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1

Rada, Josef. « Smart defence : Joint geospatial support in NATO ». GeoScape 13, no 2 (1 décembre 2019) : 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/geosc-2019-0009.

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Abstract Smart defence in NATO may in its very nature represent not only automated remote solutions for battle activities, but harmonized and efficient system of geospatial support of deployed units as well. The objective of this study is to uncover the essence of allied geospatial support mechanism, determine critical spots and propose appropriate system enhancements. Wealth of experience of members of the Armed forces of the Czech Republic was utilized to summarize the state of geospatial support in NATO. It is preferentially experience from foreign operations ISAF and KFOR, cooperation with NATO Headquarters SHAPE and from participation in Multinational Geospatial Support Group. Presented proposals for improvements of geospatial support might have significant impact on intelligence service and military units themselves. Highlights for public administration, management and planning: • Multinational Geospatial Support Group will become a single complex executive component of NATO geospatial support for foreign operations. • Financial and capacity means for geospatial support must be centralized directly within NATO structure to reach maximum efficiency. • Production of standardized-only scale set maps covering territory of NATO and areas of interest is to be obligatorily for all member nations. • Access to the web service CoreGIS should be granted for all NATO nations at a national level.
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Radojevic, Slobodan. « NATO naval forces in the Mediterranean ». Medjunarodni problemi 69, no 1 (2017) : 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1701050r.

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The NATO area covers more water than land. The Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean, the Baltic and the Black Sea geographically and strategically unite the allies. NATO is a maritime alliance because almost all Member States have a maritime orientation and are highly dependent on maritime trade. To protect its interests on the seas and oceans NATO countries built up and maintained strong naval forces. Twenty of the 28 Member States of the Alliance has its own Navy - naval forces. Also, the Alliance has developed a highly-trained naval capacity for immediate response - Standing NATO naval forces consisting of naval ships of Member States. The use of naval power is more frequent, while more than 80 percent of local interventions and wars were conducted from the sea and over the sea. After the Cold War, NATO has dominated in the global maritime domain with robust naval forces and conducted several key naval operations to project the power and influence events on the ground. NATO naval operations have been conducted from the Balkans to the South Asia and North Africa. In the post-Cold War security environment, the Mediterranean is an area of central geopolitical and geostrategic interest to NATO. Also, NATO has a strong economic and energy interests in the Mediterranean. In that region, the naval component of the Alliance is extremely active. NATO maritime activities began during the early 1990's. NATO conducted out of area operation - Operation Sharp Guard, a naval blockade of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Significant naval forces, including attacks from the distance from the sea, participated in Operation Allied Force in Yugoslavia. After the terrorist attacks on the United States, NATO has increased the capacity of naval forces in the Mediterranean and established Operation Active Endeavour. This naval operation today transformed in Operation Sea Guardian and NATO with naval forces exercised full control and supervision of all maritime activities around the Mediterranean. Today, NATO has the Standing NATO Maritime Groups 1 (SNMG 1) and Standing NATO Maritime Groups 2 (SNMG 2), Standing NATO Mine Countermeasures Group (SNMCG 1) and Standing NATO Mine Countermeasures Group (SNMCG 2). NATO's Standing Naval Forces are no longer associated with a single area, but they must be ready for use anywhere. At present, NATO naval forces in the Mediterranean conduct maritime security operations and provides assistance in dealing with refugees and the migration crisis in the Aegean Sea. Today, NATO is a maritime alliance in action, actively preparing for the maritime century.
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Nagy, Milada. « Cyber Security Strategies of the Visegrád Group States and Romania ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 19, no 1 (1 novembre 2021) : 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2021-0005.

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Abstract Among security challenges that have emerged on nation-state level, attacks in cyber space are ‘products’ of the recent past. Their significance has been overvalued especially in 2007 owing to the cyber attack against Estonia. As a consequence, it were not only the European Union (EU) and the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to have created their own cyber security strategies but the majority of states have also made preparations for preventing and deterring threats from the cyber space. States of the Visegrád Four (V4) and Romania, though all full members of both the EU and the NATO, have prepared their own cyber security strategies. The objective of this study is to offer a comparative analysis of cyber security strategies of the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania, contrasting them to the relevant documents of the EU and the NATO, pointing out the identities and differences. A further essential element of the research is the description of the cooperation between V4 members in the implementation of cyber security strategies and of the chances of broader regional cooperation in the given field based on the jointly adopted documents or on other grounds. One important step in this area was the adoption of the Central European Cyber Security Platform in 2013. This common move, joined also by Austria, is directed mainly at technical exercises. However, the functioning of the Platform is not free from difficulties. Therefore, V4 members have undertaken to find common solutions, including education and professional training for the further development of regional cooperation and widening its spectrum.
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Petrov, K. « The evolution of Russia – NATO relations in 2014-2015 and in short-term prospect ». Journal of International Analytics, no 1 (28 mars 2016) : 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-44-51.

