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1
Pillay, Morgenie. « The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : a case of reference for the south ? » Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
2
Jones, Emily. « The weak vs. the strong : African, Caribbean and Pacific countries negotiating free trade agreements with the European Union ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10e39b93-ab7c-4160-af54-de39959486ca.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to explain the outcomes of trade negotiations between the European Union (EU) and seventy-six of the world’s smallest developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific (ACP). Puzzlingly, in spite of its vastly greater economic size, the EU was, for the main, unable to realise its objective of concluding six broad and deep free trade agreements with these countries. Deploying first historical institutional analysis then statistical modelling and finally by scrutinising a wealth of primary documents and transcripts of interviews with negotiators, the thesis reveals three factors that influenced outcomes. First, coercive pressure applied by the EU on countries dependent on EU for trade preferences and aid. Second, tactics within the negotiating process, with some ACP countries and regions manoeuvring more effectively than others. Third, differences in the underlying preferences of ACP governments, with most opposing major aspects of the EU’s proposals, but a minority embracing the EPA approach. Probing the underlying reasons, the thesis finds that, contrary to the prevailing literature, lobbying by domestic economic interest groups only provides part of the answer – the analytical and ideational processes within ACP government institutions also exerted an influence. The analysis shows that structural factors, particularly the depth of economic and political dependence on the larger state, establish the range of likely outcomes from a given negotiation. However the preferences of small states and the way in which they interact strategically with the larger state can definitively shape the final outcome. In particular, small states can exercise a degree of resistance and blocking power that is often underestimated. It also sheds light on the formation of trade preferences in small developing countries and shows that in addition to lobbying by external groups, information and ideas within government bureaucracies appear to play an important role.
3
LEAL, ARCAS Rafael. « Theory and practice of EC external trade law and policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13171.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 March 2008Examining board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Francesca Martines, Faculty of Economics, University of Pisa ; Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, Columbia Law School, NY and University of Neuchâtel ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Both the European Community (EC) and its Member States agree that it is in their best interest to coordinate their action vis-à-vis the rest of the world in international trade agreements. Theory and Practice of EC External Trade Law and Policy looks at the intricacies of the institutional framework of EC trade law, and with special emphasis on services trade, examines the law and practice of EC external trade relations from a policy, economic, legal and an overarching European constitutional perspective. The objective of the author’s analysis is not only to find ways to nurture and preserve the unitary character of EC external trade relations in areas of shared competence between EU Member States and EU institutions, but also to understand the management of the EC’s external trade relations. The book begins with an analysis of the evolution of the EC common commercial policy, through which the author examines the checks and balances at the micro, meso and macro levels. The author then proceeds to analyse the problems faced by the EU in its external relations and the legal complexity of mixed agreements. This unique legal phenomenon is tackled from an intra-EC perspective as well as from an extra-EU perspective taking into account various implications for third parties. The major EU institutions are examined: the Commission as the negotiator of international trade agreements, the role of the EU Council and the European Parliament in concluding and ratifying of agreements and the European Court of Justice in relation to judicial enforcement. The EU’s decision-making process in the trade arena and its relation with national institutions are examined. The book concludes with an analysis of the EC’s contribution to the Doha Round in the area of services trade.
4
Cross, Peter John. « Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union : from free trade to trade and development ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
5
Petronzio, Edward. « Talking trade over wine assessing the role of trade associations, bureacratic agencies and legislative bodies in the United States-European Union and Canada-European Union wine trade disputes / ». Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1192736566.
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6
Rozsnyoi, Hedvig. « Elements of Reverse Ultimatum Game in the Accession Negotiations between EU and CEE Countries : A Case Study of Hungary ». Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/6237.
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7
Van, der Holst Marieke. « EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping : partnership or asymmetry ? » Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
8
Volz, Eckehard. « The trade, development and cooperation agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the European Union : an analysis with special regard to the negotiating process, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the Port and Sherry Agreement ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52582.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port and Sherry Agreement. Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global perspective. The thesis is divided into six Chapters: The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis. The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement, are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU. Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT. In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and "Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed more closely. The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the EU and other ACP countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed. Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale perspektief te beskou. Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel: Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid- Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis. Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms word ook ontleed. Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid- Afrika en die EU aan. Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met Artikel XXIV GATT strook. Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs) geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed. Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.
9
Marcišinová, Petra. « Chorvatsko a Makedonie:ekonomická charakteristika a integrace do EU ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76831.
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The diploma thesis describes accession of Croatia and Macedonia to the European union. It analysis their economic situation in context of comparison with EU member states. The information about competitiveness are brought. The goal of the thesis is to clarify readiness of both countries for integration within the EU. Their economy and competitiveness will be evaluated. Integration process is described from two point of view: European union as well as Croatia and Macedonia. There is overview of actual status and negotiation progress of both countries on their way to the EU.
10
Schneider, Christina J. « Conflict, negotiation and European Union enlargement / ». Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00256365.pdf.
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11
Lowe, Allyson M. « Social policy negotiation in the European Union / ». The Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486462067843427.
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12
Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.
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13
Li, Xin. « European identity, a case study ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.
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14
Krasniuk, S. O. « Adult learning technologies in the European Union countries ». Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2018. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/10707.
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15
Slapin, Jonathan B. « Institutional design in the European Union how governments negotiated the Treaty of Amsterdam / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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16
Tan, Zu Jia. « Analysis on the integration of EU consumer credit markets : a co-integration analysis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555572.
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17
Yucesan, Esin. « Stock Market Integration Between Turkey And European Union Countries ». Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605686/index.pdf.
