the matter.With reference to the relevant legal sources, the manner in which the law dealt with insult (especially of Jews and Roman Catholics) in the first half of the twentieth century is described, followed by a description of the reaction of some countries to the Convention on the Eradication of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD). The Netherlands government chose to build its implementation of CERD on the existing law of insult, making insult on grounds of race, religion, life view, gender or sexual orientation punishable. This has created a specific tension regarding the freedom of expression in insult cases.The relevant jurisprudence is discussed under three headings: * suspected antisemitism * extreme rightist politics * history writing on World War II and nazismThe wish of the Netherlands government has been to deal with the combating of racial discrimination in a manner which would not lead to undue limitations on the freedom of expression. Partly due to the nature of CERD, which was ratified by the Netherlands without reservation, the implementing legislation has however made strong inroads into freedom of expression. In the jurisprudence race was given a wide meaning while the courts held on to the doctrine on insult not requiring animus iniuriandi and accepting dolus eventualis as sufficient. Thus racial insult is easily established, limiting freedom of expression to a larger extent than in countries such as the USA and UK.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A. « Electoral Processes and Street Protests in 21st Century Algeria : Features and Traits of Algerian Political Culture ». ISTORIYA 13, no 12-1 (122) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023902-1.
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The following article discusses issues of electoral participation and street protest activity in 21st century Algeria. The work is based on the materials on Algerian election campaigns and results of the author's field research in the country. Describing the current political situation in Algeria, the author points out that the long established alienation between the civil society and government institutions is one of the most significant challenges for the country's development. The roots of this alienation are much deeper than the 2019 events when A. Bouteflika was overthrown due to mass protests and A. Tebboun became the President. Analyzing the electoral campaigns held since 2000 to this day, the author discovers that mutual distrust between the political elites and the society has been a characteristic trait of Algerian internal politics over the whole two decades. In this context, the Hirak movement founded in 2019 may be seen a an instrument of political transformation rather than merely a way to express popular discontent. However, even though this movement was successful enough to change the political leadership in Algeria, it hasn't managed to transform the essence of the system and update the social contract. Looking into the reasons for this failure, the author concludes that they stem from the specific traits of Algerian political culture formed in the colonial and early post-colonial eras.
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Нагиев, Орхан Гадироглу. « Формирование культурно-духовных ценностей в Азербайджане как следствие политики «Мягкой силы» ». Revistă de Ştiinţe Socio-Umane = Journal of Social and Human Sciences 50, no 1 (avril 2022) : 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46727/jshs.2022.v50.i1.p75-86.
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The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.
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Dr.P.Arunachalam. « Sustainable Development of LPG Policies of India ». Journal of Development Economics and Management Research Studies 09, no 14 (2022) : 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.53422/jdms.2022.91403.
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Prof. Irma Glicman Adelman, an Irish Economist working in California University at Berkely, in her research work on ‘Development Over Two Centuries’, which is published in the Journal of Evolutionary Economics, 1995, has identified and concluded that India, along with China, would be one of the largest economies in this 21st Century. She has stated that the period 1700-1820 is the period of Netherlands (Holland), the period 1820-1890 is the period of England, the period 1890-2000 is the period of America and this 21st Century is the century of China and India. World Bank has also identified that India would be a one the leading players of this century after China and USA. India is the third largest economy in terms of Purchasing Power Parity with $7.277 trillion. India ($ 2. 936 trillion in nominal) will challenge the Global Economic Order in the next 15 years. India already overtook Italian economy ($ 2.078 trillion) this year (2019), and will overtake England economy ($ 3.002 trillion at present) in the year 2020, Japanese economy ($5.154 trillion, 2019) by 2025 and USA economy ($21. 239 trillion in 2019) in 2050. China with $14.140 trillion already overtook Japan economy and will overtake USA economy in 2024. India has the following advantages compared with other economies. India is 3th largest GDP in the world in terms of Purchasing Power Parity Criteria ($11.326 trillion in 2019). India is third fastest growing economy in the world after China and Vietnam. In this paper an attempt is made to bring out the major achievements and failures of economic reforms in India during the liberalisation period. It is mainly base on secondary information I read through government publications and reports and generally descriptive in nature. This paper has been divided into two sections (1) dealt with achievements of LPG policies and (2) dealt with the reasons for delay in achieving the proposed targets within the stipulated period.
