Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Negotiation – European Union countries »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Negotiation – European Union countries ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Negotiation – European Union countries"
1
Melnychuk, Liubov. "Negotiation Process as an Integral Part of Romania’s Integration into the EU." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 11 (December 14, 2022): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.11.115-130.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author of the article analyzes European Union-Romania’s membership negotiations, that began on February 15, 2000 and exposes their basic problems. The author traced the dynamics of the negotiation process on the basis of EU and Romania documents and proved that the main purpose of negotiations was to comprehensively achieve Copenhagen criteria by Romania. The cooperation between EU and Romania developed on the basis of the provisions of the European Agreement within the framework of its institutions. The negotiation process of Romania’s accession to the European Union took place under the established procedure and was practically indistingui-shable from the negotiations of other CEE countries. It is substantiated that despite the real reforms, increasing Romania’s promotion in the process of preparation for EU membership and real assistance to the EU to intensify Romania preparation for membership in 2004, but in October 2002 the EU institutions agreed on Romania’s joining the EU after 2004. It was established that the intensification of Romania’s efforts to implement the criteria for admission and the adoption in February 2004 of the financial package for its accession contributed to the closure of the most difficult issues of negotiations in 2004.
2
Millet, Montserrat, Benjamin Kienzle, and Patricia Garcia-Duran. "Revisiting European Influence: The Case of Agricultural Trade Negotiations." Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 5 (2014): 1057–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years, scholars have called into question the often-heard policy statements that link a stronger single voice of the European Union (EU) to more European influence in international negotiations. This article examines this challenge in an area where the EU has a particularly long tradition of establishing common policies: agriculture. By comparing in particular the international agricultural negotiations that have taken place in the framework of the Uruguay and the Doha Development Rounds (up until Cancún), it argues that internal coherence is actually not a sufficient condition for EU influence in these negotiations. On the contrary, by building on different strands of literature - International Relations, EU studies and trade policy - it shows that the EU's ability to influence outcomes has been increasingly affected by external developments. More specifically, the article draws on three crucial external processes in this regard: First, emerging powers have gained substantial commercial weight. Second, key countries, especially Brazil, have played an increasingly active role in the negotiations. Third, these countries have strengthened their positions through successful coalition-building. Consequently, if European policy-makers want to increase the EU's influence in agricultural trade negotiations, they have to more consciously adapt its negotiation approaches to the changing external negotiation environment.
3
Horváth, Gy. "Regional Policy in Europe." Acta Oeconomica 51, no. 1 (2001): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Among European Union policies, regional policy has always been considered a key domain due to its considerable role in negotiation of interests between mem-ber countries and distribution of European Union funds. Its significance, however, is expected to increase further as soon as countries of the Central Eastern Euro-pean region join the European Union and start lobbying for the concentration of European Union resources in the area. The new member states of the EU will stand on the periphery – not only in the geographical sense, but also regarding their level of economic development.
4
Kaveshnikov, N. Y. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXTERNAL ENERGY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-82-91.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyses development of external energy policy of the European Union (EU). In spite of the Lisbon treaty didn’t substantially expend EU powers in external energy policy, European Commission (EC) became more active in recent years. Decision on exchange of information about bilateral energy agreements between Member States (MSs) and third countries may deprive producers of opportunity to differentiate terms of infrastructure projects and energy supply in different MSs. European Commission participation in MSs negotiations with third countries as a guardian of energy market provisions will inevitably increase negotiation power of MSs. Nevertheless, only smooth and modest extension of powers of the EC would be possible because of opposition of numerous countries which makes a search of consensus very difficult. Among priority activities of the EU external energy policy one could identify ‘export’ of energy market provisions in neighbor countries; diversification of suppliers and prioritization of politically selected supply routes; dramatic increase of regulatory activity at EU level. All these activities are partially successful, but they all have some shortages. Several EU legislative and regulatory measures risk to run counter to existing obligations of MSs.