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The objective of the study is to analyze the effects of two breakpoints on the relationships of Istanbul Stock Exchange with the European stock markets and on the relationships among these European stock markets to increase the economic integration. The breakpoints are the execution of the Customs Union Agreement of Turkey with the European Union in 1/1/1996 and the introduction of the Euro in 1/1/1999. While both breakpoints have effects on Turkey&rsquos economic relations, the European Union countries are expected to be influenced by only the introduction of the Euro. Stock market indices provided by DataStream is utilized. The statistical techniques used include the correlation and cointegration analysis. Results indicate that when examined on pair wise basis Turkish stock market has more liaisons with the European stock markets, in general, after the Customs Union
but less liaisons after the conversion to Euro. However, when examined as a group, the cointegration result finds the Euro as influential as the Customs Union. Alternatively, the European stock markets have decreasing integrations as a result of correlation analysis after the Euro, but it is an influential breakpoint according to cointegrating structures.
18
Nezhyvenko, Oksana. « Informal employment in Ukraine and European Union transition countries ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0047/document.
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L'emploi informel est devenu un sérieux défi pour l'économie ukrainienne et des pays en transition au cours de l'adaptation aux conditions du marché. La tendance du nombre de travailleurs qui participent au secteur informel est en hausse depuis les dernières années. Dans mes recherches, je vais présenter l'état actuel de l'emploi informel en Ukraine et les pays en transition. Une attention particulière est accordée à la répartition du travail entre les différentes catégories de population, en divisant les individus en cinq catégories (employés formels, employés informels, travailleurs indépendants formels, travailleurs indépendants informels et chômeurs) selon la définition de l'emploi informel de l'OIT. Nous examinons le marché du travail en utilisant les données de Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey pour l'Ukraine et Survey on Living and Income Conditions pour les pays en transition et nous élaborons la fonction des gains du capital humain pour le marché du travail en appliquant la fonction de répartition des gains de Mincer, afin d'étudier les facteurs qui déterminent les revenus et le choix de l'emploi de l'individu en Ukraine et les pays en transitionInformal employment became a serious challenge for the Ukrainian economy and economy of transition countries during the adjustment to market conditions. Trends of the number of workers participating in the informal sector have been rising for the last years. In my research I will present the current state of informal employment of Ukraine and transition countries. Detailed attention is paid to labour distribution across different population categories by dividing the individuals into five categories (formal employee, informal employee, formal self-employed, informal self-employed and unemployed) following the definition of informal employment from the ILO. We examine labour market using the data of the Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey for Ukraine and the Survey on Living and Income Conditions for transition countries and we design human capital earnings function for labour market by applying Mincer earnings distribution function in order to investigate the factors that determine the individual’s earnings and choice of the employment status both for Ukraine and transition countries
19
Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
20
Shi, Feng. « Principles of European Union water law ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1944040.
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Dihel, Nora Carina. « Temporary movements of services providers from Central and Eastern European Countries into the European Union / ». [Bucureşti] : Ed. DBH, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013195171&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Fee, Emma. « 'A Europe without dividing lines' : the normative framework of the European neighbourhood policy - emergent jus gentium or consolidation of jus civile ? » Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83952.
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The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.
23
KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. « Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions : The case of European competition policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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Morgan, Rebecca. « Enlargement 2007 : Romania, Bulgaria and the path to the European Union : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury / ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3219.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With the enlargement of the EU to 27 member states in 2007, this thesis considers the transition process of Romania and Bulgaria from the fall of communism in 1989 to accession to the European Union in 2007. The research focuses on the political and economic reforms of Romania and Bulgaria, using a chronological approach, to explore the concept of EU impact on countries in transition. The thesis focuses specifically on the ideas of European conditionality and leverage, in order to answer questions on the importance of the EU’s external influence on these two countries, as well as discussing future implications for candidate countries in transition.
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Prosser, Christopher. « Rethinking representation and European integration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
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SCHOLTES, Julian. « The abuse of constitutional identity : Illiberal constitutional discourse and European constitutional pluralism ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73873.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 January 2022Examining Board: Professor Gábor Halmai, (EUI); Professor Martijn Hesselink, (EUI); Professor Alexander Somek, (University of Vienna); Professor Neil Walker, (University of Edinburgh)
‘Constitutional identity’ has become a key argument in the negotiation of authority between national legal orders and the legal order of the European Union. Many national constitutional courts have declared that the reach of EU law is limited by certain core elements of the national constitution, often labelled ‘constitutional identity’. However, the rise of ‘illiberal democracies’ within the European Union, especially exemplified by the democratic backsliding of Hungary and Poland, has put constitutional identity into a questionable spotlight. Both countries have been leaning on the constitutional identity to both erode European legality and defend their authoritarian constitutional projects againstEuropean criticism. This dissertation deals with the question of how to delimit legitimate invocations of constitutional identity from abuses of constitutional identity. It develops a typology of constitutional identity abuse in three dimensions: The generative, the substantive, and the relational. The generative dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim has come about, its relation to constituent power, constitutional enactment and amendment, the independence of courts, and the regulation of historical memory. The substantive dimension deals with what a constitutional identity claim entails, digging into the normative expectations invoked by the concept and the ways in which it ought to be regarded as intertwined with and embedded in a normative conception of constitutionalism. Finally, the relational dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim is advanced. Advancing a constitutional identity claim in the European legal space evokes notions of diversity, dialogue, recognition, and pluralism, which need to be reciprocated. In each of these dimensions, ways in which constitutional identity can be abused will be identified, using Europe’s ‘backsliding democracies’ Hungary and Poland as the primary case studies, while discussing other countries where appropriate.