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The article focuses on the relations between Russia and NATO against the background of a tense international situation. We pay attention to the consequences of the decisions taken at the summit in Wales in 2014, in particular, increasing of national defense expenditures. The duality in NATO’s approach towards Russia is maintained. Some NATO countries want to resume political dialogue with Russia, as they believe that this will contribute to the peace and security in Europe. By contrast, another group of NATO members, mainly the new ones from Eastern Europe, insist on a full freeze of the dialogue. They want NATO to serve the only goal - to contain and deter Russia. The final choice of the vector will depend on the implementation of the Minsk agreements designed to stop the bloodshed in the East of Ukraine.
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Machniak, Arkadiusz. « Proces szkolenia Sił Zbrojnych Ukrainy na przykładzie Joint Multinational Training Group w Jaworowie w latach 2016–2020 ». Polityka i Społeczeństwo 21, no 3 (30 septembre 2023) : 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2023.3.13.

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Szkolenie Sił Zbrojnych Ukrainy przez doradców międzynarodowych było jednym z najistotniejszych elementów modernizacji wojska ukraińskiego wpływającym obecnie na toczący się konflikt zbrojny na Ukrainie. Jego jednym z elementów było powołanie w 2016 r. Wspólnej Międzynarodowej Grupy Szkoleniowej (ang. Joint Multinational Training Group – Ukraine) na poligonie w Jaworowie. Tok szkolenia ukraińskich żołnierzy miał doprowadzić do istotnego przemodelowania struktur wojskowych do standardów NATO w zakresie organizacji, funkcjonowania oraz dowodzenia. Szkolenie prowadzone na bazie Międzynarodowego Centrum Budowania Pokoju i Bezpieczeństwa na poligonie w Jaworowie realizowane było przez instruktorów z krajów NATO. Na przestrzeni lat 2016–2020 Ukraina przy pomocy zachodnich instruktorów i uzbrojenia skutecznie reformowała swój sektor obronny. W okresie tym państwo ukraińskie doprowadziło do istotnych zmian jakościowych w segmentach związanych z obronnością i bezpieczeństwem
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IAGĂRU, Elena-Lavinia. « MODELLING AND SIMULATION AS A SERVICE (MSaaS) - EVOLUTION OF THE ALLIED FRAMEWORK WITHIN NATO ». INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no 1 (6 décembre 2022) : 517–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-59.

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NATO Modelling and Simulation Group (NMSG), the Alliance's modelling and simulation body, has focused its efforts in recent years on developing the concept of Modelling and Simulation as a Service (MSaaS), which aims to solve the difficulties in terms of cost and interoperability between existing modelling and simulation systems within Member States. The concept is based on cloud computing and Service Oriented Architecture (SOA) and its main objective is to assure improved flexibility, better accessibility and scalability, with lower costs for modelling and simulation applications. Advances in service-oriented architecture (SOA) and cloud computing are an opportunity to improve the use of modelling and simulation capabilities within NATO. MSaaS is based on the idea of being able to use a computer product without a major investment in hardware, software, staff and infrastructure. Thus, the military user can be situated in a central location, while the services offered can be available through the network. The research and development activities of MSaaS within NATO were undertaken by the NATO Modelling and Simulation Group (NMSG) on the basis of a multi-stage structured strategy, which started in 2013. At present, the implementation strategy is in MSaaS Specification and Validation phase, to be completed in 2022.
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Balogh, Péter. « In the focus : NATO Alliance Ground Surveillance System ». Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 12, no 2 (31 décembre 2013) : 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2013.2.1.

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NATO plans to acquire an Alliance Ground Surveillance (AGS) system that will give commanders a comprehensive picture of the situation on the ground. NATO’s operations in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya showed how important such a capability is. A group of Allies intends to acquire five unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and their associated command and control base stations. NATO will then operate and maintain them on behalf of all 28 Allies. At the May 2012 NATO Chicago Summit there were several important topics discussed. The broader public learned the Smart Defence and Alliance Ground Sur- veillance System (AGS) expressions as frequently repeated issues in the politico– military environment. This paper shall highlight the AGS’s necessity, to be set up as a Joint NATO capability giving historical background as well as creating a state of the art Intelligence, Surveillance, Target Aquisition and Reconnaissance (ISTAR) solution for the Alliance.
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Kurečić, Petar. « The “New Cold Warriors” and the “Pragmatics” : The Differences in Foreign Policy Attitudes towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership States among the NATO Member States from Central and South-Eastern Europe ». Croatian International Relations Review 23, no 80 (27 novembre 2017) : 61–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0021.

