Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe"
1
van der Putten, Frans-Paul. « Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905 ». Itinerario 20, no 1 (mars 1996) : 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
2
Lewis, Tom. « What not to Wear : Religious Rights, the European Court, and the Margin of Appreciation ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no 2 (avril 2007) : 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei169.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The issue of religious dress, specifically female Muslim religious dress, has been the subject of intense controversy within Europe over recent years. In the United Kingdom comments by Jack Straw MP, Leader of the House of Commons and a former Home and Foreign Secretary, that he felt uncomfortable talking to women at his constituency surgery who wore the Muslim veil sparked a storm of intense and, at times, acrimonious debate.1 In France the banning of headscarves in State schools has provoked major controversy.2 In the Netherlands the Dutch Parliament voted to ban the burka in public places3 and in five Belgian towns its wearing has been banned on pain of a fine.4
3
Dyrina, Anna. « ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
4
Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. « Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin : New Touches to Biographical Portrait ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 5 (2021) : 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
5
Syngaivska, Inna. « Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage ». Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no 2(31) (30 juillet 2020) : 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
6
Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. « Politinės ir geopolitinės Augustino Midletono refleksijos (1790–1792) ». XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6 : Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (2 janvier 2020) : 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.
7
Okladnaya, Marina, et Viktoriya Slivnaya. « Protocol of credentials in European countries : general and special ». Law and innovative society, no 2 (15) (4 janvier 2020) : 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2309-9275-2020-2(15)-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Problem setting. The purpose of establishing diplomatic relations is to maintain constant relations between the countries at the highest diplomatic level. The main stages of establishing diplomatic relations are regulated by the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of April 18, 1961. At the same time, this document in many respects refers to the national law of countries. The presentation of credentials is the final action, after which diplomatic relations are considered established, and the powers of state representatives take effect. However, international law does not specify the specific form and procedure for the presentation of credentials, as it is up to the States to decide. Therefore, each state has its own practice of the presentation of credentials, which depends on its form of government, national characteristics, historical past. Therefore, it is relevant today to compare the protocols of credentials in the practice of different countries to determine the positive and negative aspects. Target research. The aim of the work is to determine the main content of credentials in the process of establishing diplomatic relations, to study the practice of ceremonies of credentials on the example of Europe and Ukraine, to analyze existing problems in this area of international relations and solutions. Analysis of recent research and publication. This topic is the basis of research in many works of recognized authors. Examples are theoretical works Sagaidak O.P. «Diplomatic protocol and etiquette», Tkacha D.I. «Diplomatic protocol in the Republic of Hungary: general, special», Tymoshenko N.L. «Features of diplomatic, business protocol and etiquette of the Netherlands», and other Ukrainian scholars. Also well-known works of foreign authors are the works of Ikanovich S. and Picarsky J. «Diplomatic Protocol and Good Manners», John Wood and Jean Serre «Diplomatic Ceremony and Protocol», Bennett Carol «Business Etiquette and Protocol». Article’s main body. The establishment of diplomatic relations is aimed at the exchange of diplomatic missions between states. This process ends with the procedure of presenting credentials. Credentials are a document that officially certifies the status of a diplomatic representative of the accrediting state in the host state. This document is important in international law because it has a long history and represents the beginning of the official activities of the ambassador to the host country. Modern elements of the procedure of awarding credentials are common to many states. But each country today has its own characteristics of the ceremony of awarding credentials, which usually depends on its form of government. For example, monarchies (Netherlands, England) still have in their practice a lavish and pathetic conduct of diplomatic events. In contrast, іn today’s democracies (Hungary) the protocol of credentials is more modern and simplified due to the absence of outdated traditions and irrelevant measures. However, each country has both positive and negative aspects of the ceremony. Ukraine has little experience in diplomatic protocol since gaining independence in 1991. Today, national law effectively regulates the procedure for awarding credentials, but many provisions do not correspond to reality. Therefore, Ukraine must develop in this area of international relations on the basis of foreign experience. Conclusions and prospect of development. Thus, the presentation of credentials plays an important role in regulating diplomatic relations between countries. The basis for this ceremony is the characteristics of the state, which includes the political regime, form of government, historical past, modern development, features of the national mentality. In our opinion, the process of universalization of the diplomatic protocol is a variant of development of this field of international relations. The appropriate direction of such development may be the unification of norms relating to the ceremony of awarding credentials, as international law is being actively improved and updated, as exemplified by European integration. As modern Ukraine continues to actively establish diplomatic relations with other countries and exchange diplomatic missions, it is necessary to streamline legislation and develop it on the example of the positive experience of European countries.