5
Ryabchikov, Anton A. "REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: NEGOTIATION MECHANISM, CLASSIFICATION, GOALS." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no. 2-3 (2022): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2022-2-3-06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article discusses the system of regional trade agreements (RTA) of the European Union (EU) as an instrument of trade policy and economic diplomacy of the Union. It analyzes the existing EU mechanism for negotiating RTAs with third countries as well as the main types of these agreements according to the classification of the European Commission. It outlines the main goals pursued by the Union when concluding the RTAs and gives an overview of the available information on the effectiveness of the EU’s network of bilateral trade agreements. It is concluded that the main objectives of the EU when using this instrument of trade policy are to promote the interests of European business, create leverage for exerting political influence on third countries and advance European ideals of democracy and a market economy around the world.
6
Oosterhof, Albert. "Legal Aspects of the EU Enlargement Negotiations." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recently concluded enlargement negotiations between the European Union and four applicant countries -Austria, Sweden, Finland and Norway-have so far been the last in a series of intensive negotiating efforts since the conclusion of the Treaty on the European Union (EU), the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries and the conclusion of the Uruguay Round.
7
Kusku-Sönmez, Eda, and Selin Türkes-Kiliç. "Dynamics of Technical Progress Towards the EU Accession: New Rules, Vetoes and Power Asymmetries." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 2 (2018): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The current accession countries experience an observable slowness in the pace of their European Union (EU) negotiations. This article aims to assess the impact of the EU’s changing enlargement strategy on this accession inertia. Our comparative analysis of the post-2004 negotiation experiences reveal that the variation in the technical accession progress can be explained by modalities of the new negotiation framework including the Copenhagen-plus pre-accession criteria, settlement of border conflicts, benchmarks and the increased focus on the rule of law chapters, which all together provided a new opportunity structure to those veto players seeking to suspend the accession of the current candidates.
8
Lempereur, Alain Pekar. "Leading Successful Negotiations on Behalf of Europe: An Analysis of the European Commission High-Ranking Officials’ Practices." European Review 17, no. 3-4 (2009): 541–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798709000945.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Permanent dialogue, steered by continual negotiation, was the driving force behind the construction of Post-War Europe. In this context, the countries of the European Union have extended the mandate of the European Commission (EC) to negotiate an increasing number of topics, giving the EC’s high-ranking officials a pre-eminent role of agents in the process. It is, then, urgent and useful to investigate these negotiators’ practices, to list a number of recurrent features, and to compare them with current negotiation theories. In 2004, at the request of the EC, 15 in-depth interviews were conducted with high-ranking EC officials, from different directorates, in charge of top-level negotiations. An interview guide was drawn up to address the five following points:•the success factors in negotiation,•the reasons for failure,•the management of people, relationships, cultural aspects, the mandate, and the stakeholders’ map,•the management of substantive issues and their solutions, including the use of justification criteria,•the management of the process, agenda, multilateral mechanisms, and communication.Following the interviews, a report was submitted to the EC’s General Administration Directorate. The report highlights a number of features that may favour the success of European negotiators. In what follows, some keys to success are linked to three dimensions of negotiation: process, people, and problem.
9
Murashko, M. M. "Implications of the New EU Carbon Border Tax for the EAEU." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 3 (2021): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-3-369-378.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article focuses on the interaction of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union in the context of green technological transformation. The European Union is actively pursuing a policy of transition to a carbon-neutral economy. In this regard, it intends to implement a special tax mechanism, which may significantly limit export opportunities for the EAEU. Moreover, the EU is one of the key partners of the EAEU and plays a major role in the economic development of individual countries that are members of the integration association. The article further discusses the projected risks for the EAEU member states, and provides measures that can ensure trade security of the Union’s countries on the European markets. In particular, measures should be aimed at the development own environmental legislation, harmonization of the legislation of EAEU member states, and the creation of permanent negotiation mechanisms to bring together the positions of EAEU countries in the context of the climate policy pursued by the European Union.
10
Cristani, Federica. "Concluding International Investment-Related Agreements with Non-EU Countries." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 3, no. 1 (2022): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2022.1.41-56.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 2009 Lisbon Treaty has added an important exclusive competence for the European Union (EU) in the common commercial policy area, namely, foreign direct investment, thus making it a crucial actor in international investment protection. This has a huge impact on shaping international investment policy in Europe and has raised important questions, especially regarding the legal consequences of the EU’s exclusive competence in the negotiation process of international investment agreements (IIAs) with third countries. This article explores the role of the EU and its member states in negotiating and concluding IIAs with third countries. In the first part, the article illustrates when individual member states are authorized to conclude a new bilateral investment treaty with a third country, with a focus on the EU´s Regulation No 1219/2012 and its implementation. In the second part, the article questions what it means for the EU and its member states to conclude investment mixed agreements with third countries, how the negotiation processes are conducted, and what is the impact of the division of competences between the EU and its member states. The final part of the article shows the current issues of ius standi and financial responsibility in investment dispute settlement involving foreign investors, with a focus on the EU´s Regulation No 912/2014 and the negotiation processes of the EU with third countries.