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Gürer, Cüneyt. « Divergence of discontent sociopolitical analysis of Turkoskepticism in the European Union enlargement / ». [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1208521474.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2008.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed May 21, 2009). Advisor: David A. Kessler. Keywords: Turkish EU Membership, European Union Enlargement, Turkoskeptcism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-229).
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BARANSKI, Marcin. « Constitutional pluralism in the European Union : a critical reassessment ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/72280.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 July 2021Examining Board: Professor Dennis M. Patterson (European University Institute); Professor Gábor Halmai (European University Institute); Professor Jan Komárek (University of Copenhagen); Professor Alexander Somek (University of Vienna)
The aim of this thesis is to offer a comprehensive and critical analysis of one of the most popular and prolific strands in European legal scholarship, i.e., constitutional pluralism. Specifically, the thesis seeks to challenge the central claim advanced by pluralist scholars with regard to the legal structure of the European Union: namely that the relationship between the EU and national legal orders is best conceptualized and understood as a heterarchical rather than hierarchical one. To that purpose, the thesis examines the work of leading scholars of pluralism– –Neil MacCormick, Kaarlo Tuori, Mattias Kumm, and Miguel Poiares Maduro–– all of whom advanced such heterarchical rather than hierarchical understandings of the aforesaid relationship. In so doing, the thesis attempts to address two main questions: first, does pluralism succeed in offering a descriptively and analytically sound account of the common European legal ordering; and second, how do the traditional, positivist, and hierarchical accounts of law fare in comparison with their pluralist contenders? The thesis concludes that while pluralist scholars should be given credit for bringing to light certain distinctive features of the European legal ordering, upon closer examination, their analyses appear to confirm (rather than deny) some crucial insights of said positivist theories, along with their allegedly outdated and distorting, hierarchical understanding of law and legality. Furthermore, it is argued that the pluralist attempts to set aside the positivist questions about the ultimate grounds of law, final authority and constitutional supremacy in the European Union prove unsuccessful in view of the growing constitutional disagreement therein. Finally, the thesis suggests that the nature of the current European legal or constitutional setting is better captured by the notion of national constitutional supremacy, rather than the core pluralist idea of heterarchy.
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Palmer, James Robert. « Science and politics in European energy and environmental policy : the wicked problem of biofuels and indirect land-use change (ILUC) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608217.
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Craycraft, Erin E. « European Union trade negotiations with developing countries ». 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52278869.html.
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THEODOSSIS, Georges. « L'Europeanisation de la négotiation collective : experiences et virtualités ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4804.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 29 June 1998Examining board: Prof. Nikitas Aliprantis, Université Démocrite de Thrace ; Prof. Brian Bercusson, University of Manchester ; Prof. Antoine Jeammaud, Centre de Recherches Critiques sur le Droit, Saint-Etienne ; Prof. Yota Kravaritou, IUE, Florence (Directrice de thèse)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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VAN, AKEN Wim. « Mediating Membership : Sectors, states, and strategies. EU enlargement negotiations (1998-2003) : Constructive and destructive interference ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 19 March 2007Examining Board: Prof. Martin Rhodes, EUI/Denver University (Supervisor); Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI; Prof. James Caporaso, University of Washington; Prof. Willem Buiter, LSE
Why is it that when economic sectors have strong preferences and mobilise politically on a national and international level one does not always find the respective policy outcomes as ‘demand side’ international political economic theory predicts? In concentrating on the role national and international institutions play in an open polity model I argue that states (governments) and international organisations (negotiations) and the strategies of actors occupying these institutions mediate societal interests according to what I call the logic of destructive and constructive interference. States and international organisations act as constraints upon societal preferences at the negotiating table when their interests are not aligned. This is ‘destructive interference’. Conversely, when societal interests and institutional preferences are aligned states and strategies sustain or amplify societal preferences at the negotiating table. This I refer to as ‘constructive interference’. I apply this conjecture to the fifth EU enlargement process (1998-2004) and the negotiated exemptions to the EU accession treaties. First, I quantitatively compare the universe of cases, i.e. 44 economic sectors across the ten applicant states according to their trade, factor and asset specificity. Subsequently, I subject the theory to a qualitative analysis in three economic sectors, i.e. pharmaceuticals, basic iron and steel and the international road freight transport, across four applicant states, i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The case studies have been based on sector and country-specific literature and 82 positional and structured interviews. The theoretical framework on the demand side has been provided by insights from modern political economy. The study finds that enlargement had a redistributive influence on sectoral incomes that resulted in preference formation and political mobilisation along sectoral lines. On the supply side, veto players and negotiation theory, combined with assumptions about political preference formation, provided hypothetical guidance. It finds that governments observed sectoral interests when their demand for protection reduced government expenditure and did not damage popular support for EU entry. On an international level, government negotiators found it easier to extract concessions from the EU when constrained by at least one domestic veto player. The EU would extend these concessions to other countries under the banner of equality and reciprocity.