8
Stavridis, Stelios. « Book Review : Alfred Pijpers, Elfreide Regelsberger and Wolfgang Wessels (eds.), European Political Cooperation in the 1980s : A Common Foreign Policy for Western Europe ? (Dordrecht, The Netherlands : Kluwer, 1988, 381pp., £48.50) ». Millennium : Journal of International Studies 19, no 2 (juin 1990) : 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298900190020220.
Texte intégral
9
Deighton, Anne. « G. Scott-Smith,Networks of Empire : the U.S. State Department's Foreign Leader Program in the Netherlands, France, and Britain, 1950–70G. Lundestad (Ed.),Just Another Major Crisis ? The United States and Europe Since 2000 ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 20, no 2 (5 août 2009) : 368–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290902907569.
Texte intégral
10
Vuković, Ivan. « Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia ». Tourism and hospitality management 13, no 2 (juin 2007) : 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
Thèses sur le sujet "Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe"
1
Kobzar, Svitlana Anatolievna. « 'The return to Europe' : Ukraine's foreign policy, 1994-2004 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609777.
Texte intégral
2
Lojko, Miklos. « Britain and central Europe, 1919-1925 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248846.
Texte intégral
3
Callister, Graeme. « Public opinion and foreign policy : British and French relations with the Netherlands, 1785-1815 ». Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5304/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.
4
Gillies, David 1952. « Between ethics and interests : human rights in the north-south relations of Canada, The Netherlands, and Norway ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41264.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines human rights in the North-South relations of three internationalist countries: Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway. It pays special attention to the integration of human rights in development aid policy, particularly the use of political conditionality. The theoretical framework examines the explanatory power of political Realism. A hypothesis linking policy assertiveness with the perceived costs to other national interests is tested by selecting Western states most likely to disprove Realist assumptions, and by choosing at least two Third World cases for each aid donor: one where economic, political and strategic interests are high, and another where the same interests are minimal or low. Three frameworks to (1) document human rights abuses; (2) evaluate national human rights performance; and (3) gauge foreign policy assertiveness serve as the methodological lenses to analyze Western statecraft and test the hypothesis.Each donor's search for moral opportunity is visible in an emerging agenda to promote human rights and democratic development. However, if the resolve to defend human rights beyond national borders is gauged by a state's willingness to incur harm to other important national interests, then Canada, the Netherlands, and Norway are seldom disposed to let human rights trump more self-serving national interests. The potential for consistent and principled human rights statecraft is frequently undermined by Realism's cost-benefit rationality.
5
Al-Imam, Jamal D. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
6
Ioannidis, Eudoxia. « British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
7
Bàtonyi, Gàbor. « Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1932 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4364e5ed-bbf2-44c3-8d4b-587cb14f69cc.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a study of British policy towards three Central European states in the wake of World War I. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the continual British attempts to promote a union or at least economic cooperation in 'Danubia'. The first section concerns Anglo-Austrian relations. Chapter I. deals with British plans for the federalisation of the Habsburg Monarchy during the war. Chapter II. compares the Austrian policy of the British Delegation in Paris, the Foreign Office in London, and the Military Representative in Vienna. Chapter III. explains British involvement in the reconstruction of Austria. Chapter IV. traces the reasons for British disentanglement from Austrian affairs after the failed * Eastern Locarno'. The second section deals with the x special relationship' between London and Budapest. Chapter I. highlights the role of two British individuals in exploding the x Hungarian myth' in London. Chapter II. shows how the Bolshevik Revolution affected British diplomatic activities in Hungary. Chapter III. documents British involvement in the establishment of the Horthy regime. Chapter IV. analyses the impact of Anglo-French rivalry in Budapest on the whole of Central Europe. Chapter V. elaborates on British economic policy and the rehabilitation of the 'Pariah of the New Europe'. Chapter VI. illustrates the gradual cooling in Anglo-Hungarian relations. The third section concerns Czechoslovakia. Chapter I. examines the conflict between Czechophiles and Czechophobes in London. Chapter II. is an account of British efforts to prevent French domination in Prague. Chapter III. deals with the manoeuvres of Benes in London and Paris, and the cooling in Anglo-Czech relations. Chapter IV. explores the origins of British indifference towards Czechoslovakia, which resulted in the Munich crisis. The thesis concludes that Britain lost interest in Central Europe because of its failed efforts to promote reconcilation in the Danubian triangle.