Thèses sur le sujet "Negotiation – European Union countries"
1
Pillay, Morgenie. "The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
2
Jones, Emily. "The weak vs. the strong : African, Caribbean and Pacific countries negotiating free trade agreements with the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10e39b93-ab7c-4160-af54-de39959486ca.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to explain the outcomes of trade negotiations between the European Union (EU) and seventy-six of the world’s smallest developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific (ACP). Puzzlingly, in spite of its vastly greater economic size, the EU was, for the main, unable to realise its objective of concluding six broad and deep free trade agreements with these countries. Deploying first historical institutional analysis then statistical modelling and finally by scrutinising a wealth of primary documents and transcripts of interviews with negotiators, the thesis reveals three factors that influenced outcomes. First, coercive pressure applied by the EU on countries dependent on EU for trade preferences and aid. Second, tactics within the negotiating process, with some ACP countries and regions manoeuvring more effectively than others. Third, differences in the underlying preferences of ACP governments, with most opposing major aspects of the EU’s proposals, but a minority embracing the EPA approach. Probing the underlying reasons, the thesis finds that, contrary to the prevailing literature, lobbying by domestic economic interest groups only provides part of the answer – the analytical and ideational processes within ACP government institutions also exerted an influence. The analysis shows that structural factors, particularly the depth of economic and political dependence on the larger state, establish the range of likely outcomes from a given negotiation. However the preferences of small states and the way in which they interact strategically with the larger state can definitively shape the final outcome. In particular, small states can exercise a degree of resistance and blocking power that is often underestimated. It also sheds light on the formation of trade preferences in small developing countries and shows that in addition to lobbying by external groups, information and ideas within government bureaucracies appear to play an important role.
3
LEAL, ARCAS Rafael. "Theory and practice of EC external trade law and policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13171.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 March 2008<br>Examining board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Francesca Martines, Faculty of Economics, University of Pisa ; Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, Columbia Law School, NY and University of Neuchâtel ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Both the European Community (EC) and its Member States agree that it is in their best interest to coordinate their action vis-à-vis the rest of the world in international trade agreements. Theory and Practice of EC External Trade Law and Policy looks at the intricacies of the institutional framework of EC trade law, and with special emphasis on services trade, examines the law and practice of EC external trade relations from a policy, economic, legal and an overarching European constitutional perspective. The objective of the author’s analysis is not only to find ways to nurture and preserve the unitary character of EC external trade relations in areas of shared competence between EU Member States and EU institutions, but also to understand the management of the EC’s external trade relations. The book begins with an analysis of the evolution of the EC common commercial policy, through which the author examines the checks and balances at the micro, meso and macro levels. The author then proceeds to analyse the problems faced by the EU in its external relations and the legal complexity of mixed agreements. This unique legal phenomenon is tackled from an intra-EC perspective as well as from an extra-EU perspective taking into account various implications for third parties. The major EU institutions are examined: the Commission as the negotiator of international trade agreements, the role of the EU Council and the European Parliament in concluding and ratifying of agreements and the European Court of Justice in relation to judicial enforcement. The EU’s decision-making process in the trade arena and its relation with national institutions are examined. The book concludes with an analysis of the EC’s contribution to the Doha Round in the area of services trade.
4
Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
5
Petronzio, Edward. "Talking trade over wine assessing the role of trade associations, bureacratic agencies and legislative bodies in the United States-European Union and Canada-European Union wine trade disputes /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1192736566.
Texte intégral
6
Rozsnyoi, Hedvig. "Elements of Reverse Ultimatum Game in the Accession Negotiations between EU and CEE Countries : A Case Study of Hungary." Graduate School of International Development. Nagoya University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/6237.