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COUTTO, Tatiana. « The EU as an actor in international environmental negotiations : the role of the mixity principle in fishery agreements ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14185.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 March 2010Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Christian Lequesne, CERI-Sciences-Po Prof. Andrew Jordan, University of East Anglia Prof. Pascal Vennesson, EUI
The mechanisms that enable the joint participation of the European Community (EC) and its twenty seven sovereign member states in multilateral bargains are much more complex than what the three pillar architecture suggests. Nevertheless, the influence of inter-branch negotiations on the EC/EU’s international actorness4 still remains a gray area between law and political science. An under-explored aspect regards the distribution of competences – defined as authority to undertake negotiations with third states and international organizations – within the Community institutional framework. Such competences, or powers, may be exclusive to member states (MSs), exclusive to the EC represented by the Commission, or shared by both. The last situation, known as mixed participation (or mixity) is the key variable of this study. This thesis seeks to shed light on EU actorness under mixity conditions by investigating how and to what extent the distribution of competences between the European Commission and the Council of Ministers influences the performance of the EC in the negotiation of certain types of global environmental agreements. The methodology consists of comparative analysis of three empirical cases related to the exploitation of living marine resources (fisheries). A two-level approach grounded in rational choice institutionalism is adopted, dividing the study in two main parts: the first focuses on EU level bargains (L1) in order to explain the different kinds of contracts (mandate) established between the Council and the Commission through a principal-agent relationship. The independent variables taken into account are Council‟s preferences, Commission’s preferences, and the extent of the knowledge about ecological processes impacted by the forthcoming policy decisions stemming from the agreements. This last variable was called „environmental scientific uncertainty‟ (ESU), as this term is already used by environmental economists. The second part of the thesis addresses the negotiation of global agreements to which the EC was part, either exclusively or together with MSs. As there is a shift in the level of analysis the mandate – the dependent variable at L1 – becomes an independent variable at L2. The goal is now to explain: a) the effects of mixity as opposed to EC exclusive competence on the EU’s actorness. The underlying argument is that the implications of mixity go beyond European integration; in fact they are critical to the strengthening of EU agency vis-à-vis other players. They appear as a valuable institutional mechanism in domains marked by scarcity of reliable scientific data about ecological processes (as in ESU). The three cases are studied in both L1 and L2 and relate to fisheries policies: a) the Agreement to Promote Compliance by Fishing Vessels on the High Seas (1995), under the FAO framework; b) the Agreement on Straddling and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks (1995), Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) framework and c) The Jakarta Mandate, an agreement on Biodiversity of Marine and Coastal Areas (1995), under the Convention on Biological Diversity framework. Data stem mainly from Law databases and official journals. Results shall shed light on the external impact of institutional arrangements within the Community, and their relevance to the study of the EU’s international relations.
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DE, BIEVRE Dirk. « The WTO and Domestic Coalitions : The effects of negotiations and enforcement in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5163.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 May 2002Examining Board: Daniel Verdier (Supervisor; European University Institute, San Domenico di Fiesole) Adrienne Héritier (Co-supervisor; Max-Planck Gesellschaft, Bonn) Petros Mavroidis (Université de Neuchâtel) Patrick Messerlin (Institut d’Etudes Politiques, Paris)
First made available online in June 2012.
In this PhD dissertation I explain how different forms of international trade institutions affect domestic coalition patterns. Negotiated trade policy instruments create incentives for sector-wide interest representation, while administrative instruments elicit interest aggregation on a more product-specific, intra-sectoral level. I provide a rationale why reciprocal trade negotiations foster sector-wide associations, whereas trade rule enforcement elicits intra-sectoral coalitions. In contrast to existing explanations, these propositions can account for coalition patterns during both the GATT 1947, which consisted of a series of trade negotiation rounds, and the WTO (1995-), which combines negotiations with binding administrative enforcement in the form of international dispute settlement. Comprehensive evidence from EU trade policy lobbying confirms the explanatory force of the hypotheses. Sectoral peak associations co-ordinate interest representation during the GATT and WTO Rounds, whereas private interests predominantly organise on an intra-sectoral level when filing petitions for enforcement instruments administered by the European Commission. Exhaustive databases provide evidence about the predominantly intra-sectoral trade associations that lodge complaints with administrative instruments such as Anti-Dumping, market access investigations and WTO dispute settlement, while other sources reveal how sector-wide peak associations organise during negotiation Rounds. I provide supportive evidence from existing research on interest representation in American trade policy, and control for other factors such as industry concentration and non-trade regulation. The shift from negotiations-only to enforcement is further significant for interest representation in four selected sectors of European industry: chemicals, pharmaceuticals, steel and textiles. Although each of these industries has a long history of sector coherence, they all reorganised their membership and representation structure to accommodate for the increased importance of enforcement instruments. The adoption of direct company membership and/or the inclusion of product-specific trade associations accompany the decrease in importance of the sectorwide peak association in a world where the provision of detailed information for judicial enforcement is starting to weigh more than the political clout of sector-wide peak associations during negotiations.
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Kabamba, Georges Bukasa. « The importance of bilateral agreements on trade flows : a case of the Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (EU-SA TDCA) ». Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26799.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study analysed the intricacies of trade flows imbibed in the EU-SA TDCA. It assessed the trade creation and trade diversion effects of this bilateral trade agreement – using the top 10 selected commodity exports. This follows the report on the Harmonised System (HS) at the 2-digit codes. A Gravity Model Approach on bilateral trade flows is grounded on panel data models for the period 2000-2017 between South Africa as exporter country and the twenty EU countries (EU-20) as importer country-block out of the twenty-eight countries (EU-28). The study reports that the EU-SA TDCA enhanced significant trade expansion and trade creation effects. Mixed results for GDPs and GDPPKs for both South Africa and the EU countries were reported, but the overall results showed that the bilateral agreement do affect South African commodity exports more negatively, albeit with few positive effects from the EU countries in particular. Besides, ICTSA does have a negative effect on commodity exports, while the South African REER has the positive effect on export models. Lastly, the distance as a proxy of transportation costs negatively affects South Africa’s exports, while common colonial relationship and English as common official language have both a positive effect on exports. The findings imply that trade policies should focus on adequate telecommunication tools, alongside fair trade practices allowing South Africa to integrate with the global market, promote economic growth as well as enhance competitive advantage in most sectoral trades.Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management (International Business and Finance))
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Bertow, Kerstin [Verfasser]. « Trade policy between European Union and African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries : agriculture in the negotiations on economic partnership agreements in Southern Africa / vorgelegt von Kerstin Bertow ». 2009. http://d-nb.info/997130369/34.