8
Mandalenakis, Helene. « Recognizing identity : the creation of new states in former Yugoslavia ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102808.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines the emergence of norms and the process through which these influence state behaviour. State identity conceptualized in ethnic or civic terms, shapes state preferences concerning the recognition of new states. Hence, the ethnic or civic identity of Germany, France, Greece and Italy influenced their policy on recognition of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, FYROM (Macedonia) and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Nevertheless, the examination of these policies indicates that these preferences were tempered by security concerns and perceptions of threat. Hence, although this thesis supports the constructivist claim on the power of principles such as identity, it also incorporates the realist claims on the significance of geopolitics in foreign policy. Consequently, it does not claim the supremacy of one theory over another instead it attempts to provide a better framework for understanding the sources of foreign policy.
9
James, William Andrew Philip Justin. « Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.
Texte intégral
10
Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe"
1
In pursuit of influence : The Netherland's European policy during the formative years of the European Union, 1952-1973. New York : P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
Colonial borderlands : France and the Netherlands in the Atlantic in the 19th century. Leiden : Martinus Nijhoff, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
European empires and the people : Popular responses to imperialism in France, Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Italy. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Niederländisch-deutsche Kulturbeziehungen 1600-1830. Göttingen : V&R unipress, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
(Netherlands), Adviesraad Internationale Vraagstukken. The Netherlands in a changing EU, NATO and UN. The Hague : Advisory Council on International Affairs, 2005.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Wesseling, H. L. Imperialism and colonialism : Essays on the history of European expansion. Westport, Conn : Greenwood Press, 1997.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Zur Haltung der niederländischen Parlamentarier zum wiedervereinigten Deutschland in einem sich einigenden Europa : Eine analytische Bestandsaufnahme der deutsch-niederländischen Beziehungen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der europapolitischen Partnerschaft. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
1946-, Blussé Leonard, Remmelink, Willem G. J., 1947-, Smits Ivo 1965- et Organisation for the Commemoration of 400 Years of Dutch-Japanese Relations., dir. Bridging the divide : 400 years, the Netherlands-Japan. Leiden : Hotei, 2000.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Stoop, Paul. Niederländische Presse unter Druck : Deutsche auswärtige Pressepolitik und die Niederlande 1933-1940. München : Saur, 1987.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
J, Labohm Hans H., dir. De waterdragers van het Nederlandse Europabeleid : Terugblik op 40 jaar DGES. Den Haag : Sdu, 1997.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe"
1
van Zweeden, A. F. « The Netherlands ». Dans Industrial Relations in Europe, 159–79. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-7.
Texte intégral
2
Smith, Karen E. « EU Foreign Policy and Asia ». Dans Europe—Asia Relations, 47–65. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583467_3.
Texte intégral
3
Shifrinson, Joshua. « Europe and Asia (and China) in US grand strategy ». Dans US–China Foreign Relations, 99–114. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, 2021. | : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-12.
Texte intégral
4
Balme, Richard. « A European Strategy Towards China ? The Limits of Integration in Foreign Policy Making ». Dans Europe—Asia Relations, 125–44. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583467_7.
Texte intégral
5
Bátora, Jozef. « Europeanization of Foreign Policy : Whither Central Europe ? » Dans Regional and International Relations of Central Europe, 219–38. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137283450_12.
Texte intégral
6
Ash, Timothy Garton. « Europe and the US : Five Frank Thoughts and One Proposal for the Foreign Ministers of Europe ». Dans EU-US Relations, 73–74. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230503670_12.
Texte intégral
7
Smith, Karen E. « The Community’s Relations with Eastern Europe through 1988 ». Dans The Making of EU Foreign Policy, 22–42. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230536784_2.
Texte intégral
8
Smith, Karen E. « The Community’s Relations with Eastern Europe Through 1988 ». Dans The Making of EU Foreign Policy, 22–42. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375741_2.
