Articles de revues : « Navy (British) »

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Benjamin, Daniel K., et Anca Tifrea. « Learning by Dying : Combat Performance in the Age of Sail ». Journal of Economic History 67, n^o 4 (décembre 2007) : 968–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000460.

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Between 1660 and 1815 the combat fatality rate among British navy captains fell by 98 percent, even as the combat success of the British Navy rose dramatically. Both developments can be explained as a result of learning by doing among British commanders. This learning was importantly driven by the extensive wartime experience accumulated over this period, combined with the unparalleled financial incentives for combat success offered to British commanders.

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McLean, Samuel. « The British Navy in the Baltic ». Mariner's Mirror 101, n^o 3 (3 juillet 2015) : 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2015.1061272.

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Lambert, Andrew. « The British Navy in the Mediterranean ». Mediterranean Historical Review 34, n^o 2 (3 juillet 2019) : 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2019.1671010.

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Seerup, Jakob. « The British Navy in the Baltic ». Journal for Maritime Research 18, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2016) : 66–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21533369.2016.1172848.

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Kaczkowski, Marcin. « Rola krążowników lekkich w składzie brytyjskiej Grand Fleet w czasie I wojny światowej (1914–1918). W świetle Grand Fleet Battle Orders Johna Jellicoe1 ». Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 23, n^o 3 (2022) : 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh.phw.2022.3(281).0002.

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This article explores the role played by light cruisers in the British Grand Fleet: the largest navy during World War I. The author describes the genesis of this class of ships and then discusses the tasks assigned to light cruisers operating with the fleet, using information contained in the Grand Fleet Battle Orders – combat instructions for the British navy, prepared between 1914–1916 by its commander, Admiral John Jellicoe.

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Hendrix, Melvin. « The British Admiralty Records as a Source for African History ». History in Africa 13 (1986) : 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171540.

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What is more characteristically English than the Navy?The relationship between naval power and British sovereignty is one of long standing in British foreign policy. This was especially evident in the nineteenth century, when Britain achieved almost unchallenged global naval pre-eminence following the Napoleonic Wars, keeping order in a world that British commercial interests were creating. As a consequence, the traditional role of the navy as a national defense force was changing dramatically to that of an international policeman on the one hand and surrogate statesman on the other. These two roles were generally most pronounced in the emerging tropical areas of trade in Asia, Africa, and South America.It is in relation to Africa that this essay is concerned, and over the course of the nineteenth century, the influence of the Royal Navy on African societies was an evolving, but considerable, force--as surveyor, policeman, employer, ally, adversary, diplomat, and enforcer. On the whole, Britain's Africa policy throughout much of the century was based on the suppression of the slave trade, while simultaneously providing protection for British citizens promoting “legitimate” commercial interests.Since the trade in slaves from Africa was chiefly a maritime enterprise, its navy became the chief instrument for implementing these foreign policy objectives, a role that shifted in the second half of the century to a more direct imperialist posture.

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CAPUTO, SARA. « ALIEN SEAMEN IN THE BRITISH NAVY, BRITISH LAW, AND THE BRITISH STATE, c. 1793 – c. 1815 ». Historical Journal 62, n^o 3 (2 octobre 2018) : 685–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000298.

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AbstractDuring the ‘long eighteenth century’, several thousands of sailors born outside British territories served in the Royal Navy. This phenomenon, and the peculiarities of their employment compared to that of British seamen, remain largely unstudied. This paper aims to show that, as far as disabilities or privileges were concerned, official legislation only played a very small part in making alien seamen's experiences in the navy distinct from those of their British colleagues. More broadly, this article argues that, whilst transnationalism can be overemphasized, there are specific contexts and groups of people for which the power of the state falters when it comes to obstructing movement, and indeed it is forced, for its very survival, to act strategically against the barrier to circulation that frontiers normally constitute. In similar circumstances, the origins of the individuals concerned, intended as official labels that states normally use to classify them, control them, and claim or disclaim ownership over them, can become all but meaningless. Thus, naval sailors, as useful state servants, can be an excellent case-study to understand the category of legal ‘foreignness’ as it developed in modern nation-states, and the tensions inherent to it.

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Man, Kwong Chi. « “They Are a Little Afraid of the British Admiral” ». International Bibliography of Military History 35, n^o 2 (10 octobre 2015) : 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115757-03502002.

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This article looks at the role of the British Royal Navy during the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. Although the British government decided to stay neutral and work with Russia to mediate between Japan and China, the presence of the China Station of the Royal Navy played a subtle role in influencing the strategies adopted by China and Japan. However, as the British government underestimated its own naval power and possibly overestimated that of its potential opponents, the China Station played only a limited role to protect British interest. As a result, Russia used a much weaker fleet to achieve its territorial and political goals, while Britain was forced to increase its military and naval investment in East Asia. The result of the war was the opposite of the intention of the British government, namely to maintain stability in the area and check the spread of Russian influence.