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Wilson, Geoff A., et P. Ali Memon. « Indigenous Forest Management in 21st-Century New Zealand : Towards a ‘Postproductivist’ Indigenous Forest–Farmland Interface ? » Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 37, no 8 (août 2005) : 1493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37144.
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The critique of indigenous forest management in New Zealand in this paper contextualises the discussion in light of recent Eurocentric debates on the transition towards ‘postproductivist’ and ‘multifunctional’ agricultural and forestry regimes. The research findings confirm recent criticisms of Australian writers with regard to the direct transferability of the notion of a transition towards postproductivism developed by European researchers and also lend support to Holmes's (2002) notion of productivist and postproductivist occupance. Long-standing productivist demands continue to be made on New Zealand's indigenous forests, especially from economically marginalised stakeholder groups who depend on the continuation of logging for economic survival. We argue that the tension between the recent adoption of a ‘postproductivist’ conservation policy at government level and the continuing ‘productivist’ attitudes among some stakeholder groups explains why the protection of remaining indigenous forests continues to be contested. The New Zealand findings also provide further evidence for those persons criticising the implied linearity and dualism inherent in the Eurocentric postproductivist transition model. We argue that processes at the New Zealand forest–farmland interface support Wilson's (2001) notion of a territorialisation of productivist and postproductivist territories into a ‘multifunctional’ territory. From a social constructionist perspective, the results highlight the fact that a clear separation into productivist and postproductivist occupance may not be easy to conceptualise as our view of agricultural land as ‘productivist’ territory and unlogged or sustainably managed indigenous forest as ‘postproductivist’ territory is largely based on a Euro–American ‘deep green’ view of unaltered ‘nonhuman’ nature. This supports Mather's (2001) suggestion that postproductivism should be cast as part of a shifting mode of social regulation of forestry with particular stakeholder groups constructing images of nature according to their interests, and where western ideas of nature as a (postproductivist) wilderness embody cultural politics which arguably serve to marginalise the interests of indigenous communities.
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Medushevsky, Nikolay A., Liudmila A. Pechishcheva et Alisa R. Shishkina. « AFRICAN VECTOR IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 21ST CENTURY (POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS) ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no 3 (2022) : 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-46-59.
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The research article is concerned with the mechanisms of cooperation between India and African countries in the latest historical period. The international support that India has provided to many African countries over the decades underscores the political commitment of the Indian leadership to speak on behalf of the nations of the global South. The government of Narendra Modi focuses on the common historical struggle of Indians and Africans against the colonial powers, as on the importance of developing cooperation in the politics, economy, energy, education, culture and humanitarian issues. The parties are interested in developing new approaches to environmental protection, and closely cooperate within the framework of the UN mechanism for sustainable development, actively participating in the formation and discussion of the climate agenda. Three successful Africa-India summits (in 2008, 2011 and 2015) showed a common interest in expanding the nature and areas of interaction. Moreover, India, experiencing an acute need for primary energy resources and minerals, sees in Africa not only a potential supplier of those resources, but also a capacious market for its products. In pursuit of all the interests mentioned, India, on the way of cooperation with African countries, often encounters the unpreparedness of African colleagues for direct dialogue, as well as opposition from other major players operating in the region. Among them, the UK and China play a key role. The authors come to the conclusion that at present India has a clear and comprehensive strategy for promoting its interests in Africa and considers the continent as a strategic one. At the same time, a large number of the variables associated with a specific process of interaction and regional development remain in the system of cooperation between India and African countries.
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Pratt, Douglas. « Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity : From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation ». Social Inclusion 4, no 2 (19 avril 2016) : 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Keleş, Ruşen. « Sustainable development, international cooperation and local authorities ». Ekistics and The New Habitat 69, no 415-417 (1 décembre 2002) : 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200269415-417359.