Texte intégral
9
Plowiec, Urszula. « U.S. Foreign Economic Policy Towards Eastern Europe ». Dans The Impact of Governments on East-West Economic Relations, 95–104. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12419-0_7.
Texte intégral
10
Schulpen, Lau, et Paul Hoebink. « From Favoritism via Abundance to Austerity—NGDO-government Relations in the Netherlands ». Dans Private Development Aid in Europe, 173–213. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137009777_6.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe"
1
Luptáková, Anabela, et Elena Kašťáková. « The Position of the Eurasian Economic Union in the EU’s Foreign Trade Relations ». Dans The 20th International Joint Conference : Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment. Prague University of Economics and Business, Oeconomica Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2020.cer.2395.13.
Texte intégral
2
Liu, Siyang. « China-Czech Relations from the Perspective of Chinese Foreign Policy in Central and Eastern Europe Under Xi Jinping ». Dans 2021 International Conference on Social Science:Public Administration, Law and International Relations (SSPALIR 2021). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210916.033.
Texte intégral
3
Nagy, Péter Artúr. « Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4 ». Dans The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged : Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
4
Gromyko, Alexey Anatolievich. « Cooperation between Russia and Belarus : The time of strategic decisions ». Dans 5th International Conference “Futurity designing. Digital reality problems”. Keldysh Institute of Applied Mathematics, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20948/future-2022-6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2021-2022 a team of well-known Russian and Belorussian specialists conducted a major work on assessment of the current conditions and prospects of relations between Russia and Belorussia and the Union State. The project was organized by the Institute of Europe (RAS) and Andrei Gromyko Association of Foreign Policy Studies with the support of Belorussian State University’s Faculty of International Relations and other partners. The present material highlights key results of the research, which have been reflected in several recent publications. Conceptually members of the project share the view that Russia and Belorussia belong to a common civilization with a joint history, culture, the Russian language, economy and geopolitics.
5
Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
6
Akbulut, Gizem. « The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade.
The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013.
Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.
7
Cieślik, Ewa. « THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMIES IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRY 4.0 AND CHINESE DIGITAL SILK ROAD ». Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the recent decades, the changes in the paradigm of international trade have been observed. As the result of decreasing of trade barriers as well as the reduction in trade costs allowed companies to divide their production into stages and to locate it in different countries according to their competitive advantage. Eventually, the production process has become more fragmented, both geographically and vertically. It means that intermediate products are shipped across boarders many times and every exporting economy provides some value added according to its competitive advantage. As a result, global value chains have become one of the most important feature of international trade. Following (Gereffi & Fernandez-Stark, 2011), in this study global value chains are defined as “the full range of activities that firms and workers do to bring a product from its conception to its end use”. Humphrey and Schmitz (2002) pointed out four types of upgrading in global value chains: product, process, functional and chain. Product and process upgrading involve companies retaining their positions in global value chains by enhancing productivity gains through adopting new product processes or “new configurations of product mix”. Thus, functional upgrading involves a slicing up the global value chains into new activity which generates higher value added, e.g. own brand manufacturing. In turn, chain upgrading involves a going up to new activity, which needs higher skills and capital and value added. Milberg and Winkler (2013) offered similar classifications of upgrading. Production fragmentation has caused a rapid increase in trade in intermediate goods as often companies offshore an intermediate stage of production process. Offshoring production has been typical to manufacturing (Timmer, et al., 2012), however, services have been often overlooked, but play a major role, especially in supporting global value chains (Kommerskollegium 2013). In turn, Digital Silk Road, announced in 2015, has become a significant part of Chinese Belt and Road Initiative strategy. China has implemented this strategy as a part of its long-term technological plan, under which China provides support to its exporters, including many well-known technology companies and builds a network of cooperation with selected countries in the field of technology, including ICT infrastructure, services, 5G networks, e-commerce, etc. China's rapid technological changes must not go unnoticed by trading partners, including analysed European countries, which, to maintain international competitiveness, are increasing the technological advancement and enhancing market protection against Chinese technology. Until recently, the value added from China to European countries was concentrated mainly on medium technology industries and value added from Europe to China focused more on advanced goods and services. Nowadays, there is a redirection of Chinese value added to high-tech activities (including service activities), which reflects