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Stout, Neil R., et John A. Tilley. « The British Navy and the American Revolution ». American Historical Review 94, n^o 3 (juin 1989) : 763. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873829.

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Jaffry, Shabbar, Yaseen Ghulam et Alexandros Apostolakis. « JOB TRANSITIONS IN THE BRITISH ROYAL NAVY ». Defence and Peace Economics 20, n^o 3 (juin 2009) : 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242690802001904.

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McKee, Christopher, et John A. Tilley. « The British Navy and the American Revolution ». Journal of American History 75, n^o 3 (décembre 1988) : 920. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1901590.

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Brunsman, Denver. « Men of War : British Sailors and the Impressment Paradox ». Journal of Early Modern History 14, n^o 1-2 (2010) : 9–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537810x12632734396945.

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AbstractIn the long eighteenth century, the British Royal Navy established dominance of the seas with the widely despised forced labor system of impressment. Previous attempts at explaining this paradox have erred either in deemphasizing the devastating personal and communal costs of impressment or by stressing that the navy’s oppressive system of discipline left sailors with no choice but to serve admirably. In fact, sailors exercised their agency both by resisting British press-gangs and by serving to the best of their ability on naval vessels. The British navy created incentives that appealed to mariners’ professional self-interests and male gender aspirations. Through naval service, sailors regained some of their dignity and sense of manhood that capture by press-gangs had taken away.

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Zaletok, N. « Service and Life of British and Soviet Women in the Navy during World War II ». Problems of World History, n^o 14 (10 juin 2021) : 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-3.

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Comparative studies on the experiences of female representatives of different countries in WWII remain relevant today. They not only deepen our understanding of the life of women at war, but also allow us to explore the power regimes of different states at one stage or another. After all, the government organized the activities of various groups of the population aimed at winning the war. Women were no exception in this respect, regardless of whether they worked in the rear or defended their homeland with weapons in hand. For centuries, the navy for the most part represented a purely masculine environment, and the presence of a woman on a ship was considered a bad omen. However, the scale of hostilities during the world wars and, as a consequence, the need for a constant supply of personnel to the armed forces made their adjustments – states began to gradually recruit women to serve in the navy. The article compares the experiences of Great Britain and the USSR in attracting women to serve in the navy during WWII. The countries were chosen not by chance, as they represent democracy and totalitarianism, respectively, and studying their practice of involving women in the navy can deepen our knowledge of these regimes. After analysing the experience of women’s service in the navy in 1939-1945, the author concludes that their recruitment to the navy in Great Britain took place through a special organization – the Women’s Royal Naval Service (WRNS). Its personnel were trained mostly separately from men and then sent to military units of the navy. The USSR did not create separate women's organizations for this purpose; women served in the same bodies as men. The main purpose of mobilizing women to the navy in both the USSR and Great Britain was initially to replace men in positions on land to release the latter for service at sea. However, in both countries there were cases when women also served at sea. The range of positions available to them in the navy expanded during the war, and in the USSR reached its apogee in the form of admission of women to combat positions. In Great Britain, women in the navy did not officially perform combat roles, and there was a ban on them from using lethal weapons.

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Caputo, Sara. « Scotland, Scottishness, British Integration and the Royal Navy, 1793–1815 ». Scottish Historical Review 97, n^o 1 (avril 2018) : 85–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2018.0354.

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With few exceptions, existing research in British social and maritime history has never focused on the presence and role of Scotsmen in the Royal Navy of the French Wars era (1793–1815), on their identification and self-presentation within this institution, and on attitudes towards naval warfare in Scotland more generally. Situating the problem within current debates on ‘four nations’ history and the development of British identity, this article aims to fill this gap. It will consider, in turn, the Navy's institutional language and practices, individual experiences, and, chiefly employing as a case study the 1797 victory of Camperdown, achieved by the Scottish Admiral Duncan, public representations in the Scottish press. This will help to illustrate the often ambiguous relationship that Scots in the Navy—and particularly on the quarterdeck—could have with their homeland, and the powerful attraction, reinforced by the naval environment and administrative structures, which Englishness exerted on them. More broadly, it will be shown how the late Hanoverian Navy, as a markedly Anglocentric institution, acted as a key instrument of cultural, social and political assimilation of Scots into Britain, thus offering a valuable case study for an investigation of patterns of British integration.

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Heitz, Jesse A. « British Reaction to American Civil War Ironclads ». Vulcan 1, n^o 1 (2013) : 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00101004.

