Bibliographies thématiques / Nehru and Patel

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Publié le 18 mai 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Nehru and Patel"

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Dasgupta, Chandrashekhar. « Nehru, Patel and China ». Strategic Analysis 38, no 5 (3 septembre 2014) : 717–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2014.941219.

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CHERESHNEVA, Maria Sergeyevna. « THE EVENTS IN 1950 IN EAST PAKISTAN AND VALLABHBHAI PATEL ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 175 (2018) : 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-175-183-188.

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We characterize the emergence, beginning and end of the crisis in East Pakistan in 1950 and India’s reaction to the events on its North-Eastern borders. The central figure of the study is the Minister of Home Affairs and at the same time the Minister of States of India Vallabhbhai Patel – a politician of India, a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi and a friend of Jawaharlal Nehru, an indisputable authority in the ruling Indian National Congress, which for all that is very poorly studied in domestic science. Complex personality, the informal leader of India and Congress, he remained on the second place only at the behest of M. Gandhi. A devoted servant of the people, a native of a peasant family, who later became a brilliant lawyer and politician, V. Patel has repeatedly saved India at the crucial moments in history. The study is based on the Indian sources and continues our series of publications on the role and place of V. Patel in the history of independent India.
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Jeyakumar, S. « Conflicts against Rajaji and his Ministry ». Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, no 1 (2 juillet 2020) : 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8i1.3206.

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The political condition of Tamil Nadu, starting from 1946 to 1948, was unfavorable to the political hegemony of Rajaji, who confronted with multiple challenges and conflicts from the non-Brahmin leaders, particularly from the undisputed leader, Kamaraj and finally adjusted and co-operated with the congress party in all its endeavor. He had outwitted the prospects of Rajaji though he was a cunning, diplomatic, and elite of high order in the state. His power politics in the state ended in a fiasco. Being a Brahmin by descending, he was unable to command respect and gain solidarity from the general public. However, at the national level, he was respected, and his lofty ideals were heard and utilized by the national leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabai Patel, Gulab Nabi Azad, etc.
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Chereshneva, M. S. « ICE AND FIRE : PATEL AND NEHRU. THE ROLE OF THE DISCIPLES OF GANDHI IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF INDEPENDENT INDIA ». Scientific bulletins of the Belgorod State University. Series : History. Political science 45, no 4 (30 décembre 2018) : 660–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2018-45-4-660-664.

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KUMARASINGHAM, H. « The Indian Version of First among Equals – Executive Power during the First Decade of Independence ». Modern Asian Studies 44, no 4 (23 décembre 2009) : 709–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990321.

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AbstractWhen India gained independence in August 1947 the world watched with excitement as well as trepidation as to what would happen following this unique and major event. The political destiny of the world's largest democracy would lie in the hands of an infinitesimal portion of the population – the political executive. India's new institutions had new operators to act in new conditions. There were few precedents. Within this Westminster system, refounded in India with its emphasis on executive flexibility and ambiguity, the leading political figures often had conflicting opinions and interpretations as to their powers. The relationship between Nehru as Prime Minister and other leading political figures, such as Patel as deputy Prime Minister, Prasad as President, and their definitions of their roles, would forge a new India. This paper revisits those debates and ideas in the first decade following independence, which allow greater understanding of the workings and conventions of today's Indian executive.
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Mathur, Krishna D. « Hyderabad ». American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no 1 (1 septembre 1989) : 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2699.

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This is a collection of 13 essays by a group of experts on the societyand politics of Deccani Muslims after Indian independence in 1947. Thereadings brought nostalgic memories of men and events I knew or experienced."The Five Day War," by Mir Laiq Ali, is a sad commentary on the plightof Hyderabad forces resisting the Indian offensive that began September 13.1948.The Hyderabad case in the U. N. Security Council is described by ClydeEagleton, who records the sympathetic response Nizam's representativesreceived from most members of the U.N. Council. If Sardar Patel had notordered the military occupation of Hyderabad, it is possible that a settlementcould have been reached bet ween Nizam and Nehru. Prof. Zubaida Yazdanirecounts H)derabad's transformation from Niz.arn's Dominion into a state withinIndia and its breakup on linguitic principle in 1956. Just as innocent Hi ndussuffered at the hands of Rizakars during 1947-48 , so did innocent Muslimsat the hands of the Indian army after Hyderabad troops surrendered onSeptember 18, 1948.Prof. Wilfred C. Smith, a keen observer of the Indian religious scenefor the last five decades, has provided a succinct background upon whichother scholars have built detailed accounts. Dr. Theodore P. Wright, Jr. hasmade a fascinating study of minority group politics and concludes that separatistpolitics in Hyderabad is more likely to harm the Muslim minority thanpotentially benefit it .Ratna Naidu's research into the Muslims of Bidar, Karnataka, a part ofthe old Hyderabad state, provides rare insight into the condition of the Muslimcommunity in a semi-rural setting. The Joss of privileges is studied byRashiduddin Khan and flawlessly woven into a fascinating narrative by AkbarS. Ahmad, a sociologist, and Usama Khalidi, a journaljst. Zahir Ahmad,an administrator who worked for both the Hyderabad and Indian governments,rightly observes that Indian adminstrators have an imperfect understandingof problems faced by the toiling masses, as most administrators come fromelitist backgrounds.Finally, Omar Khaljdi has combed through various books and journals ...
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Lakhera, Pankaj. « Ambedkar's Nationalism ». RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no 8 (17 août 2022) : 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i08.012.