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AbstractThe post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the “New Cold Warriors” (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the “Pragmatics” (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine “New Cold Warrior”, while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
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9

Harcourt, Alexander H. « Cooperation in Conflicts : Commonalities Between Humans and Other Animals ». Politics and the Life Sciences 11, no 2 (août 1992) : 251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400015252.

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“The Parties to This Treaty…are resolved to unite their efforts for collective defense,” and to a fairly large extent, the nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have done just that for nearly 50 years. “During fights, individuals compare the strength of their own group with that of the opponent. When they perceive that group members locally outnumber opponents, they behave aggressively, recruiting to the battle and cooperating” (Adams, 1990:326). This second quote is not an account of the behavior of NATO soldiers; it is a description of boundary disputes between colonies of a territorial ant, altered only to remove references to ants.
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Mamishova, N. « TURKEY – NATO'S AMBASSADOR IN NAGORNO KARABAKH ? » Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no 2 (54) (2021) : 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2021/2-54/21-25.

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It was in full swing of the 2020 newly-blown Nagorno Karabakh war when during an online press conference following the meetings of NATO Defense Ministers its Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg openly denoted Turkey as the one expected to "use its considerable influence in the region to calm tensions". Amid Armenia's accusations of Ankara allegedly playing a negative role in the conflict, this was a living testament of Turkey being a "valued Ally" of NATO. Pushing a political solution to the conflict, in which NATO was though not part in and around, the Alliance apparently sought to "level the playing field" within the Minsk Process, whose activity was never effective. The peace efforts of the OSCE Minsk Group, co-chaired by Russia and two powerful NATO allies – France and the United States, proved to be obsolete and unhelpful in the long-standing territorial dispute between Yerevan and Baku. Somehow, inserting Turkey into this configuration of powers consequently managed to bring some stability to the region. This study aims at investigating how comes that Russia "sanctioned" having Turkey, another NATO member, as a "certified" player on the field and that Armenia-favoring France let engage the country which has even no diplomatic relations with Yerevan. It concludes consequently that self-positioning of Turkey as a non-conventional NATO ally pursuing an autonomous foreign and security policy has been a critical factor.
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Djukanovic, Dragan. « The Adriatic charter : A shorter way to access NATO ». Medjunarodni problemi 57, no 3 (2005) : 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0503373d.

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The author explores the genesis and ranges of interstate cooperation within the scope of the Adriatic Charter of Partnership, signed in Tirana on May 2, 2003 by Republic of Albania, Republic of Croatia and FYR of Macedonia, and the United States of America. First three member states of the Adriatic Charter Group have been united in their common objective to become an integral part of the NATO. USA gives strong impetus to member states of the Group to implement all the criteria for the membership in NATO promoting the "Open Door" policy. The author analyses Charter of Partnership and evaluates results of the meetings of the Partnership Commission and other mechanisms for interstate co-operation.
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Gergelewicz, Tomasz. « Poland’s Accession to NATO Considering “Partnership for Peace” and the U.S. Perspective ». Safety & ; Defense 6, no 2 (29 juillet 2020) : 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37105/sd.81.

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The accession of Poland to the group of NATO member states was undoubtedly one of the milestones in the modern history of the country and in the direction of strengthening security in the international arena. The whole process was conditioned by various types of determinants: technological, organizational, political and ideological (Kupiecki, 2016). Many publications have been dedicated to Poland's accession to NATO and its later role among the allied members. Nevertheless, there is a lack of particular studies in the professional literature that presents a detailed chronology of Polish pre-accession activities and the diverse opinions of the US administration regarding the enlargement of NATO with new member states recruiting from the former Warsaw Pact. This gap in available literature was a trigger for writing this article with the purpose to present the undertakings of Poland aimed at accession to NATO in the aspect of “Partnership for Peace” and the US point of view. In the research process, two basic methods were employed: analysis and synthesis. The method of analysis was used in relation to the verification of collected literature, normative acts and documents on international security. The method of synthesis was applied for conclusions. The undertaken research on the topic proved that without consistent actions and initiatives conducted by Poland in the international area and without the support of the US, joining NATO would be highly difficult or even impossible. At the same time, a detailed analysis highlighted that the accession of Poland to NATO was and still is mutually and beneficial for Warsaw and Washington.
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ZHENG, Haiqi. « Unravelling the Knot : The Chinese Engagement in Afghanistan ». East Asian Policy 14, no 01 (janvier 2022) : 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000071.