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The author is a Professor of Local Government and Urban Studies at the Faculty of Political Science , Ankara University and Eastern Mediterranean University. He served as Director of the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies as well as Director of the Center for Environmental Studies, Ankara University for many years. His numerous publications include The Politics of Rapid Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (New York , Holmes and Meier, 1985), Housing and the Urban Poor in the Middle East: Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (Tokyo, IDE, 1986), Urban Management in Turkey (Ankara, Turkish Social Science Association, 1988), Urban Poverty in the Third World: Theoretical Approaches and Policy Options Tokyo (IDE, 1988). Dr Keleş has been a correspondent of Ekistics since 1965. He is a member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) and has also served as a member of its Executive Council. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.
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Laforest, Rachel, et Steven Rathgeb Smith. « Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence : Challenges and Opportunities ». Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no 2 (26 septembre 2017) : 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Ratnawati, Ratnawati, et Oberlin Silalahi. « Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia ». Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no 9 (15 septembre 2022) : 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/eduvest.v2i9.574.
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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.
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Ukas, Ukas, et Zuhdi Arman. « THE ROLE OF LAW IN ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION IN INDONESIA ». JIM UPB (Jurnal Ilmiah Manajemen Universitas Putera Batam) 9, no 1 (2 décembre 2020) : 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/jimupb.v9i1.2173.
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Legal development has a more comprehensive and basic meaning compared to the promotion and renewal of law in the context of increasing the nation's competitiveness, legal politics in Indonesia directs legal development to encourage economic growth. The research objective is to determine economic growth, especially in the business world and in the industrial world which determines investment capacity, especially law enforcement and protection. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study see Law as a social engineering tool that was born because the concept of law is taught to direct people to better understand change. Law as an instrument of development control includes development in the economic field. Enforcement of law and justice in particular in the economic development of activities and developing development in accordance with long-term government programs. The role of law in economic globalization in the 21st century is certainly expected aspects of globalization in legal and economic growth, the development of economic law also includes investment law, which of course must run in accordance with long-term development tools.
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Himmah, Dhurotun Nasicha Aliyatul, et Nurul Yaqien. « KEPEMIMPINAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM ». J-MPI (Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam) 2, no 2 (30 décembre 2017) : 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jmpi.v2i2.5483.
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<p><em>Women's leadership has always been a discussion of controversy, especially in explaining, interpreting and determining the law of a woman's leadership. This study aims to: (1) Review the interpretation related to the concept of leadership with the interpretation model of maudhu'i Al-Qur'an letter An-Nisa verse 34 and Al-Mujadalah verse 11 according to some classical and contemporary commentators including Ibn Abbas, Imam Jalaludin, Ibn Kathir, Mustafa Al-Maraghi, Muhammad Hasbi and Quraish Shihab, (2) Assessing the relevance of the concept of female leadership in an Islamic perspective with the concept of leadership in the 21st century. This type of research is literature study using descriptive-analytic method, historical-philosophical approach, carried out with documentation techniques, analysis, interpretation, checking the validity of the data to obtain the results of the study according to purpose. The results of the study show that there are differences between the thoughts of classical mufassir and contemporary mufassir on women's leadership based on An-Nisa verse 34. It is the differences in times, conditions, situations and civilizations that influence it. The 21st Century is no longer a century where women cannot join in politics, government, social affairs, education, and so on. Contemporary mufassir allow women to be leaders as long as they do not violate the sharia and do not ignore the main task of being a wife. Relevance is related to the realization of the Constitution of 1945 article 27 concerning equal rights and obligations of Indonesian citizens, and Article 31 related to the right of education for all citizens of Indonesia relevant to the letter of Al-Mujadalah verse 11. The relevance is related to the realization of Article 27 of the 1945 constitution concerning the equality of Indonesian citizens' rights and obligations, and Article 31 concerning the right of education of all Indonesian citizens relevant to Al-Mujadalah verse 11. Men or women who are leaders, most importantly is the realization of the good leadership for creating baldatun thayyibun warabbun ghafur.</em></p>
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Nam Tien, Tran. « THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY : IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS ». Humanities & ; Social Sciences Reviews 9, no 2 (8 avril 2021) : 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.
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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations.
Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records.
Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia.
Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics.
Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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Beserra, Me Elijalma Augusto, Roberta Freire d’Aguiar de Almeida, Maria Helena Maia e Souza et Profa Dra Eva Mônica Sarmento da Silva. « The Practice of Integrated and Articulated Actions within the Scope of the Brazil Sem Misery Plan - PBSM as a Instrument for the Social Inclusion of Small Beekeepers in the Semiarid Pernambuco : The Case of Beekeepers of Quixaba - PE ». International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science 9, no 10 (2022) : 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.910.40.
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Even with all the evolution achieved by humanity, it is still possible to identify in several societies that there are people in extreme poverty. Combating this sad reality is a task not only for governments but for all those who make up this society. In Brazil, the commitment to the fight against extreme poverty formed the agenda of the social democratic governments that commanded national politics during the first two decades of the 21st century. Recognized by international agencies as a successful example of a government program aimed at the socio-economic inclusion of the most needy part of society, the Brasil Sem Miséria Plan - PBSM focused on creating structuring conditions so that individuals, in extreme poverty, could enter the job market, managing to obtain an income capable of granting them social inclusion, dignity, food sovereignty and financial freedom. In this sense, the present study aims to discuss the integrated and articulated practices promoted within the scope of the PBSM with small beekeepers in the semi-arid region of Pernambuco, especially in the municipality of Quixaba - PE. Beekeepers benefited from the program, and how the combination of actions developed by the government, society, and producers managed to change the living conditions of this group, and how these practices can be used as an example for other locations.
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Boeva, Luc. « Recensie van : Re-Thinking the State. Critical Perspectives on the Citizen, Politics and Government in the 21st Century / Filip De Rynck, Bram Verschuere & ; Ellen Waeyenberg (eds.) (2009) ». WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, no 4 (26 janvier 2011) : 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12340.
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Octastefani, Theresia. « The Dynamics of Women and Political Heritage in Yogyakarta : A Critical Reflection in Welcoming the Next Leader ». MUWAZAH 10, no 2 (25 décembre 2018) : 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v10i2.1783.
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Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition’s values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.
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Hochstenbach, Cody, et Richard Ronald. « The unlikely revival of private renting in Amsterdam : Re-regulating a regulated housing market ». Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 52, no 8 (13 mars 2020) : 1622–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x20913015.
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Over the last decade, private rental sectors have been in rapid ascendance across developed societies, especially in economically liberal, English-speaking contexts. The Netherlands, and Amsterdam in particular, has also more recently experienced the reversal of a century-long decline in private renting. More unusually, the expansion of private renting in Amsterdam has been explicitly promoted by the municipal and national government, and in cooperation with social housing providers, in response to decreasing accessibility to, and affordability of, social rental and owner-occupied housing. This paper explores how and why this state-initiated revival has come about, highlighting how new growth in rent-liberalized private renting is a partial outcome of the restructuring of the urban housing market around owner occupation since the 1990s. More critically, our analysis asserts that restructuring of Amsterdam’s housing stock can be conceptualized as regulated marketization. Market forces are not being simply unleashed, but given more leeway in some regards and matched by new regulations. We also demonstrate various tensions present in this process of regulated marketization; between national and local politics, between existing housing and new construction, and between policies implemented in different time periods.
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Gutorow, Władimir. « O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego ». Politeja 12, no 7 (34/2) (31 décembre 2015) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.
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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system
The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna et Ade Sofyan Mulazid. « Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & ; 19th Ottoman Turks ». QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no 2 (6 janvier 2020) : 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.
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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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Febiri, Frank, et Miloslav Hub. « Digitalization of Global Economy : A Qualitative Study Exploring Key Indicators use to Measure Digital Progress in the Public Sector ». SHS Web of Conferences 92 (2021) : 05006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219205006.