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By the 1840’s the era of the wooden ship of the line was coming to a close. As early as the 1820’s and 1830’s, ships of war were outfitted with increasingly heavy guns. Naval guns such as the increasingly popular 68 pounder could quickly damage the best wooden hulled ships of the line. Yet, by the 1840’s, explosive shells were in use by the British, French, and Imperial Russian navies. It was the explosive shell that could with great ease, cripple a standard wooden hulled warship, this truth was exposed at the Battle of Sinope in 1853. For this reason, warships had to be armored. By 1856, Great Britain drafted a design for an armored corvette. In 1857, France began construction on the first ocean going ironclad, La Gloire, which was launched in 1859. This development quickly caused Great Britain to begin construction on HMS Warrior and HMS Black Prince. By the time HMS Warrior was commissioned in 1861, the Royal Navy had decided that its entire battle fleet needed to be armored. While the British and the French naval arms race was intensifying, the United States was entering into its greatest crisis, the United States Civil War. After the outbreak of the Civil War, the majority of the United States Navy remained loyal to the Union. The Confederacy, therefore, gained inspiration from the ironclads across the Atlantic, quickly obtaining its own ironclads. CSS Manassas was the first to enter service, but was eventually brought down by a hail of Union broadside fire. The CSS Virginia, however, made an impact. Meanwhile, the Union began stockpiling City Class ironclads and in 1862, the USS Monitor was completed. After the veritable stalemate between the CSS Virginia and USS Monitor, the Union utilized its superior production capabilities to mass produce ironclads and enter them into service in the Union Navy. As the Union began armoring its increasingly large navy, the world’s foremost naval power certainly took notice. Therefore, this paper will utilize British newspapers, government documents, Royal Naval Reviews, and various personal documents from the 1860’s in order to examine the British public and naval reaction to the Union buildup of ironclad warships.

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Yates, Athol, et Ash Rossiter. « British naval assistance at the twilight of empire : The case of Abu Dhabi, 1966–1968 ». International Journal of Maritime History 33, n^o 3 (août 2021) : 577–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211037682.

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Britain long sought to establish, develop and utilise local military capabilities across its empire. In its informal empire among the Arab Gulf Sheikhdoms of Eastern Arabia, Britain increasingly encouraged – and often cajoled – its protégés to build up their own security forces as London's moment in the Middle East was coming to an end. The scholarly literature on imperial assistance to local forces is invariably army-centric; little attention is given to how powers such as Britain helped establish local naval forces. This article seeks to address this imbalance by describing how British naval institutions supported the establishment of the local naval force in Abu Dhabi in the years immediately before British withdrawal from the region in 1971. This case study expands the historiography of British military assistance to cover naval forces and describes the repertoire of support provided by the Royal Navy and Navy Department.

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Vale, Brian. « BRITISH SAILORS AND THE BRAZILIAN NAVY 1822–1850 ». Mariner's Mirror 80, n^o 3 (janvier 1994) : 312–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1994.10656507.

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H abed, Hussein, et Doaa Ahmed. « British Navy and John Fisher's Reforms 1951- 1905 ». Al-Anbar University Journal For Humanities 2019, n^o 2 (10 février 2022) : 118–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37653/juah.2022.171803.

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Bassett, Melanie. « Port towns and diplomacy : Japanese naval visits to Britain and Australia in the early twentieth century ». International Journal of Maritime History 32, n^o 1 (février 2020) : 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871420903160.

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The Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1905 was a watershed moment for the presence of the Royal Navy in the Pacific. Although it allowed the Royal Navy to concentrate its fleets in European waters, this strategy caused resentment due to the underlying fear of the ‘Yellow Peril’, especially in the British dominions of Australia and New Zealand. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance presented some challenges to the received Edwardian racial hierarchy and the idea of British military supremacy. This article demonstrates how the ‘port town’ not only became a place of mediation where high-level international diplomacy mingled with the face-to-face experience of an alliance ‘in practice’, but also a space through which issues such as Otherness and imperial security were contested and explored.

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Carlsson-Hyslop, Anna. « Patronage and Practice in British Oceanography ». Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 46, n^o 3 (1 juin 2016) : 270–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2016.46.3.270.

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The history of twentieth-century American physical oceanography concentrates on naval patronage, but its significance for British oceanography is largely unknown. This case study analyzes a varied patronage structure, including naval, industrial, academic, and local and central governmental support, for one site of British physical oceanography, the Liverpool Observatory and Tidal Institute and, in particular, its work on storm surges between 1919 and 1959. Storm surges, caused by wind and changes in barometric pressure, can produce dramatic changes in sea levels. The local shipping industry initially funded the Institute’s research on surge forecasting to improve the accuracy of tidal predictions. After a flood in 1928, however, the focus shifted to flood forecasting. Local government then backed their work, during the Second World War support came from the Royal Navy, and since a flood in 1953, from central government. This case study reveals the range of negotiations carried out between patrons and researchers, and demonstrates how researchers managed competing demands from academic interests and those of industry, the navy, and the government. Studying institutions that did not see a dramatic increase in state patronage during the early Cold War enables us to see the impact of patronage more clearly, highlighting how research interests and methods differed (or not) between institutions with different patronage structures.