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The idea of nationalism is a modern idea which has its roots in modern European Renaissance. However, in a country like India, it emerged and developed during the anti-colonial struggle which marks a new beginning of social and political awakening. Generally, we identify Indian nationalism with the ideas of great freedom fighters like Gandhi, Nehru, Subhash, Patel and lokmanya tilak. These great leaders emphasized upon a particular brand of Indian nationalism that looks at Indian civilization as the greatest Civilization on earth. It ignores the operation and suppression of Dalits and other down roden sections of Indian society which has been going on in India for centuries. The dominant Indian nationalism is the based upon the ideas of Brahmanism, manuvad and Aryan racial superiority. It bypasses the nationalist perspectives of Dravidians, communist and the subalterns. It was doctor BR Ambedkar who gave a new definition of Indian nationalism. His nationalism stands for the salvation of Dalits and backward sections of Indian society. The present paper will analyse Ambedkar’s ideas on Indian nationalism and will differentiate it from other brands of nationalism prevailing in India for the last two centuries. Abstract in Hindi Language: राष्ट्रवाद का विचार एक आधुनिक विचार है जिसकी जड़ें आधुनिक यूरोपीय पुनर्जागरण में हैं। हालाँकि, भारत जैसे देश में, यह उपनिवेश विरोधी संघर्ष के दौरान उभरा और विकसित हुआ जो सामाजिक और राजनीतिक जागरण की एक नई शुरुआत का प्रतीक है। आम तौर पर, हम भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद की पहचान गांधी, नेहरू, सुभाष, पटेल और लोकमान्य तिलक जैसे महान स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के विचारों से करते हैं। इन महान नेताओं ने भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद के एक विशेष प्रकार पर जोर दिया जो भारतीय सभ्यता को पृथ्वी पर सबसे बड़ी सभ्यता के रूप में देखता है। यह दलितों और भारतीय समाज के अन्य दबे कुचले वर्गों के संचालन और दमन की उपेक्षा करता है जो सदियों से भारत में चल रहा है। प्रमुख भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद ब्राह्मणवाद, मनुवाद और आर्य नस्लीय श्रेष्ठता के विचारों पर आधारित है। यह द्रविड़ों, कम्युनिस्टों और निम्नवर्गों के राष्ट्रवादी दृष्टिकोणों को पारित करता है। डॉक्टर बीआर अंबेडकर ही थे जिन्होंने भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद की नई परिभाषा दी। उनका राष्ट्रवाद भारतीय समाज के दलितों और पिछड़े वर्गों के उद्धार के लिए खड़ा है। वर्तमान पेपर भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद पर अम्बेडकर के विचारों का विश्लेषण करेगा और इसे पिछली दो शताब्दियों से भारत में प्रचलित राष्ट्रवाद के अन्य प्रकारों से अलग करेगा। Keywords: राष्ट्रवाद, अस्पृश्यता, जाति, दलित, ब्राह्मणवाद, मनुवाद, आर्य, द्रविड़, कम्युनिस्ट समर्थक
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Paidipaty, Poornima. « Testing Measures : Decolonization and Economic Power in 1960s India ». History of Political Economy 52, no 3 (1 juin 2020) : 473–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-8304811.

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In October of 1960, shortly after the conclusion of India’s Second Five- Year Plan, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru convened a high-level expert panel to investigate whether the fruits of recent economic growth had been equitably distributed across the country, or whether benefits had accrued primarily to the nation’s elite. Triggered by sharp public and parliamentary criticisms of Nehru’s ambitious, top-down economic planning regime, the committee was the first expert body to examine changes in the distribution of economic opportunities and rewards in postcolonial India. P. C. Mahalanobis, who also served as the director of the Second Five- Year Plan and who was the chief architect of India’s experiments in largescale household sampling, headed the panel. The debates and controversies surrounding the work of the Mahalanobis Committee (as it came to be called) expose important tensions in postcolonial expertise. They also help recover earlier framings of inequality, which centered on midcentury concerns about “levels of living” and economic power, rather than the simple distribution of income.
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Kozlowski, G. C. « Book Reviews : V. T. Patil, ed., Studies on Nehru, New York : Facet Books International (Printed in India), 1987 ». International Journal of Comparative Sociology 28, no 3-4 (1 janvier 1987) : 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071528702800316.

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GV, Bhaskar, Shashank R, Srinivasan H, Santhosh M et Champa PN. « Sustainable Accomplishment of Solar E-waste Recycling -A Review ». Journal of University of Shanghai for Science and Technology 23, no 08 (18 août 2021) : 625–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51201/jusst/21/08399.