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Research background:The digitalization of the global economy is the most common phenomenon in the 21st century. Most Public sector organizations have already started their journeys towards digitalization, and many of them have dealt with their contemporary challenges with success. At the center of these transformations are metrics and indicators used for evaluating digital progress. Already existing measures focus on numerical measures of the presence of digital technology in the public sector (output measures), but do not evaluate the quality of the digitalized public sector (outcome measures).Purpose of the article: This paper attempts to evaluate metrics and indicators used for measuring the digital progress in the public sector.Methods:Three particular aspects of digitalization in the top five leading countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands, and Malta) were examined: I. success rate of public sector IT projects (measured by how often projects are scrapped); II. The price comparability between the public sector and private sector IT projects; and III. The relative modernity of government IT systems (compared to private sector systems).Findings & Value added:The findings of this paper present key metrics and indicators that can be used to evaluate public sector digital progress. Policymakers will need to redefine digitalization goals and areas of investments, while researchers can contribute more insights to the individual impact of these metrics and indicators on the development of a digital public sector. To this end, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the essential metrics and indicators to measure digitalization progress in the public sector.
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Aminov, I. I. « Ethics of Russian parliamentarian as a subject matter of normative and legal regulation ». Actual Problems of Russian Law, no 8 (20 septembre 2019) : 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2019.105.8.047-054.
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Professionalization of ethics in the first quarter of the 21st century leads to the fact that it increasingly acts as a regulator of behavior of representatives of all branches of government: legislative, executive and judiciary. To this end, scholars — authors of modern concepts of political ethics — increasingly correlate fundamental ethical values with the features of modern politics, law, democratic organization of the society that put forward as fundamental such ethical qualities as professionalism, discipline, financial integrity, political correctness, prevention of malpractice and power abuse in the activities of members of the Council of Federation and deputies of the State Duma in their interpersonal and intergroup relations.Since the authority of the Parliament, as the highest legislative (representative) body, largely depends on personal and moral qualities, ethical standards of behavior of holders of state authorities should be enshrined not only in the regulations of the Chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, but also in an independent normative legal act — the code of ethics regulating ethical behavior of the lawmakers and responsibility for its violation. The adoption of such an important codified act will make it possible to control the individual, personal and behavioral characteristics of parliamentarians, their interaction with the public, the mass media, to establish uniform moral guidelines for parliamentarians and voters and directions of the legislative activity.
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Sibarani, Dame Maria-Nova. « Economic Policy in Indonesia and Prospects of Russian-Indonesian Trade and Economic Cooperation ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no 3 (15 décembre 2019) : 450–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-3-450-462.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the current economic situation in Indonesia and the prospects for RussianIndonesian economic cooperation. The author covers the economic development of Indonesia since 1998 Asian economic crisis, the domestic economic agenda and the policy of new President D. Widodo, as well as the history and potential for the further development of trade and economic relations between Russia and Indonesia. The relevance of the research is determined by the increasing role of Indonesia in international politics in the 21st century. Indonesia is the fourth largest country in terms of population, after China, India and the United States. Its economy is 16th in the world and first in ASEAN. It is a member of G20. It is expected that Indonesia will enter the top five largest world economies by 2030. For Russia, the development of relations with the rapidly developing Asian countries is an important element in of its foreign policy strategy of diversifying trading partners and entering the promising markets of developing countries. The main purpose of the article is to analyze current challenges faced by the Indonesian government in implementing new economic policy, to identify promising areas of bilateral cooperation of Russia and Indonesia in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The article points out the potential of these relations and the mutual benefits for the Russian and Indonesian economy. The author used mainly the historical method, which allows tracing the history of the development of the economic situation in Indonesia and the evolution of Russian-Indonesian relations. While analyzing Indonesia’s domestic economic policy, the key research method has been a comparative analysis, which contributed to summarizing the achievements of Indonesian politics. In conclusion, the author identifies promising areas for further development of Russian-Indonesian trade and economic relations taken into account modern Indonesian economic policy’s need agenda.
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Josephson, Paul R. « EMPIRE-BUILDING AND FRONTIER OF SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET TIMES ». Ural Historical Journal 73, no 4 (2021) : 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-88-96.