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Davis, Jim. « British Bravery, or Tars Triumphant : Images of the British Navy in Nautical Melodrama ». New Theatre Quarterly 4, n^o 14 (mai 1988) : 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00002669.

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In recent years, melodrama has increasingly been recognized not only as an important element in popular theatre studies, but for the intrinsic importance of the form itself. Less considered has been the relationship of the material of melodrama to the ‘real life’ it reflected in a highly conventionalized yet ultimately (for its audiences), recognizable fashion. Here, Jim Davis looks at one major category, nautical melodrama, setting the images of the navy and of sailors that it created alongside factual and critical accounts of life at sea in the first half of the nineteenth century. He conveys both the pressures that existed for redress of abuses, and the consequent balance between coercion and subversion in the melodramas themselves – drawing in particular on the memoirs of Douglas Jerrold to explore aspects of the ambiguity to be found in contemporary attitudes. Jim Davis, who is the author of several books and articles in the area of nineteenth century theatre history, is presently teaching in the School of Theatre Studies at the University of New South Wales.

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Earle, Thomas Blake. « ‘A sufficient and adequate squadron’ : The navy, the transatlantic slave trade, and the American commercial empire ». International Journal of Maritime History 33, n^o 3 (août 2021) : 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211037680.

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From its creation, the Africa Squadron, although tasked with suppressing the slave trade, did more to defend American sovereignty and expand American commercial access along the west coast of Africa. In both of these regards, Great Britain and the British Navy were the most prominent obstacles in the way of the United States achieving its goals. These tasks were among the most important imperatives that drove American foreign relations during the antebellum era. Thus the Africa Squadron is best understood as a case study of the vital role the navy played in not just conducting but also shaping American diplomacy. This article examines the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Africa Squadron, concluding that the flotilla was less concerned with actually ending the transatlantic trade in humans than with serving as a check on British power at sea.

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HOWLAND, DOUGLAS. « The Sinking of the S.S. Kowshing : International Law, Diplomacy, and the Sino-Japanese War ». Modern Asian Studies 42, n^o 4 (juillet 2008) : 673–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06002447.

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AbstractIn July 1894, the Japanese navy sank the British steamshipKowshing, leased by China to transport troops to Korea. Diplomatic negotiations over compensation for the loss of the ship persisted for the next decade. In insisting upon China's responsibility, the British Foreign Office forsook the judgments of international legal experts and demonstrated that its main goals were to support British commercial interests and to encourage the position of Japan in East Asia. The surprising denoument of theKowshingincident was China's payment of damages for the ship in 1903.

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Hawkins, Beverley. « Ship-shape : Materializing leadership in the British Royal Navy ». Human Relations 68, n^o 6 (16 avril 2015) : 951–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726714563810.

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Beloukas, Apostolos I., Aristidis Diamantis et Emmanouil Magiorkinis. « Did British Royal Navy actually report scurvy in 1747 ? » European Journal of Internal Medicine 23, n^o 3 (avril 2012) : e82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejim.2011.12.004.

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Lambert, Andrew. « Grainger, J.D. (2014).The British Navy in the Baltic ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 26, n^o 2 (3 avril 2015) : 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2015.1034577.

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Kozlov, Denis. « The Officer Corps of the British Navy in the Observations and Assessments of Russian Representatives to the Grand Fleet, 1914–1918 ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 1 (2023) : 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019507-5.

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In this article, the author examines the assessment of the Royal Navy’s command staff contained in official reports, correspondence, memoirs, and diaries of naval officers Mikhail Kedrov, Mikhai Smirnov, Gustav von Schultz, and Sergei Izenbek, who were official Russian representatives to the Grand Fleet during the Great War. The purpose of this article is to summarise the views of representatives of the Russian Navy on the traditions, general and professional culture of British naval officers, the level of their maritime, special and tactical training, the specifics of their mentality, service subordination, relationships in a naval environment, the ways of service and everyday life. Considerable differences in the professional qualities of the officers of the British and Russian fleets were noted, stemming mainly from the different principles of recruitment and training of the command staff, as well as the growing distrust of the British naval corporation towards Russia as an ally during the war. The author concludes that professional analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the Royal Navy's command staff significantly complemented and updated the image of the British ally formed in the Russian naval milieu during the Great War and in the years following, and contributed to a more balanced self-assessment of Russian naval personnel.