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The hierarchy of waste refers to the “3 Rs” i.e. Reduce, Reuse and Recycle, which implements the strategies of waste management according to their specifications in terms of waste minimisation. The power of solar was exposed to people when Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission (JNNSM) was introduced in the country in the year 2010.From then on people started to install and set up the solar as they came to know that the end life of it is around to be 2035. But none of them thought about future, i.e. what would happen to the solar panels when they are not able to generate power. Now the main issue is how will India be able to discard nearly 90 GW worth solar panel in the next 20 years? Where an average solar panel sized 250 watts, 90GW will amount to almost 7.7 million tonnes of E- waste at the end of a lifetime of a solar plant [1]. This paper mainly focuses on how these E-wastes produced can be reused and recycled.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Nehru and Patel"

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Patra, Santosh Kumar. « Political leadership and the constitution making in India : a study of Nehru and Patel ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/261.

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Patra, Santosh Kumar. « Political leadership and the constitution making in India : a study of Nehru and Patel ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/187.

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Livres sur le sujet "Nehru and Patel"

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Nehru : A troubled legacy : with rare letters by Gandhi, Nehru & Patel. New Delhi : Wisdom Tree, 2015.

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Nehru, Jawaharlal. Nehru-Patel : Agreement within differences : select documents and correspondences 1933-1950. New Delhi : National Book Trust, 2010.

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Indian Centre for Humanitarian Laws and Research., dir. Panel Discussion on the International Repression of Grave Breaches of International Humanitarian Law and the Proposed International Criminal Court, Saturday, April 12, 1997, Park Royal, Nehru Place, New Delhi. [New Delhi] : The Centre, 1997.

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Chopra, P. N. Thematic Volumes on Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhi, and Subhas Chandra Bose. Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2003.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Nehru and Patel"

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Gandhi, Gopalkrishna, et Tridip Suhrud. « 1931-1939 ». Dans Scorching Love, 214–380. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858382.003.0004.

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This part covers the 1930s. This includes the Dandi march in Gujarat, Gandhi and his family’s imprisonment; Devadas Gandhi’s career in journalism as Editor of The Hindustan Times and Navajivan, Gandhi’s travels to England and his relationship with prominent political leaders in the Indian political scenario. There are important interactions with Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Vallabhbhai Patel, B R Ambedkar, Nehru, and others.
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Wolpert, Stanley. « Freedom’ s Wooden Loaf ». Dans Gandhi’s Passion, 237–42. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195130607.003.0024.

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Abstract Nehru and Patel told Gandhi “that my reading of the situation is wrong and peace is sure to return if partition is agreed upon.” He sensed they feared that he had “deteriorated with age.” He remained certain, however, of the monstrous tragedy awaiting them all on that mine-strewn road of division. “Let not the coming generations curse Gandhi for being a party to India’ s vivisection.”
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Wolpert, Stanley. « Partitioned Transfer of Power, June–August 1947 ». Dans Shameful Flight, 153–72. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195151985.003.0009.

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Abstract On the night of june 3, after Nehru had swallowed the bitter pill of Partition, he broadcast the news over All-India Radio to his friends and comrades. “The sands of time run out and decisions cannot await the normal course of events. We have, therefore, decided to accept these proposals. It is with no joy in my heart that I commend these proposals to you. . . . For generations we have struggled for a free and independent united India. The proposals to allow certain parts to secede, if they so will, is painful for any of us to contemplate. It may be that in this way we shall reach that united India sooner than otherwise.”1 He vainly hoped, as did Sardar Patel, that Pakistan would prove insolvent after it was born and, in the not-too-distant future, Jinnah and Liaquat would beg forgiveness and ask for permission to rejoin India’s union. He continued: “There has been violence—shameful, degrading and revolting violence—in various parts of the country. This must end. We must make it clear that political ends are not to be achieved by methods of violence now or in the future.”
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Charlton-Stevens, Uther. « The End of Anglo-India ? » Dans Anglo-India and the End of Empire, 233–86. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197669983.003.0006.

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Abstract During the Quit India movement of 1942, pressure on all Indian communities to abandon British/Western clothing in the spirit of sartorial nationalism reached fever pitch. Anglo-Indians remained attached to markers of their European ancestry, especially the topi. Dress was but one of several perceived threats to Anglo-Indians' hybridized identity. In this climate and with Indian independence imminent, Frank Anthony sought to reorient Anglo-Indians through his communal nationalist formula "Anglo-Indian by community, Indian by nationality". Despite Anthony promising the preservation of Anglo-Indians' English mother tongue and westernized culture, a significant pro-British faction opposed his prescription. After unavailing pleas to the incoming Labour government in London and their Cabinet Mission of 1946 for representation in the Constituent Assembly of India, Anthony met with Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Vallabhbhai Patel, who generously conceded three seats on the constitution-making body, enabling Anthony to achieve almost unique constitutional recognition. In Pakistan, a rival leader, Cecil Edward Gibbon, sought to rebrand Anglo-Indians as Anglo-Muslims (though Anglo-Pakistanis or "Anglos" remained more common). Some sought to register as British as an insurance against deterioration in their position whilst remaining in India and Pakistan. Others proposed colonization schemes or emigrated, principally to Anglosphere countries, resulting in a global diaspora.
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