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The paper deals with the strategies of colonization and assimilation of frontier in Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia in relation to, Siberia and the Far East. These frontier spaces were disturbing the Soviet leadership for they were both vulnerable for an external invasion and unsupportive of the new socialist order. Thus, countryside of Soviet Russia was also seen as frontier of its own kind. The conquest of frontier and its integration into the socialist, industrial economy was implemented by Stalinist leadership through the violent collectivization, which was accompanied by colonization in the periphery strengthened by the flow of exiles and labor camp prisoners from the collectivized western areas. From the point of view of Soviet leaders, the frontier territories were both resource pantry and “empty spaces” to settle. To stimulate colonization Soviet government was establishing the “corridors of modernization”, a network of infrastructure, connecting the newly constructed “company towns”, the outposts of frontier conquest. Such politics was simultaneously integrating indigenous peoples of frontier into the socialist economy and destroying their way of life. In spite of efforts of Soviet rulers from Stalin to Brezhnev, the assimilation of frontier did not succeed. However, in the 21st century Russian leadership continues to treat Arctic, Siberia and the Far East along the Soviet lines, as frontier spaces of economic and symbolic conquest and military-political contestation. Unlike the Soviet era, though, nowadays the concept of frontier had found its way into Russian historical and political thought.
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Rafi, Ali, Kaneez Fatima et Jabbar Ali. « Redefining Greece in 2021 : An Overview of the New Government's Plan to Revive Greece ». Global Regional Review VI, no II (30 juin 2021) : 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-ii).26.
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This article aims to provide an overview of the two programs designed by the current Greek government to revive the country and prepare it for the 21st Century. Both plans, "Greece 2021" and "Greece 2.0" comprise four pillars outlining a wide range of programs to be implemented between 2021 and 2026. The first pillar of "Greece 2021" aims to highlight the significance of the events that led to the War of Independence in 1821. This will define how these events had impacted the world of politics and eventually the revolt of 1821. The purpose of "Greece 2021" is to remind the world, particularly the Greek youth, of the country’s glorious past,specifically, the previous 200 years of modern Greece. The young generation is also provided with the opportunity to envision the future status of Greece and play an active role in achieving the desired status. For this, a wide range of projects and events such as scientific conventions, cultural events, exhibitions are going to be held across the globe. However, at the same time, the EU has approved Greece’s proposed Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) worth over €30 billion. It contains massive plans to transform the Greek economy by means of investments in digitization, infrastructure development, and modernizing business processes. RRF is expected to generate around180,000 jobs and secure 7Percent GDP growth in a sustainable manner by reducing the impact of human activities on the environment
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Wojnarowska-Szpucha, Sylwia. « Geopolitical and geostrategic situation of Lithuania in the context of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation - with an outlook to 2019 ». Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no 15 (1 février 2023) : 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/159601.
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ObjectivesThis paper discusses the problems faced by Lithuania in its current geopolitical and geostrategic situation, as a post-Soviet state that has fairly recently joined the structures of the European Union and NATO. As one of the Baltic States with a relatively small territory and without significant natural resources, it must rely on cooperation with other states and the trade exchange, mainly with the Russian Federation. Lithuania is a small state, which - seemingly - would be capable of pursuing only regional politics, not geopolitics in the strategic sense.Methodsanalysys, inference, reductive reasoning, SWOT analysisResultsThe conducted analysis and rational assessment of Lithuania's geopolitical and geostrategic problems shows that it is increasingly difficult to predict the direction in which the broadly defined policy and strategy of the country will develop in the 21st century and in the far future.ConclusionsBased on the consideration presented in this paper, it can be concluded that Lithuania, as a member of the European Union and NATO, does not have its own geopolitics and geostrategy, as it is still dependent on the policy of the Russian Federation. This dependence is, to a large extent, due to its geographical location in the Baltic region, through which important communication and transport routes from the Russian Federation to Central and Western Europe run. In addition, almost 6 per cent of Lithuania's population are Russians, in relation to whom the Russian government pursues its own demographic policy by indoctrinating them in Russian schools and universities.