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Willis, John M. « MAKING YEMEN INDIAN : REWRITING THE BOUNDARIES OF IMPERIAL ARABIA ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, n^o 1 (février 2009) : 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090089.

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On 19 January 1839, the South Arabian port town of Aden was bombarded by ships of the Indian Navy and occupied by soldiers of the East India Company. It was the first British colonial acquisition of the Victorian period.

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Linge, John. « The Royal Navy and the Irish Civil War ». Irish Historical Studies 31, n^o 121 (mai 1998) : 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013699.

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Historical study of the Irish Civil War of 1922–3 has hitherto concentrated overwhelmingly on internal matters — the actual internecine struggle on the ground for ideological and political control. While the value of this approach is obvious, it has inevitably failed to focus on the continuing role of the British armed services; furthermore, an exclusive concern with land-army affairs, whether Irish or British, must result in a distorted picture. It is thus particularly unfortunate that the activities of the Royal Navy during the revolutionary period have been largely neglected. Here it is hoped to demonstrate that the Royal Navy, beyond its expected role of gun-running prevention, did have an influence on the early course of the Civil War, an influence that was, in part, determined by the wider protection of imperial interests once British troops had withdrawn from the localities in May 1922. The fragmentation of southern Irish politics and society, in the wake of the treaty settlement of December 1921, came as a genuine surprise to the Admiralty. At the time, it had taken the promise of peace at face value, making it known that, pending negotiations on certain properties and signal stations, it had little future interest in Ireland provided the three southern ‘treaty ports’ (Cóbh/Queenstown, Berehaven and Lough Swilly) were safeguarded and visiting rights upheld. In such circumstances, there was seen to be no need for the standard Irish Patrol of three destroyers, naval forces being ‘ultimately’ reduced to just two fishery protection vessels. Nor, as future area command was to pass to C.-in-C. Plymouth, was there technical need or political advisability in the retention of the two flag officer commands at Buncrana (C.-in-C. Western Approaches) and Kingstown (Dún Laoghaire).

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Shkrobtak, I. « British Presence in the Indian Ocean : Prospects for Expansion ». World Economy and International Relations 66, n^o 1 (2022) : 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-60-67.

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The article explores the possibility of strengthening and expanding the British political and military presence in the Indian Ocean, its probable goals, objectives, methods and means there. The main purpose of the study is to consider the possibility activating the British military policy in this area, to assess the importance of the Indian Ocean region for London, the prospect of direct expansion of the military presence, the role of British private military companies and alternative methods of influence. The paper analyzes current trends and problems in the foreign and security policy of the United Kingdom. The relevance of the study is due to the change in the British architecture of foreign policy and the perception of its place in international relations. Using system and comparative analysis methods of research, the author concludes the growing probability of expanding the British military presence in the Indian Ocean in the medium and long term. Modern British navy firearms status can allow to increase the intensity of the British military presence in the Indian Ocean. Also, this circumstance may activate Great Britain’s foreign policy in the Indo-Pacific region. It should be noted that the strengthening of the British fleet can be called a marker of the desire of the United Kingdom to become a global player in the international arena. To achieve this goal, almost all possible means of strengthening the capabilities of the UK’s hard power are used: the navy, private military companies, as well as new military alliances such as AUKUS. The work on intensifying the influence in the Indo-Pacific region is a part of the British foreign policy on global strengthening, and should be considered in the context of other regions: Ukraine, Turkey and Northern Europe. Nevertheless, at the moment, the results of such activities cannot be called completely predictable.

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Gough, Barry M. « American sealers, the United States Navy, and the Falklands 1830–32 ». Polar Record 28, n^o 166 (juillet 1992) : 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400020684.

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ABSTRACTBy the early 1830s, American sealers expected free access to the waters and harbours of the Falkland Islands, an active rule over which had not been recognized by the United States. The US government, in the form of President Andrew Jackson and the State Department, adhered to a policy of freedom of the seas, and therefore backed the rights of American sealers to unrestricted access in the South Atlantic. After three sealing ships were impounded by the Argentinian authorities in the Falklands in 1831, the US Navy sloop Lexington, under the command of Captain Silas Duncan, destroyed the island group's capital at Puerto Soledad, and, with it, the Argentine military defences. The State Department informed the Argentine govermcnt that it had no claims, historic or actual, to the Falklands. The American policy of not recognizing the Argentine claims, which continued for half a century, did not interfere with British designs. In 1832–33 the British government issued orders for the Admiralty to send a warship to re-establish British control of the Falklands.