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After the United States and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation’s (NATO) decision in May 2021 to withdraw their troops from Afghanistan, the Chinese government began to examine policy measures to secure its economic and security-related interests. Today, as the Taliban has captured political power in Afghanistan, the world has little clue about dealing with the Islamist group. This article attempts to provide an understanding of the Chinese engagement in Afghanistan since 2001. It analyses some of the policy measures that China undertakes to remain an important player in Afghanistan post-US and NATO forces exit.
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Coman, Marin-Marian, Ghiță Bârsan et Cosmin Piele. « Modelling and Simulation as a Service – an Emergent Concept that Supports the Military Education and Training Process Continuity ». International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 27, no 3 (1 juin 2021) : 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2021-0082.

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Abstract In the last years, the NATO Modelling and Simulation Group (NMSG) has started to develop and put into practice an emergent concept named “Modelling and Simulation as a Service” (MSaaS) with the purpose to provide a permanent service and cloud-based modelling and simulation (M&S) ecosystem to be used by NATO and partner nations. The new M&S ecosystem will help to project and expand the ways of using M&S capabilities for achieving interoperability between participating simulation systems and ensuring credibility of results. This paper presents, on one hand, the development phases of MSaaS, the benefits and steps that have to be done in the future for its implementation at NATO level, and on the other hand, it makes an extrapolation between business continuity concept and MSaaS concept in terms of ensuring the military education and training process continuity when a crisis situation occurs.
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Toader, Iulian, et Bogdan Antoniu. « Romania’s bid to join NATO in the first wave of enlargement : A preliminary assessment based on U.S. documents ». Euro-Atlantic Studies, no 3 (2020) : 109–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2020.3.6.

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Based on declassified documents from the Clinton library and the Department of State, this article examines the U.S. decision in favor of restricting the first round of NATO enlargement to only three new members, thus leaving Romania in the waiting room, despite the massive diplomatic efforts of the new government, resulted from the 1996 elections. The article delves into the connection between the open door policy and the NATO-Russia relationship, arguing that the U.S. decision sought to increase confidence in NATO’s promise of having subsequent accession rounds in order to reduce Baltic pressures for membership, to avoid the perception of a Russian veto over NATO decisions and, eventually, to lessen further Russian antagonism by continuing enlargement in a gradual manner and making thereby the process more acceptable to Moscow. The U.S. approach was to start with a smaller group of the strongest candidates while keeping promising candidates for the next rounds in order to guarantee the credibility of the open door policy.
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Borshch, V., O. Verveyko, M. Svitenko et А. Semiroz. « SOME FEATURES OF THE APPLICATION OF NATO STANDARDS REGARDING ENSURING THE UNIFORMITY OF MEASUREMENTS DURING TESTING OF ARMAMENT AND MILITARY EQUIPMENT ». Наукові праці Державного науково-дослідного інституту випробувань і сертифікації озброєння та військової техніки 15, no 1 (12 avril 2023) : 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37701/dndivsovt.15.2023.04.

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The intensive implementation of NATO standards is due to Ukraine’s course towards full membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Some results of the implementation of NATO standards are given. The results of organizational and regulatory measures carried out to ensure unity of measurements carried out at the present time, as well as a change in the regulatory and methodological foundations of the creation and functioning of the state system of quality assurance are shown. The purpose of the work is to analyze regulatory acts on the implementation and application of NATO standards at the present stage in the field of ensuring unity of measurement in testing and identifying the features and complexities of these processes. Based on the results of the analysis of regulatory documents, conclusions were drawn regarding the change in the status of NATO standards in Ukraine from national to military and the mandatory application of military standards to enterprises, institutions and organizations of all forms of ownership that perform work and provide services for defense needs. Three groups of military standards have been singled out, which directly or indirectly regulate the requirements for ensuring the unity of measurements during testing of armament and military equipment, as well as specific requirements for them for each group. These groups of standards were developed on the basis of the NATO standardization agreements STANAG 4107, STANAG 4370 and STANAG 4704. The regulatory and legal principles and methodological foundations of the creation and operation of the state system of quality assurance according to STANAG 4107, the features of tests according to STANAG 4370, and issues related to the implementation of STANAG 4704 in in full in Ukraine. Certain difficulties in the implementation of NATO standards in Ukraine are noted and some ways to solve them are given.
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POTOČNIK, VIKTOR. « ARMOURED PERSONNEL CARRIER OR INFANTRY FIGHTING VEHICLE IN AN MEDIUM INFANTRY BATTALION GROUP ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (15 septembre 2018) : 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.4.