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Isra, Saldi, Ferdi Ferdi et Hilaire Tegnan. « Rule of Law and Human Rights Challenges in South East Asia : A Case Study of Legal Pluralism in Indonesia ». Hasanuddin Law Review 3, no 2 (12 août 2017) : 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/halrev.v3i2.1081.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It has been over 72 years since Indonesia proclaimed her independence on 17 August 1945. However, the 350 years of the Dutch colonization is still impacting the lives of the Indonesian people. The difficulties faced by the Indonesian legal system as the government tries to accommodate adat (custom) and religion principles within the national law and the extent to which this legal mechanism affects the everyday life of the Indonesian people. In a nation where customs and religion are so preeminent, setting up an all-inclusive document meant to be the foundation of the state’s legal system at the dawn of independence was no easy task. This paper discusses the practice of legal pluralism in Indonesia and its struggle to implement rule of law and human rights principles after a half-century of authoritarian regimes. The study involves socio-legal research drawing on empirical data. Survey research was conducted between September 2014 and February 2015 at Utrecht University, the Netherlands, as well as in 5 cities in Indonesia (Aceh, Bali, Batam, Medan, and Padang) to collect data. The research reveals that legal pluralism is not helping to strengthen the Indonesian legal system, and that the foreignness of the Western law along with the neglect of the Indonesian customary and Islamic laws, totalitarianism and military involvement in politics, corruption within the state apparatus and unsynchronized laws weaken the legal system in Indonesia and hinder its effort to implement rule of law and human rights principles.
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Iyanu, Ogunseye Inioluwa, et Ayantayo Temitope Oluwafemi. « Political Communication, Twitter-Diplomacy and Political Violence in Nigeria : Criminalizing the Covid democracy or what ? » JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 10, no 1 (5 juin 2022) : 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v10i1.7039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Man is a relational being. In his dealings with others, he seeks to maximize his association and satisfy his various needs. The torrents of Globalization, diplomacy, social norms, the new media, and popular representation are omnipresent instruments that may determine, control, interpret, and shape the various institutions of governance, public policy, and the conduct of international relations by heads of states and government across borders even in the era of the ‘covid-19 new normal’. It will also show that the Twitter ban is harmful to maintaining a friendly relationship between Nigerian citizens, involvement in governance, and the country's democratic progress. The main purpose of this study is to examine how essential Twitter is for the survival of democracy in Nigeria during Covid-19. This paper argues that Sustainable Democracy does allow for active participation of interested citizens in the state of affairs of the country with citizen involvement and Mobilization via Twitter. This is reflected in the opinions, perceptions, and reactions of people in the 21st Century- Knowledge diplomacy, in an outburst against the Twitter Post of President Muhammadu Buhari on June 2, 2021. The researchers used the conflict theories of political systems and human needs. Secondary data sources were used in the study. The Paper concluded that revolutions in technology are not a hindrance to good governance, and democratic dispensation can only continue for as long as leaders can tolerate public dissension, and media scrutiny and embrace the positivity and uniqueness of media power in politics according to rule of law.
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Hart, Paul. « Environmental Education in Canada : Contemporary Issues & ; Future Possibilities ». Australian Journal of Environmental Education 6 (1990) : 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0814062600002019.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Environmental education has become a major concern for many politicians, educators, and parents in Canada. The politics of resource scarcity, environmental deterioration, and failed economic theories have combined to force nations such as Canada to reassess their priorities. Environmentalism has matured to the degree that large numbers of environmentally related contradictions in Canadian society can be traced to patterns of western intellectual thought and debated in terms of differing ideologies relating to population, economic development, government policy making, the legal system, and to education. As we face the 21st century with growing uncertainty and threats to our understandings, our ideas, and our institutions, an environmental perspective may well come to dominate our consciousness and our education.This paper develops an argument for reform in current environmental education practices within Canada at a time when educational systems in this country are becoming serious about incorporating an environmental perspective. After setting the context within systems of Canadian education, the paper attempts to capture the essence of environmental education activities by means of some broadly based Canadian contributions to the field and by two specific examples. The purpose of these sections is to throw into relief a number of tensions and contradictions in the contemporary theory and practice of environmental education in Canada and to identify a number of issues for debate in light of this experience. Finally, a proposal consistent with authentic principles of socially critical environmental education is suggested as a means of reconceptualising future environmental education activities within Canadian contexts.
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Iwanowski, Z. W., et D. M. Rozental. « Venezuela : Political Confrontation and the World Community ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no 2 (20 novembre 2020) : 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-2-71-111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its specificity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conflict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoff between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also affected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a unified position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conflict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are significantly different from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.
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Grishina, Nina. « Mauritania : the Evolution of Political Structures ». Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no 3 (30 septembre 2021) : 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-56-3-56-65.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.