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Keeling, Peter M. « The Armed Forces and Parliamentary Elections in the United Kingdom, 1885–1914* ». English Historical Review 134, n^o 569 (août 2019) : 881–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez204.

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Abstract This article discusses the electoral position of the British Army and Royal Navy during the period between the Third Reform Act and the outbreak of war in 1914, offering a ‘bottom up’ perspective on the history of civil–military relations. Drawing heavily from contemporary newspapers and electoral registers, it shows that in a number of constituencies soldiers and sailors held significant voting influence. Because soldiers were assumed to be natural Conservatives, the struggle between Tory and Liberal election agents over their registration sheds light on the nature of local party politics during this time, as well as the practical operation of what was a complex and unsympathetic electoral system. More broadly, it offers a case-study in ‘positive Unionism’, which challenges the view of the Conservative Party as an unbending opponent of franchise reform and, similarly, sheds light on the less democratic side of the Liberal Party. In terms of the armed forces themselves, the article argues that while the Army harboured a strong Unionist identity, the Navy was much less partisan in its voting habits; Irish soldiers proved themselves Liberal in sympathies. Overall, the article provides a fresh perspective on the position of the Army and Navy in British society during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and, in its conclusion, adds context to the 1918 Representation of the People Act.

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Préneuf, Jean de. « 1904. La Royal Navy vue par l'attaché naval français : un géant en pleine réforme ». Revue Historique des Armées 241, n^o 4 (2005) : 122–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rharm.2005.5769.

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1904 : The Royal Navy as seen by the French naval attaché in London a titan in the process of major reform ; At the beginning of the twentieth century Great Britain was struggling to maintain its naval supremacy, the keystone of the Pax Britannica that had lasted since 1815. The Admiralty, under the impulsion of Admiral Sir John Fisher, embarked on a massive reform of the Royal Navy - a reform whose outlines were disclosed in a memorandum dated 6 December 1904. The report from the French naval attaché in London, Commander Mercier de Lostende, serves as a reminder of the principal measures in what remains a major turning point in British naval policy. His assessments offer insights into the complex relationships that the French naval officers of the period enjoyed with the Royal Navy, in the immediate aftermath of the agreements earlier in 1904 that set the seal on the Entente Cordiale

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Zimmermann, Ulrike. « On Things from Sea and Shore : British Naval Heroism in Material Culture ». Open Cultural Studies 3, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2019) : 508–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0044.

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Abstract This article examines social participation and the dissemination of cultural knowledge through artefacts, and analyses how unspectacular and mundane everyday objects manage to convey ideas of the exceptional and heroic, as, for example, in the case of Admiral Lord Nelson and the souvenir culture surrounding him and his victories. Over the course of the eighteenth century, the British Empire expanded and consolidated its global influence, relying heavily on the British Navy in the process. Public interest in the Navy—and in its prominent figures—increased and was also consciously promoted, and, as a consequence, elements of maritime culture were taken up and adapted in everyday culture. Nautically inspired artefacts became the fashion, and the new opportunities for mass production contributed to their proliferation. Thus, admiration for a naval hero found its expression in a multitude of artefacts which, taken by themselves, have nothing of the heroic about them but taken en masse demonstrate the significance of naval prowess in this period, and the forging of connections between the domestic to the foreign sphere.

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Starkey, David J. « :The British Navy and the State in the Eighteenth Century ». American Historical Review 110, n^o 5 (décembre 2005) : 1592–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1592.

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Kennerley, Alston. « Nationally-Recognised Qualifications for British Merchant Navy Officers, 1865–1966 ». International Journal of Maritime History 13, n^o 1 (juin 2001) : 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140101300107.

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Widen, Jerker. « Strategy and War Planning in the British Navy, 1887–1918 ». Mariner's Mirror 99, n^o 3 (août 2013) : 372–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.792980.

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Gill, Ellen. « Midshipmen and quarterdeck boys in the British Navy 1771–1831 ». Journal for Maritime Research 15, n^o 2 (novembre 2013) : 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21533369.2013.852309.

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Hamilton, C. I. « Strategy and war planning in the British Navy, 1887–1918 ». Journal for Maritime Research 15, n^o 2 (novembre 2013) : 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21533369.2013.852310.

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Dixon, Nicholas. « Religion in the British Navy, 1815–1879 : piety and professionalism ». Journal for Maritime Research 18, n^o 2 (2 juillet 2016) : 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21533369.2016.1253309.

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Hallock, Judith Lee. « Profile : Thomas Crean ». Polar Record 22, n^o 141 (septembre 1985) : 665–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400006355.