Texte intégral
7
Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and
development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean
and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation
policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé
Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately,
the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the
Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a
result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were
previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The
Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible
Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs).
During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis
instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently,
Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA)
EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group,
represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with
Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent;
from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities.
Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana,
Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse
and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However,
maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to
the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner
of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the
BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized
System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation
Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not
negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver.
The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will
promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access
was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa
because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA.
Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience
increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the
BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income
losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU
countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most-
Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South
Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the
strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail
to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be
included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more
foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will
increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However,
foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies.
South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be
confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized.
From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in
the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the
importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do
so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA
was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in
its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the
negotiations deadlock.
Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested
attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the
poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements
have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
8
Volz, Eckehard. "The trade, development and cooperation agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the European Union : an analysis with special regard to the negotiating process, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the Port and Sherry Agreement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52582.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA)
between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded
in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the
negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the
applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port
and Sherry Agreement.
Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development
cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal
basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA
between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future
cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The
TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the
two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations
between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to
examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global
perspective.
The thesis is divided into six Chapters:
The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the
negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the
economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons
why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part
furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis.
The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that
took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of
negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention
and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement,
are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the
negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the
Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU.
Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General
Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of
major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that
indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates
the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised
regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the
EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were
incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the
establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far
the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT.
In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on
Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five
deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and
"Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed
more closely.
The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the
investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of
whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the
EU and other ACP countries.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms
(TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in
Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die
onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die
toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan
met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed.
Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte
samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande
gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon
het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir
toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke
van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en
Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik
vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere
onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille
Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en
Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale
perspektief te beskou.
Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel:
Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die
onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid-
Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye
tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n
oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis.
Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die
onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom
dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes
gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms
word ook ontleed.
Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die
Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die
onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n
evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid-
Afrika en die EU aan.
Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die
voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van
uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n
internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese
Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms
tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor
hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier
aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand
te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met
Artikel XXIV GATT strook.
Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten
opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs)
geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die
gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting
van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed.
Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van
die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die
TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander
lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.
9
Marcišinová, Petra. "Chorvatsko a Makedonie:ekonomická charakteristika a integrace do EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76831.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The diploma thesis describes accession of Croatia and Macedonia to the European union. It analysis their economic situation in context of comparison with EU member states. The information about competitiveness are brought. The goal of the thesis is to clarify readiness of both countries for integration within the EU. Their economy and competitiveness will be evaluated. Integration process is described from two point of view: European union as well as Croatia and Macedonia. There is overview of actual status and negotiation progress of both countries on their way to the EU.
10
Schneider, Christina J. "Conflict, negotiation and European Union enlargement /." Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00256365.pdf.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Negotiation – European Union countries"
1
Schneider, Christina J. Conflict, negotiation and European Union enlargement. Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
Trading voices: The European Union in international commercial negotiation. Princeton University Press, 2005.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
1952-, Adamowski Janusz, Wojtaszczyk Konstanty A, and Uniwersytet Warszawski. Instytut Nauk Politycznych., eds. Negotiations of the EU candidate countries. Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, 2001.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
The politics of EU enlargement: Accession negotiations, distributional conflicts, and discriminatory membership. Cambridge University Press, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
France and Germany at Maastricht: Politics and negotiations to create the European Union. Garland Publ., 1997.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Kevin, Featherstone, ed. The road to Maastricht: Negotiating Economic and Monetary Union. Oxford University Press, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Bouzas, Roberto, and Alfredo G. A. Valladão. Market access for goods & services in the EU-Mercosur negotiations. Chaire Mercosur de Sciences po, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Laruelle, Annick. Voting and collective decision-making: Bargaining and power. Cambridge University Press, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Corporate governance in a globalising world: Convergence or divergence? : a European perspective. Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2002.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Negotiation – European Union countries"
1
Jinji, Naoto, Xingyuan Zhang, and Shoji Haruna. "Conclusion and Policy Implications." In Advances in Japanese Business and Economics. Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5210-3_8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAfter about a quarter century of countries having pursued deep regional integration through negotiating on deep regional trade agreements (RTAs), we observed a number of historical events that symbolize the curbing of the trend of globalization in 2016. On June 24, 2016, the people of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union (EU) in a referendum. On November 8, 2016, Mr. Donald Trump, who proposed the “America First” policy and a number of protectionist policies, such as the withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and the construction of a substantial wall on the United States–Mexico border, during his presidential campaign, won the US presidential election.