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Van Den Boogert, C. « Habsburgs imperialisme en de verspreiding van renaissancevormen in de Nederlanden : de vensters van Michiel Coxcie in de Sint-Goedele te Brussel ». Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 106, no 2 (1992) : 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501792x00082.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe introduction and diffusion of Italian Renaissance forms in sixteenth-century Netherlandish art has usually been described as a process initiated by artists who travelled south, adopted the new style and reaped success after their return to the Netherlands. In giving full credit to the artists and considering this phcnomenon to be a process of artistic exchange in the modern sense, art historians have wrongly disregarded the historical circumstances that caused patrons' preference for the new style. The earliest use of Renaissance forms in the Low Countries on a large scale may be observed in the triumphal decorations of the 1515 Joyeuse Entrée of Charles of Hapsburg, the future emperor, in the town of Bruges. From that moment on, Renaissance forms were used abundantly in objects which served as a kind of propaganda for Hapsburg policy, such as church windows and chimney-pieces glorifying Charles v and the Hapsburg dynasty. Antique motifs fitted well in the imperialist visual language favoured by the Hapsburg dynasty and the Dutch nobles who supported its power politics. Derived from imperial Roman monuments, these forms unequivocally alluded to the absolute power of the ancient ancestors of the Holy Roman Emperor, thus legitimizing his authority. In the author's opinion this functional aspect is one of the main reasons for the ready acceptance and diffusion of the Renaissance style in the Low Countries. One of the first artists to travel from the Netherlands to Italy was the painter Michiel Coxcie (Malines 1499-1592). He stayed in Rome from about 1530 to 1538, painting several frescoes in Roman churches which brought him recognition among Italian colleagues. Only one example has survived: the fresco cycle in the chapel of St. Barbara in S. Maria dell'Anima, which he painted between 1532 and 1534. His mastery of the 'maniera italiana', which is evident in these paintings, is highly praised by Vasari, who met Coxcie in Rome in 1532. Vasari also states that Coxcie transferred the 'maniera italiana' to the Netherlands. Upon his return to Malines in 1539, Coxcie received several prestigious commissions, of which perhaps the most outstanding was to paint cartoons for the stained glass windows in the church of St. Gudule in Brussels, with its decoration of triumphal arches glorifying the Hapsburg dynasty. His ability to work in the high Renaissance style gained him the favour of Charles v and his sister, Mary of Hungary, governess of the Netherlands, who engaged him as a court painter. In the said series of Brussels windows, a remarkable change of style regarding the use of Renaissance forms is to be observed after Coxcie started supplying the cartoons in 1541. The windows completed between 1537 and 1540 had been made under the supervision of Bernard van Orley, allegedly Coxcie's teacher. They were rendered in an early Renaissance style characterized by the hybrid Italianate motifs that were in fashion during the 1520S and 1530s. Upon Orley's death in 1541, Coxcie was appointed his successor as cartoon painter for St. Gudule. The first window for which he was responsible, the window of John III of Portugal in the Chapel of the Holy Sacrament, exhibits a distinct caesura: the architectural decoration is high Renaissance in the Vitruvian or Serlian sense and the human faces and postures are derived directly from the examples of Raphael, Leonardo and Michelangelo. After careful perusal of the documents concerning the production of the windows and study of the stylistic differences between the windows made before and after 1541 (and the related preparatory drawings), one cannot but conclude that Michiel Coxcie was the initiator of the use of the high Renaissance style in the Brussels windows. Hitherto Bernard van Orley has been credited for this, on the assumption that he designed the whole cycle, including all its ornamental details and stylistic features. Although his contribution to the diffusion of the high Renaissance style in Netherlandish art was decisive, Michiel Coxcie's return to the Low Countries should not be regarded as the principal incentive for this process. The general predilection for this style to be found after 1540 could be a consequence of the impressive presence of Charles v and his retinue in the Netherlands during that year. The emperor, who came to quell the Ghent resurrection against the central government, brought with him the style that had been used in the triumphal decorations which accompanied his entries to Italian towns during the 1530S. The influence exercised on prevailing taste by the ephemeral monuments erected on the occasion of imperial entries must have been considerable, as the Brussels windows clearly show.