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AbstractBorn in Annascaul, Ireland in 1877, Thomas Crean enlisted in the Royal Navy in 1893 and was serving in New Zealand when Scott's British National Antarctic Expedition passed through en route for McMurdo Sound, Antarctica. As an AB in Discovery he gained experience which he later put to good use in two further British expeditions, Scott's British Antarctic (Terra Nova) Expedition, in which he sledged to the polar plateau, and Shackleton's Imperial Tran-Antarctic (Endurance) Expedition, in which he was given charge of the dog teams, drifted on the pack ice of the Weddell Sea and took part in the epic open-boat journey to South Georgia.

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Mitcham, John C. « The 1924 Empire Cruise and the Imagining of an Imperial Community ». Britain and the World 12, n^o 1 (mars 2019) : 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2019.0313.

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This article examines the cultural contours of the Royal Navy's postwar ‘Empire Cruise’. In late 1923, the British government dispatched a ‘Special Service Squadron’ of powerful battlecruisers on a massive public relations tour. But the popular response to this carefully orchestrated propaganda stunt varied widely. Settler populations in the Dominions often embraced the navy as a ‘bond of empire’ that reconciled Britishness with their own emerging national identities. They celebrated the navy as evidence of a shared maritime heritage handed down over the course of centuries. Meanwhile, non-white populations often responded in ways that ran counter to the intentions of the event organizers. Zulu villages in Natal hosted athletic competitions and indigenous women in Fiji organized a dance for the visiting Jack Tars – unsanctioned gatherings that offered alternative points of contact to the existing arrangements. In other locations, anti-colonial nationalists took advantage of the publicity surrounding the navy to mobilise against colonial policies. Ultimately the appearance of the navy in the far-flung ports of the empire stimulated widespread public debates about race, identity, and colonialism, and challenged the intended narrative of imperial unity.

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Miller, Benjamin T., et Don K. Nakayama. « In Close Combat : Vice-Admiral Lord Horatio Nelson's Injuries in the Napoleonic Wars ». American Surgeon 85, n^o 11 (novembre 2019) : 1304–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313481908501141.

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Born in Norfolk, England, on September 29, 1758, Horatio Nelson was the sixth of eleven children in a working-class family. With the help of his uncle, Maurice Suckling, a captain in the Royal Navy, Nelson began his naval career as a 13-year-old midshipman on the British battleship Raisonnable. His courage and leadership in the battle marked him for promotion, and he rose quickly from midshipman to admiral, serving in the West Indies, East Indies, North America, Europe, and even the Arctic. As his rank ascended, Nelson's consistent strategy was close engagement, an approach that led to success in combat but placed him in direct danger. Thus, Britain's greatest warrior was also her most famous patient: Nelson suffered more injuries and underwent more operations than any other flag officer in Royal Navy history. His career reached a climax off Cape Trafalgar, where he not only led the Royal Navy to victory over the combined French and Spanish fleets but also met his own death.

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Simonenko, E. S. « Naval Policy of Canada during First World War (1914—1918) ». Nauchnyi dialog 11, n^o 8 (30 octobre 2022) : 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-8-436-452.

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The activities of the Navy Ministry of Canada during the First World War are analyzed in the article. For the first time in Russian historiography, the main directions of Canada’s maritime policy are formulated within the framework of the government’s military course during the First World War. The sources for the study were the debates of the House of Commons of the Canadian Parliament, publications in the Canadian press, the military series of historical and statistical collections and journalism of those years. The state of Canadian naval bases and ports, as well as the features of the development of the shipbuilding industry of the dominion during the war years is characterized. It is proved that during the war years, Canada’s maritime policy was determined by the British Admiralty and developed in two directions: imperial and national. The development of the imperial direction of maritime policy was carried out in the interests of Great Britain. It provided for the recruitment of Canadian volunteers for service in the Royal Navy and the development of a shipbuilding industry for the needs of the British Navy. The national direction of maritime policy provided for the protection of Canadian coasts and territorial waters, for which the infrastructure of Canadian naval bases and ports was actively used. To perform patrol and escort functions, state and private vessels were involved not only for military, but also for civilian purposes.

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KAMARUDIN, SAIFUL KHAIRI. « BRITISH PROTECTIONISM AND OIL INDUSTRY PRIOR TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PETRONAS ». MALIM : JURNAL PENGAJIAN UMUM ASIA TENGGARA (SEA JOURNAL OF GENERAL STUDIES) 21, n^o 1 (10 novembre 2020) : 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/malim-2020-2101-02.

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The existence of protectionism policy in Malaya and Borneo had been practised by the British specifically in the oil industry during colonialism. This policy was to prevent the largest American oil corporation, from dominating the oil market in Southeast Asia. The two British oil companies, the Anglo-Saxon Company and Shell Company in the early 20th century completed their business relationship with the Dutch oil company to control the oil industry in Southeast Asia. Oil producer colonies in Southeast Asia was solely granted oil supply through British oil company to prepare the outbreak of the First World War. This marked the height of British protectionism by providing continuous oil supply to the British Navy and expanding oil exports during the First World War. Later, PETRONAS adopted protectionism and monopoly strategies to increase equity ownership of Malays in the oil and mining industry.