China's ambition to build an economy that leads to innovation and industry 4.0. The transition of the CEE states’ economic and political systems initiated in the early 1990s, earned them the EU membership in 2004. The accession to the EU’s structures meant that these countries achieved the free-market economy status and they should be treated as the full member of the global business networks. Moreover, the decline in trade costs (transport and transaction), greater openness of their market and the removal of trade barriers have all helped the CEE states to join global value chains. Hence, the CEE economies are going to be more heavily involved in global production linkages. Many empirical studies have presented the close and dynamic integration of these countries with the EU market (especially the EU-15) and in a more limited scope with the whole global economy as well (Behar and Freund 2011). Generally, democratisation, the strengthening of political and economic relations (particularly with the EU), and the modernisation of many sectors (including financial sector, more advanced industries), were common elements of the CEE countries long-term development policies. One of their priorities was the redirection of foreign trade towards the EU and joining the global production linkages where China has become the core producer. Recently, the role of the economy in global value chains is more determined by the advancement of value added that it offers. Companies move toward services and innovations in the business model (Nenenen & Storbacka, 2010) and introduce industry 4.0 (Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, 2016). A symptom of these novelty is a concept of servicification of manufacturing (Neely et al. 2011) and cross-sectoral connections, which have reconstructed traditional global value chains (Naude et al. 2019) and, together with Industry 4.0, is expected to change the landscape of global manufacturing. As a result of facilitation of manufacturing, economies placed in the downstream market can improve their role in global value chains. In Europe, this can be an opportunity for most Central and Eastern European countries. Analyzing changes in CEE’s role in technological global value chains, we should take into account its two most important value-added suppliers: China and Germany, as well as their most important value-added buyer - Germany. These three economies established a sort of value added flows triangle. The regional supply chains built by Germany in the CEE allowed it to maintain a comparative advantage in sectors important for the economy, while helping the CEE countries join global value chains, positively influencing economic growth, but also reducing them to entities operating in less advanced stages of production (Jacoby, 2010; Fortwengel, 2011). Today, Germany also cooperates strongly with China (as a result of Digital Silk Road), and the CEE economies (especially the Visegrad Group) are increasingly dependent on Chinese value added, still linked to German value added. The most visible connections can be found in automotive and electronics. Hence, the question is: how strong are these links in servicification of manufacturing and whether there are visible trends in value-added flows in between this triangle in the era of industry 4.0 and Chinese Digital Silk Road. The research question seems to be relevant, thus in the subject literature, little is known about the mentioned relations (Roland Berger, 2021). The research method based on the analysis of data from the OECD Trade in Value Added databases, containing the world input-output tables for the period 2005–2018. The system of balance equations in the input-output model for one economy has been adopted to a multi-economy model. The model is described in more detail in (Koopman et al. 2013 or Hummels et al, 2001) and is based on the decomposition of gross exports. The method includes not only estimates of total value added in global value chains, but also calculations at both the mezoeconomic level and cross-sectoral flows of value added (including servicification of manufacturing). The results of analysis showed that most relations between economies continued to deepen the imbalance in flows of value added. The CEE economies are making their manufacturing increasingly dependent on advanced services (both from Germany and China). On the other hand, the share of CEE services to Chinese and German manufacturing is decreasing or remains steady. However, some trends could be observed in the last years, especially between Germany and China. German manufacturing is starting to rely more on Chinese value added (information and communication technologies services and the subgroup computer programming, consultancy and information services activities in manufacturing, information and communication technologies services' value added in transport equipment), although previously Germany provided more of these services to China. In telecommunications in manufacturing between CEE and Germany, the trend has turned against CEE. However, there was no direct compensation between pairs of economies, but the decrease in German value-added flows to China resulted in a much larger increase in value-added from China in German manufacturing. If the presented changes in flows were to reflect the effectiveness of Chinese industry 4.0 and Digital Silk Road. These strategies serve their purposes and increases not only the advancement of Chinese value-added exports, but also makes important economies dependent on this added value. On the contrary, the industry 4.0 strategy in CEE has not improved its position in the triad. Germany has still a strong position as a provider of value added, but its dependence on foreign value added is high, which derives from the links with CEE.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Netherlands – Foreign relations – Europe"
1
Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
2
Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.