2
Eppler, Annegret. "European Union." In The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_12.
Texte intégral
3
Schneider, Friedrich. "Size of the Shadow Economies of 28 European Union Countries from 2003 to 2018." In European Union. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18103-1_6.
Texte intégral
4
Panić, M. "Postscript: A Comparison of EC and Gold Standard Countries." In European Monetary Union. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13452-6_6.
Texte intégral
5
Sissenich, Beate. "European Union Policies toward Accession Countries." In Public Opinion, Party Competition, and the European Union in Post-Communist Europe. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11500-3_2.
Texte intégral
6
Kutter, Amelie. "The Constitution Process in the Discourse Field of Multilateral Negotiation." In Legitimation in the European Union. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33031-6_5.
Texte intégral
7
Giaufret, Emanuele. "The European Development Fund." In The European Union and Developing Countries. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_10.
Texte intégral
8
de Castro, Ana. "The European Investment Bank." In The European Union and Developing Countries. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_11.
Texte intégral
9
Piccinini, Antonio, and Margaret Loseby. "The European Union, Developing Countries and Central and Eastern European Countries." In Agricultural Policies in Europe and the USA. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597150_7.
Texte intégral
10
Farkas, Beáta. "Crisis-Resistant Nordic Countries?" In Models of Capitalism in the European Union. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60057-8_5.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Negotiation – European Union countries"
1
Başeğmez, Nergiz, and Kerem Toker. "A Crossroad For Turkey: European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
 
2
Gündoğdu Odabaşıoğlu, Fatma. "An Assessment on Financial Markets: European Union Member Country Hungary and Candidate Country Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01700.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With the end of cold war, Central and Eastern European countries who had not participated in the integration of Europe, have applied to become members of European Union. Hungary, a Central European country; applied for membership on December 16, 1991, started full membership negotiations in 1998 and joined the Union on May 1, 2004. Turkey on the other hand, was granted candidacy status during Helsinki European Council Summit Meeting of December 1999, after a 40 years long relationship that started with Turkey’s application to join European Economic Community on July 31, 1959. Negotiations for full membership of Turkey were finally started on October 3, 2005 and country entered a new era to adapt EU Acquis. 
 Within this context, this study aims to compare financial markets of EU member state Hungary and candidate state Turkey for the period of 1998 - 2015; to evaluate risks and fragilities related to financial development levels and stability of banking sectors for both countries based on generally accepted financial indicators. 
 In conclusion; Hungary was observed to have significantly less developed capital market compared Turkey over the years, despite having similar ratios in financial deepening during recent years. Findings of this assessment point out an increasing credit risk for banking sector of Hungary, enhanced by the economic crisis of 2008. In comparison, credit risk in banking sector of Turkey has been decreasing over the years. High credit/deposit ratio, is a sign of degradation and can be observed in Hungary's balance sheets, raised for Turkey as well.