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Döbler, Tim. « Pacific Perspective : Canada’s Informal Contribution to the Maritime Defence of the British Empire ». Northern Mariner / Le marin du nord 33, n^o 3-4 (27 juin 2024) : 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2561-5467.1167.

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This paper examines Canada’s attitude and informal contributions towards the maritime defence of the British Empire from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. In the late 1850s, the Royal Navy formalized its training of officer cadets and made special arrangements for colonials to become cadets in the senior service. This paper highlights a few British Columbian born and related Royal Navy officers, how they fit in the patterns of imperial mobility of the time, and their contribution to imperial maritime defence. La présente étude traite de la position du Canada et ses contributions informelles à la défense maritime de l’Empire britannique du milieu du 19e siècle au milieu du 20e siècle. À la fin des années 1850, la Marine royale a officialisé la formation des élèves-officiers et a pris des dispositions spéciales pour que les colons deviennent des cadets dans le service. Cette étude met en lumière quelques officiers de la Marine royale originaires de la Colombie-Britannique ainsi que des officiers apparentés, la façon dont ils s’inscrivent dans les modèles de mobilité impériale de l’époque et leur contribution à la défense maritime impériale.

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Johnson, Ian Ona. « Strategy on the Wintry Sea : The Russo-British Submarine Flotilla in the Baltic, 1914–1918 ». International Journal of Military History and Historiography 40, n^o 2 (22 octobre 2021) : 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-bja10002.

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From 1914 to 1917, in severe weather conditions on the icy Baltic Sea, Russian and British submariners contested control of the sea lanes with the German Imperial Navy. Their accomplishments were largely forgotten after the war’s end. However, the Russo-British Baltic Submarine Flotilla played an important role in the war at sea in the First World War. Most significantly, in 1915 the Flotilla wreaked havoc on German naval planning and nearly cut Germany’s critical iron ore imports from Sweden. The results would lead to a strategic crisis in the German Imperial Admiralty Staff and delay Germany’s attempt to break the British blockade until 1916. Here, the significance of the Russo-British Baltic Submarine Flotilla to the broader strategy of the First World War – and its later impact on strategy in the Second World War – is re-examined.

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Kwan, C. Nathan. « “Barbarian Ships Sail Freely about the Seas” : Qing Reactions to the British Suppression of Piracy in South China, 1841–1856 ». Asian Review of World Histories 8, n^o 1 (6 février 2020) : 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340065.

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Abstract Chinese piracy presented numerous problems for the Qing and British empires in Chinese waters, but cooperation against pirates was rare before 1842. The colonization of Hong Kong and other treaty arrangements after the Opium War enabled the British to take more vigorous action against Chinese pirates. Although such actions impinged on China’s maritime sovereignty and jurisdiction, Qing officials quickly recognized the efficacy of British naval forces in suppressing piracy. Hong Kong and Kowloon developed a system of cooperation for the suppression of piracy. This system was replicated elsewhere along the coast of Guangdong and beyond. By receiving captured pirates from the Royal Navy, Qing officials effectively used an important tool of British imperialism as a means of enforcing and extending their own authority. At the same time, cooperation became a means for the Qing to engage with emerging international law.

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William Abiodun Duyile. « The Nigerian Navy, 1956-1966 : Manpower And Platform Development And The First Court Martial ». Polit Journal Scientific Journal of Politics 4, n^o 1 (29 février 2024) : 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v4i1.1066.

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This paper examined the establishment of the Nigerian Navy and the circumstances surrounding its origin. It narrated the conditions that led to the first naval court martial, examining if there was any ethno coloration in the event. The research also studied the sources, as well as the nature of its early development within the first ten years of its existence. The research in addition analyzed the impact of the British or colonial government on the creation of the Nigerian Navy. The study relied heavily on documentary data and lightly on oral data. The oral data were based on unstructured interviews with few former senior naval officers; and the documentary data were sourced from colonial government annual departmental reports, correspondence, books and magazines. The oral data were transcribed for analysis. The documentary data were subjected to textual and contextual analysis. The researcher found out that the emergence of the Nigerian Navy was the result of interplay of forces such as the ex Royal naval officers, Nigerian nationalists and the colonial administrators. It examined the first court martial.

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Rodger, N. A. M. « Review : The British Navy and the State in the Eighteenth Century ». English Historical Review 119, n^o 484 (1 novembre 2004) : 1354–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.484.1354.

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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Navy (British) »

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