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Ivanović, Mijo. « Montenegro's Accession to European Union ». Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-331677.
Texte intégralRésumé :
All policies, initiatives and ideas of accession countries are directed towards the European Union. With the safe development and enlargement, European Union is the world's center of peace and stability. For Montenegro, as a small open economy in the Western Balkans, which tends to become part of a unique political, economic and cultural market, entrance into the EU is a strategic goal from independence gained in 2006. Within the framework of the process of European integration, Montenegro unifies all resources that are still significantly underdeveloped thus creating better options for their absorption and further development. In accordance with the previous, the key issues that are analyzed in this paper are the following: In what way and at what "speed" is Montenegro working on the process of EU integration? With what kind of problems and challenges Montenegro is facing? What methods in the context of European integration Montenegro is using? To what extent are the solutions optimal and relevant for Montenegro? Key words: integration, candidate, negotiation, accession, Montenegro, European Union
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STEHMANN, Oliver. « Network competition for European telecommunications ». Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5072.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining board: Jörn Kruse, University of Hohenheim ; Stephen Martin, EUI, supervisor ; Roger Noll, Stanford University ; Louis Phlips, EUI ; George Yarrow, Oxford UniversityDefence date: 7 June 1993
First made available online: 31 May 2016
The telecommunications industry is in the throes of rapid technological and regulatory change. Markets for terminals and services have been liberalized, and only the provision of networks has remained under the control of national operators. This book analyses from an economist's point of view the benefits which may be expected from the introduction of network competition in Europe, and describes how competition can be reconciled with social objectives. The author first looks at the latest technological developments and discusses the impact of new transmission systems such as mobile phones and satellites, and the convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications. He goes on to weigh up the arguments for and against network competition, looking in particular at the natural monopoly view and at universal service. The third part of the book compares policy in Europe and the USA, with a detailed analysis of the European Commission's approach, and an up-to-date view of the regulatory frameworks in five European member states. Finally, the author sets out a strategy for network competition in Europe which takes into account both the latest developments and the characteristics of the European environment.
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Balvan, Martin. « Tax system of chosen European Union countries ». Master's thesis, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-274910.
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LAFFERTY, Michelle Martine. « European citizens' right to vote ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5451.
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Patrício, Margarida da Silva. « Determinants of CO2 emissions in European Union countries ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.6/10868.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The economic growth is one of the main drivers of pollution. Climate change caused by the
increase in emissions has harmful and irreversible effects on economies as a whole.
Currently, climate change represents a challenging issue for policymakers. This research
intends to contribute to the current debate on the factors that contribute to reducing
emissions, supplying empirical evidence of the role of environmental regulation in this
process. In detail, this research aims to bridge a gap in the literature by giving special
attention to the effects of market-based regulation, regulatory incentive policies for
renewables deployment, and foreign direct investment on carbon dioxide emissions. To
accomplish this objective, it uses yearly data from 1995 to 2017 for 17 European Union (EU)
countries. To control for some possible endogeneity, and to study the short- and the longrun effects individually, an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model was used with a
Driscoll-Kraay estimator. The main findings show that environmental regulation is effective
in cutting CO2 emissions in the long-run. Additionally, the policies supporting renewable
energy sources negatively affect CO2 emissions in both the short- and long-run. The
effectiveness of these policies is further demonstrated, with foreign direct investment
reducing carbon dioxide emissions, suggesting that the EU is managing to attract high
quality and innovative investment. The pollution halo hypothesis was validated for EU
countries.O crescimento económico é uma das principais causas da poluição. As alterações climáticas causadas pelo aumento das emissões têm efeitos prejudiciais e irreversíveis nas economias como um todo. Atualmente, as alterações climáticas representam um desafio para os formuladores de políticas. Esta pesquisa pretende contribuir para o debate atual sobre os fatores que contribuem para a redução das emissões, fornecendo evidências empíricas do papel da regulação ambiental nesse processo. Em detalhe, esta pesquisa visa preencher uma lacuna na literatura, dando especial atenção aos efeitos da regulação baseada no mercado, políticas regulatórias de incentivo à implementação de energias renováveis e investimento direto estrangeiro nas emissões de dióxido de carbono. Para atingir esse objetivo, foram utilizados dados anuais de 1995 a 2017 para 17 países da União Europeia (UE). Para controlar alguma possível endogeneidade e estudar os efeitos de curto e longo prazo individualmente, o modelo Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) foi usado com o estimador Driscoll-Kraay. As principais conclusões mostram que a regulação ambiental é eficaz no decréscimo as emissões de CO2 a longo prazo. Além disso, as políticas de apoio às fontes de energia renováveis afetam negativamente as emissões de CO2 no curto e no longo prazo. A eficácia dessas políticas é demonstrada ainda mais, uma vez que o investimento direto estrangeiro reduz as emissões de dióxido de carbono, sugerindo que a UE está a conseguir atrair investimento inovador e de alta qualidade. A hipótese pollution halo foi validada para os países da UE.
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Hsieh, Yi-Fong, et 謝衣鳯. « The money and inflation in European union countries ». Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/p8w7wr.