3
Pejović, Aleksandar-Andrija. "“WOULD MONEY MAKE A DIFFERENCE?”: HOW EFFECTIVE CAN THE RULE-OF-LAW-BASED PROTECTION OF FINANCIAL INTERESTS IN THE EU STRUCTURAL AND ENLARGEMENT POLICY BE?" In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18362.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years, the rule of law and, especially, its “proper” implementation has become one of the most debated topics in Europe in recent years. The “Big Bang Enlargement” marked the beginning of dilemmas whether the new EU Member States fulfil the necessary rule of law criteria and opened the way for divergent views on how to implement TEU Article 2 values in practice. Furthermore, constant problems and difficulty of the candidate countries to fulfil the necessary rule of law criteria added to the complexity of the problem. In turn, the European institutions have tried to introduce a series of mechanisms and procedures to improve the oversight and make the states follow the rules - starting from the famous Treaty on the European Union (TEU) Article 7, the Rule of Law Mechanism, annual reports on the rule of law and the most recent Conditionality Regulation. The Conditionality Regulation was finally adopted in December 2020 after much discussion and opposition from certain EU Member States. It calls for the suspension of payments, commitments and disbursement of instalments, and a reduction of funding in the cases of general deficiencies with the rule of law. On the other hand, similar provisions were laid out in the February 2020 enlargement negotiation methodology specifying that in the cases of no progress, imbalance of the overall negotiations or regression, the scope and intensity of pre-accession assistance can be adjusted downward thus descaling financial assistance to candidate countries. The similarities between the two mechanisms, one for the Member States, the other for candidate countries shows an increased sharing of experiences and approaches to dealing with possible deficiencies or breaches of the rule of law through economic sanctioning, in order to resolve challenges to the unity of the European union. The Covid-19 pandemic and the crisis it has provoked on many fronts has turned the attention of the Member States (i.e. the Council) away from the long running problematic issues. Consequently, the procedures against Poland and Hungary based on the Rule of Law Mechanism have slowed down or become fully stalled, while certain measures taken up by some European states have created concerns about the limitations of human rights and liberties. This paper, therefore, analyses the efforts the EU is making in protecting the rule of law in its Member States and the candidate countries. It also analyses the new focus of the EU in the financial area where it has started to develop novel mechanisms that would affect one of the most influential EU tools – the funding of member and candidate countries through its structural and enlargement policy. Finally, it attempts to determine and provide conclusions on the efficiency of new instruments with better regulated criteria and timing of activities will be and how much they would affect the EU and its current and future member states.
4
Lalatović, Bojana. "THE NEW METHODOLOGY OF NEGOTIATING WITH THE CANDIDATE COUNTRIES IN THE CONTEXT OF MACRON’S RESHAPING OF EUROPEAN UNION." In EU 2020 – lessons from the past and solutions for the future. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/11909.
Texte intégral
5
Sözen, İlyas, Fatih Çam, and Volkan Öngel. "European Union Migration Relations: An Analysis Focused on Macedonia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01033.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the research, the process of the European Union, a candidate, a new member and a negotiating country’s migration experiences are compared (Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey). The results of this study are thought to be very important for Macedonia, which is not already negotiating for EU membership, in that it presents the difficulties Macedonia is facing on the way to EU membership. As for the methodology, after the theoretical descriptions which define the borders of the subject are done, economic, politic-legality and social dimensions of international migration are examined. Looked from this point of view, in this study, it is foreseen that becoming an EU member can be a solution to primarily migration “issues” and ethnic conflicts. In the evaluation of the findings which seem to support this hypothesis, the changes seen in the immigration and emigration dynamics of Bulgaria after it was admitted to EU are accepted as valuable data which determine the motivation of this study.
6
Ciconkov, Risto. "Climate Change and HVACR Systems." In 50th International HVAC&R Congress and Exhibition. SMEITS, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24094/kghk.019.50.1.245.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indicators at a global level are presented: population in the world today and forecasts for developed and developing countries. The following diagrams are presented: world total primary energy consumption, global CO2 emissions from combustion since 1971, as well as cumulative CO2 emissions by regions since 1750. Facts for climate change are included (according to WMO and IPCC): increase in GHG concentrations, increase in air temperature, rise in sea level, etc. The consequences of global warming are listed: extreme rainfall and floods; high temperatures – heat waves, droughts, wildfires; huge damage to agriculture; harmful impacts on the environment, etc. The IPCC provides several scenarios for a global rise of air temperature up to 2100, for a global rise of sea level etc. The activities of the international community on climate change are organized through: IPCC, UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, Paris Agreement and continuous negotiations. The European Union (EU) is probably the most advanced in the battle against climate change. Some important strategies are outlined: by 2020, by 2030, and by 2050. Heating, air-conditioning and refrigeration systems (HVACR) are connected with energy consumption, which means they are a source of GHG emissions. The situation with HVACR systems is such that even in EU countries, the fossil fuels are dominant in the heating systems. Future solutions for HVACR systems are described. The first step is to increase the energy efficiency of buildings and HVACR equipment. The concept of "nearly zero-energy buildings" should be worked on. HVACR systems should be based on renewable energy sources (RES). The considered solutions include heat pumps, solar panels, thermal storage, district heating, combined heat and power, condensing boilers, reversible air conditioners, the concept of "smart" buildings, automation of HVACR systems with digital technology, etc. The political, economic and social aspects of climate change are analyzed. Capitalism society, market economy, profit, is the main reason for today's climate change situation. On the end, there is a discussion highlighting the need for urgent and major investment in RES and energy efficiency. For rich countries, this is really achievable. But developing countries, representing 83% of the world's population, need financial assistance, and this needs to be regulated through the Paris Agreement. Obstacles of a political nature are also possible (US and Paris Agreement).
7
Macerinskiene, Irena. "INTANGIBLES ASSESSMENT IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.050.
Texte intégral
8
Dudaitė, Jolita, Rūta Dačiulytė, and Jolanta Navickaitė. "LIFELONG LEARNING SITUATION IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 14th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2021.1679.
Texte intégral
9
Cikes, N., J. Dudler, F. Lioté, DE Bax, and NDS Bax. "THU0596 Rheumatology specialty training in european union countries." In Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, 14–17 June, 2017. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2017-eular.3314.
Texte intégral
10
Pandurević, Nemanja. "THE EUROPEAN UNION INVESTMENT POLICY." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujvcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.187p.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Lisbon Treaty empowered competence of the EU in the area of FDI. One of the main reasons to have single investment policy by the EU is that the EU has the better negotiation position for the future agreements in the field of FDI. The paper analyzes the impact of the FDI to the EU economy, reasons for introducing the new EU investment policy, scope of the new EU investment competence.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Negotiation – European Union countries"
1
Morsy, Ahmed. Towards a renewed local social and political covenant in Libya, Syria and Yemen. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ofgn2229.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This SIPRI Insights Paper examines the domestic and external factors at play in Libya, Syria and Yemen and their impact on negotiating post-war peaceful settlements and shaping prospective social contracts.The paper’s argument is two-fold. Firstly, policymaking must move beyond a static approach to understanding these conflicts. Despite apparent stalemates, the three countries should be approached as ever-evolving simmering conflicts. Secondly, policymakers have to move below the national level in order to achieve various forms of localized social peace. Given the nature of these conflicts and the varied sub-national segmentation, the analysis concludes that community-level social and political covenants may offer a first building block towards nationwide social contracts and sustainable conflict resolution.The role of external actors, particularly the European Union (EU), is critical in paving the way for these local-level dialogues and negotiations in Libya, Syria and Yemen. In short, external powers, including the EU, should adopt policies that push for long-term resolution to achieve post-conflict stabilization rather than the opportunistic taking of sides.
2
Tomás, Inês, and Ricardo Barradas. Household indebtedness in the European Union countries: Going beyond the mainstream interpretation. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.03.
Texte intégral
3
Caetano, Gerardo. Analysis and foresight of the European Union - Mercosur Association Agreement. Fundación Carolina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff04en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After a negotiation that has been ongoing for more than two decades, the “agreement in principle” between the European Union and Mercosur regarding the trade pillar, announced in June 2019, has not been confirmed. Moreover, in the current context, the perspectives that are outlined in both blocks are not auspicious, for various reasons that are analyzed. In this context, the text will analyzes the following points: i) in the absence of a specific Treaty in progress of application, it informs about the negotiations of the trade pillar, its current status, the contents of the principle of agreement signed in 2019, the possibilities of closure and ratification by the two parties and the main expected impacts; ii) the potential implications of this agreement for both the European Union and Mercosur, in particular with regard to its foreseeable consequences for the strategic autonomy of both regions and for the strengthening of multilateralism at present; and iii) the expected impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the eventual contribution of this Association Agreement in the new scenarios. The text closes with a brief overview.
4
Carbo-Valverde, Santiago, Edward Kane, and Francisco Rodriguez-Fernandez. Evidence of Differences in the Effectiveness of Safety-Net Management in European Union Countries. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13782.
Texte intégral
5
Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
6
Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei, and Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf: enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
7
Barradas, Ricardo. Drivers of private consumption in the era of financialisation: new evidence for the European Union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.04.
Texte intégral
8
Barradas, Ricardo. Finance-growth nexus in the age of financialisation: An empirical reassessment for the European Union countries. DINAMIA-CET IUL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2018.07.
Texte intégral
9
Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
10
Sheridan, Anne, and Sarah Groarke. Trends in migration to Ireland of nationals of countries with visa liberalisation agreements with the European Union. ESRI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat75.
Texte intégral