Texte intégralRésumé :
博士國立政治大學
經濟學系
107
After the 2008 global financial crisis beginning in the U.S., the major economies have been infected by the global systematic financial turmoil. In that case, major monetary authorities have taken preemptive unconventional monetary policies immediately after the interest rate policy fail to keep financial market functioning. Unconventional monetary policy is usually considered as balance sheet policy in peacetime. Recently, a vast of literatures concerning the effects of balance sheet policy shocks reveal that balance sheet policy shocks affected the output and price level positively. Rather, we find that the monetary base and broad money in European Union countries grew disproportionately after the crisis. In this paper, we apply two panel data models to estimate the inflation effects in European Union countries. We have several findings. First, ECB coordinated central banks to conduct large-scale assets purchase in the euro area, but balance sheet policy has affected these countries differently. Moreover, the Panel VAR results shows that the inflation effect of the mean group is smaller than the results of most empirical literatures. Besides, each individual European Union country responds to balance sheet policy shocks with heterogeneous inflation effects. In addition, some EU countries, such as Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, Spain, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Poland, Slovenia, and Slovakia, even show deflation replies. Lastly, empirical results of panel data indicate that inflation and monetary base growth rate reveals a significant negative relation, while inflation and M3 growth rate has a positive relation.
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SCHINK, Gertrud. « Kompetenzerweiterung im Handlungssystem der Europäischen Gemeinschaft : Eigendynamik und policy-entrepreneure : Eine Analyse am Beispiel von Bildung und Ausbildung ». Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4781.
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Defence date: 20 November 1992Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Bruno de Wittw, Rijsuniversiteit Limburg ; Prof. Dr. M. Rainer Lepsius (supervisor), Universität Heidelberg ; Prof. Dr. Giandomenico Majone, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Roger Morgan (co-supervisor), Europäisches Hochschulinstitut, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. Fritz W. Scharpf, Max-Planck Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, Köln
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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COUTTS, Stephen. « Citizenship, crime and community in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37798.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 November 2015Examining Board: Professor Loïc Azoulai, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Marise Cremona, EUI; Professor Valsamis Mitsilegas, Queen Mary University, London; Professor Niamh Níc Shuibhne, University of Edinburgh
The aim of this thesis is to analyse the extent to which criminal law can contribute towards our understanding of Union citizenship and of the political community of the Union. In carrying out this task it adopts a particular perspective on both criminal law and Union citizenship. Firstly, it adopts the criminal law theory developed by RA Duff, premised on the notions of citizenship and community; crimes are viewed as public wrongs, committed against the community. Individuals are held responsible as citizens and are called to account before the community. Secondly, it adopts a particular account of Union citizenship based on a distinction between transnational dimensions and supranational dimensions. The transnational dimension is then broken into two sub-dimensions based on the concepts of social integration and autonomy or a space of free movement. The role of criminal law in these dimensions of Union Citizenship is analysed in the main body of the thesis. Two chapters consider the role of criminal law in social integration in the context of the acquisition of residence rights and the serving of sentences. Two chapters consider the parallels between the autonomy of Union citizens that results in a single space of movement, and the area of justice as it is constructed through the European Arrest Warrant and the operation of a transnational ne bis in idem principle. A final substantive chapter details the competence of the Union to adopt legislation criminalising certain conduct and the extent to which this can be said to contribute to the formation of a community at a supranational level. A conclusion brings together the findings of the thesis in relation to Union citizenship and considers the implications for the structure of the political community in the Union. It is suggested the national remains the main site for communities in the Union. However, transnational processes associated with Union citizenship trigger the emergence of certain supranational norms and ultimately a composite, complementary supranational community.
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MARZO, Claire. « La dimension sociale de la citoyenneté européenne ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12703.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 25/09/2009Examining board: Bruno De Witte (EUI); Rostane Mehdi (Université Paul Cézanne, Aix-Marseille III); Marie-Ange Moreau (Supervisor, EUI); Pierre Rodière (Université Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris 1 )
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
La dimension sociale de la citoyenneté européenne correspond à une nouvelle tendance de la Cour de justice des Communautés européennes permettant à des citoyens européens d'obtenir des prestations sociales du simple fait de leur statut. Cette innovation jurisprudentielle interroge à deux niveaux. Dans un premier temps, les transformations de la citoyenneté européenne par l'ajout d'une dimension sociale sont envisagées. Cette incongruité est permise par une nature particulière La multiplicité des droits attachés à la citoyenneté européenne par l'article 17 CE et son rapprochement des droits fondamentaux créent un statut doté d'un ensemble de droits dont le citoyen peut se prévaloir. Cette habilitation a été concrétisée par une mise en oeuvre par le législateur et le juge. Le premier a adjoint à la citoyenneté européenne la liberté de circulation des citoyens de l'article 18 CE. Le second lui a associé la principe de non-discrimination en vertu de la nationalité créant une nouvelle méthode de jugement rattachée à à ces deux principes. Dans un second temps, les développements de la politique sociale européenne par la citoyenneté européenne sont pris en compte. La politique sociale a connu plusieurs renouvellements récemment et la citoyenneté européenne n'y est pas étrangère. Elle a trouvé deux manifestations. La première passe par l'application des arrêts relatifs à la citoyenneté européenne. Il s'agit d'accorder au citoyen européen migrant les mêmes droits que les nationaux des Etats membres. C'est ainsi que les domaines nationaux de l'éducation et la sécurité sociale, principalement, se voient modifiés par une approche toujours plus large de l'égalité communautaire. La seconde passe par l'identification d'une nouvelle citoyenneté sociale, distincte de la citoyenneté européenne. C'est alors surtout l'oeuvre du législateur communautaire. En matière de services économiques d'intérêt général comme en matière d'égalité sur les autres fondements que celui de la nationalité, il a conçu une citoyenneté ouverte à tous et ayant pour objet une meilleure inclusion et une meilleure participation des personnes. Cette nouvelle tendance conduit à repenser la politique sociale et à s'interroger sur l'éventuelle ouverture de la citoyenneté européenne à d'autres que les citoyens européens.
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WENTZEL, Joachim. « An Imperative to Adjust ? : skill formation in England and Germany ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13283.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 05/12/2009Examining Board: Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS); Ewart Keep (Cardiff University); Martin Kohli (EUI) (Supervisor); Vivien A. Schmidt (Boston University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation deals with education systems and the change observed within them alongside changes in the wider political economy. The research is conducted by way of a comparative case study of England and Germany, two countries which in the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) literature represent two very different types of economic coordination (thereby making the study conform to a 'most different research design'). Extending the VoC approach, not only vocational education and training but also school education and higher education are analysed, since these two areas contribute decisively to national skill formation. The point of departure is the puzzling fact that the current reforms of the education systems of both countries are departing from the paths predicted by the VoC approach. The thesis thus argues against institutional path-dependency in the two countries, and in favour of an ideational approach based on discursive institutionalism. First, the theoretical chapter (second chapter) of the thesis includes discussions of discursive institutionalism, policy diffusion, and conceptual mechanisms of institutional change, and provides a framework which accounts for path-deviant discourses and reforms. Secondly, a description of the three educational areas in both countries sketches the paths the systems should have pursued if they were to evolve path-dependently. Thereby this chapter serves as a reference point against which recent developments are assessed (fourth chapter). Thirdly, a textual discourse analysis of various White Papers of the British Government formulating policies on skill formation serves to identify visions and aims. The same procedure is applied for relevant policy papers in Germany (fifth chapter). Finally, the translation of visions into concrete policy measures is analysed by focusing on three important reform measures in each country (sixth chapter). On the basis of the policy cycle stages these measures are traced back to their original intentions and are contrasted with the implemented initiatives. This procedure elucidates how reforms match and potentially alter the existing institutional design, how ideas drive educational reforms, and how they resist, 'bend', or even vanish, once they are employed in concrete policy initiatives.
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SCHLOSSER, Pierre. « Resisting a European fiscal union : the centralized fragmentation of fiscal powers during the euro crisis ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/44566.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 December 2016Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, (EUI - Supervisor); Professor Renaud Dehousse (EUI - formerly at Sciences Po Paris - Co-Supervisor); Professor Henrik Enderlein (Hertie School of Governance); Professor Adrienne Héritier (EUI)
The euro crisis has been an existential crisis for Europe and for its stateless currency. It substantially impacted the institutional evolution of Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), making EMU’s rules-based logic tumble and triggering an institutional capacitybuilding. The euro crisis period should therefore be regarded as the most constitutionally relevant post-Maastricht European integration moment. This dissertation claims that the euro crisis management, because it involved the adoption of an array of significant fiscal rules, instruments, mechanisms and bodies, has resulted in the institutionalization of a distinctive fiscal authority in Europe. The convoluted process through which this authority has emerged was characterised by a tension between countervailing forces of centralization and fragmentation. This dissertation hence conceptualizes, documents and interprets the logic of a singular institutionalization process in which new fiscal powers became concomitantly centralized, fragmented and delegated to a series of ad hoc bodies operating in the shadow of newly empowered EMU executive institutions. The centrifugal delegation pattern at play is intriguing because it runs against the classic, pre-Maastricht delegation trend that entrusted the European Commission with newly centralized tasks. The new fiscal centre is instead fundamentally fragmented among three key actors: the Eurogroup, the European Central Bank and the Commission. Indeed, the dissertation has found that despite the emergence of a fiscal centre, the European Union still does not dispose of a formalized and settled fiscal power structure. The main puzzle uncovered by this examination is that while a fiscal authority has been institutionalized, no political EU actor has been able to formally embody and exclusively claim this authority. Going forward, formalizing such a political authority would require some form of constitutional settlement to clarify who is Europe’s fiscal primus inter pares.
Chapter 3 ‘Enhancing EMU’s fiscal arm: towards stronger regulatory surveillance' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Public finances in Europe: fortifying EU economic governance in the shadow of the crisis' (2016) in the journal ‘Journal of European integration’
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PICCOLI, Lorenzo. « The politics of regional citizenship : explaining variation in the right to health care for undocumented immigrants across Italian regions, Spanish autonomous communities, and Swiss cantons ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 April 2018Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Maurizio Ferrera, University of Milan; Prof. Andrew Geddes, European University Institute; Prof. Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Over the last forty years, regions in Europe have acquired an increasingly important role in the provision of rights that were traditionally used by states to define the boundaries of national citizenship. Despite this trend, there are still few comparative examinations of what citizenship means for subnational actors, how these affect the provision of rights, and what the consequences of this process are for internal solidarity, the democratic process, and ultimately the constitutional integrity of modern states. These are important questions at a time when ideas about membership and rights within multilevel polities are vigorously contested in courts, legislative chambers, and election booths. Instances of these contestations are the Spanish Constitutional Court’s decision on the legality of subsequent referendums on Catalan secession in 2014 and 2017; the ongoing standoff between the state of California and the American federal government over who ought to regulate the rights of undocumented immigrants; and the Scottish and UK referendums on independence and exit from the European Union, respectively. This dissertation sets out to explain under what conditions, how, and with what kind of consequences some regions are more inclusionary than others in their approach to what citizenship entails and to whom it applies. This is what I refer to as the politics of regional citizenship. The empirical analysis focuses on subnational variations in the realisation of the right to health care for undocumented immigrants in three multilevel states where regional governments have some control over health care and, within these, on pairs of regions that have been governed by either left- or right-wing parties and coalitions: Lombardy (Italy, conservative government from 1995), Tuscany (Italy, progressive government from 1970), Andalusia (Spain, progressive government from 1980), Madrid (Spain conservative government from 1995), Vaud (Switzerland, progressive government from 2002) and Zürich (Switzerland, conservative government from 1991). Evidence is collected via the analysis of over 31 legislative documents and 62 interviews with policy-makers, health care professionals, and members of NGOs. The comparison shows that the interaction of political ideologies at different territorial levels leads to the emergence of contested ideas about citizenship through the use that regional governments make of the distinct traditions of regional protection of vulnerable individuals like minor children, the disabled, and the homeless. The comparison also shows that the structure of the territorial system of the state plays an important role in determining the direction of the politics of regional citizenship. The value assigned to territorial pluralism within a country, in particular, determines whether regional citizenship is developed against the state, as a strategy to manifest dissent and mark the difference—as is the case in Spain and, to some extent, in Italy—or, instead, together with the state, as an expression of multilevel differentiation—as in Switzerland. Importantly, however, regional citizenship does never develop in complete isolation from the state because it always represents an attempt to weaken or reinforce the policies of the central government.
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SCHMIDT-KESSEN, Maria José. « IP competition conflicts in EU law through five judicial lenses ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/55264.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Giorgio Monti, EUI (EUI Supervisor) ; Prof. Urska Šadl, EUI ; Prof. Inge Govaere, College of Europe, Bruges ; Prof. Alison Jones, King's College, London
This PhD thesis deals with IP-competition conflicts and how the EU Courts have addressed them over time. It seeks to answer the question of how the reasoning of EU Courts in these cases has been affected by three crucial evolutionary moments in EU law: (1) the Europeanization of IP law (2) the modernization of EU competition law and (3) the elevation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union to a primary source of EU law. The first two chapters provide the theoretical framework of the thesis. The first chapter provides a detailed overview of the three crucial evolutionary moments in EU law mentioned above. The second chapter provides an overview of theories about the legal reasoning of EU Courts and about the different approaches that the courts have adopted when deciding IP-competition conflicts. Five such approaches, or judicial lenses, are identified: an economics, a conflict of laws, a conflict of competences, a constitutional and a private law approach. It is shown that these five different approaches can be linked to the three evolutionary moments at the IP-competition interface in EU law. Chapters three to five trace the theoretical insights from the first two chapters in three case studies on specific business methods having given rise to IP-competition conflicts before EU Courts: (i) selective distribution systems, (ii) digital platforms and restrictions of access, and (iii) lock-in strategies on aftermarkets, in particular in the online environment. The case studies analyse how these comparable factual situations of IP-competition conflicts have been treated on the one hand under EU competition law and on the other under EU IP law. In each case study, the legal reasoning is identified and compared between EU competition and IP law. The main finding in the case studies is that EU Courts treat the spheres of EU competition law and IP law as wholly separate. This has led to quite diverging approaches in comparable cases of IP-competition conflicts depending on whether the cases are brought under EU competition law or IP law, jeopardizing the systemic coherence of EU law and disturbing the CJEU’s dialogue with national ii courts. This situation is not sustainable. In an economic environment where the EU’s economies are increasingly depending on e-commerce and digital assets often protected by IP, IP-competition conflicts are bound to increase. To ensure a legal environment that provides legal certainty and equal conditions for firms to thrive across EU Member States without hurting consumers, a more coherent and improved methodological guidance on how to address IP-competition conflicts is needed. The aim of this thesis is to provide a first step in this direction.
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DE, ANGELIS Andrea. « Bridging troubled water : electoral availability in European party systems in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2009-2014) : an application of Bayesian ideal point estimation ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46986.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 June 2017Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Russell J. Dalton, University of California, Irvine; Professor David Farrell, University College Dublin
How is electoral competition structured in Europe? This fundamental problem lies at the core of democracy, as popular sovereignty depends on the existence of a real policy choice, and requires the most preferred alternative being selected and implemented (Dahl 1956). However, there is no consensus yet regarding the actual occurrence of this mechanism of responsive electoral competition (Schumpeter 1942). I develop a new empirical design to test whether a structure of electoral competition in Europe actually exists, based on the idea that greater party system polarization should be associated with a smaller propensity for voters to switch between electoral blocks. To do so, I identify two potential loci of electoral competition in Europe: the left-right dimension (Downs 1957; Bartolini and Mair 1990), and the more recently introduced integration-demarcation cleavage (Kriesi 1998; Kriesi et al. 2006). Data from the European Election Survey (2009, 2014) allow the implementation of the novel design in order to study electoral competition in 27 EU member states. For this thesis to empirically address the question of electoral competition in Europe a preliminary, methodological development has to be made. Indices of political polarization are generally produced using survey respondents’ average perceptions of party positions. I show that this approach leads to systematic measurement error: the problem, known as Differential Item Functioning (DIF), depends on the fact that voter perceptions are subjective and cannot be directly compared, neither within nor between countries. To separate the actual polarization from perceptual bias, I develop a two-stage Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey (2S-BAM) scaling procedure and apply Dalton’s index on DIF-corrected measures of party positions (ideal points) on both dimensions. Results show that when standard DIF-inflated polarization indices are used, left-right ideology seems to be still structuring European electoral competition. However, once the indices are optimized, using party ideal points, the integration-demarcation cleavage gains the upper hand over the left-right dimension in structuring electoral competition in contemporary Europe. Thus, this thesis makes both a methodological and theoretical, as well as an empirical contribution to the literature in this field.