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Povzetek V članku je predstavljen poseben izziv, ki mu je, po mnenju avtorja, izpostavljena Slovenska vojska z novim paketom ciljev zmogljivosti 2017. Ta namreč predvideva vzpostavitev srednjih bataljonskih bojnih skupin (SrBBSk) z vozili, ki so opremljena s 30 mm topom. Srednja bataljonska bojna skupina predvideva opremljenost z oklepnimi transporterji, zato njeno bojevanje temelji na manevru izkrcane pehote, ne pa na samostojnem bojevanju vozila, ki pehoto izkrca le, če je treba. V tej luči vsebuje opremljanje vozil s 30 mm topom nekaj strokovnih neznank. Menimo, da bo treba za take srednje BBSk najti drugačne doktrinarne rešitve, ki pa jih v Slovenski vojski trenutno nimamo. Nekatere možnosti predstavljamo v tem članku. Ključne besede Slovenija, Slovenska vojska, srednja pehota, srednja bataljonska bojna skupina, bojno vozilo pehote, 30mm top Abstract This article highlights a specific challenge brought into the Slovenian Armed Forces with the latest NATO Capability Targets 2017. This calls for the delivery of Medium Infantry Battalion Groups, equipped with Infantry Fighting Vehicles (IFVs) mounted with cannons. The Medium Infantry Battalion Group, according to the latest NATO capability codes and capability statements (2016), is to be equipped with armoured personnel carriers; consequently its manoeuvre is based on dismounted infantry and not the vehicle. In light of that, equipping the Medium Infantry Battalion Group with a 30mm cannon presents some issues. We need to have a clear doctrinal answer on its employment. Some of the options are presented in this article. Key words Slovenia, Slovenian Armed Forces, medium infantry, medium infantry battalion group, infantry fighting vehicle, 30mm cannon
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Ottestad, William, Tor Are Hansen et Jan Ivar Ksin. « Hypobaric Decompression and White Matter Hyperintensities : An Evaluation of the NATO Standard ». Aerospace Medicine and Human Performance 92, no 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3357/amhp.5710.2021.

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INTRODUCTION: In their seminal work, McGuire and colleagues reported an increased incidence of white matter hyperintensities (WMH) in a cohort of U2 pilots and hypobaric chamber personnel. WMH burden was higher in U2 pilots with previous reports of decompression sickness (DCS), and McGuire's reports have raised concerns regarding adverse outcomes in the aftermath of hypobaric exposures. Accordingly, a NATO working group has recently revised its standard recommendations regarding hypobaric exposures, including measures to mitigate the risk of WMH. Mandatory recovery time for up to 72 h between repeated exposures has been suggested on the basis of experimental evidence. However, we argue that the evidence is scarce which supports restricting repeated exposures to mitigate WMH. It is plausible that WMH is correlated with DCS and emphasis should be made on limiting the duration of exposures rather than restricting short and repeated exposures. The profiles in the NATO recommendations are meant to mitigate the risk of DCS. Still, they will potentially expose NATO Air Force and Special Operations personnel to flight profiles that can give rise to DCS incidence above 35%. Awaiting reliable data, we recommend limiting the duration of exposures and allowing for short repeated exposures.Ottestad W, Hansen TA, Ksin JI. Hypobaric decompression and white matter hyperintensities: an evaluation of the NATO standard. Aerosp Med Hum Perform. 2021; 92(1):3942.
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Blaha, Martin, et Ladislav Potužák. « Meteorological reports in the Perspective Automated Artillery Fire Support Control System ». International Journal of Energy and Environment 15 (26 novembre 2021) : 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.46300/91012.2021.15.16.

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The Czech Republic, as a member of international organizations (NATO, EU, UNO), with respect to current global security environment, employs the units of the army both at its own state territory and outside the Czech Republic in multinational forces operations. The article focuses on preparation of meteorological reports of future Automated Command, Control, and Information system (C2I) in conditions of the Army of the Czech Republic. The issue of automated command, control, and information systems is of high importance in the solving of asymmetrical operations tasks today and in the upcoming future. Define the basic resources for creation of meteorological reports of NATO standards in Network Enabled Capabilities (NEC) conditions. The authors define group of meteorological report for designing a new and by the Army of the Czech Republic required sophisticated Automated Fire Support Control System of Artillery meeting NATO standards in Network Enabled Capabilities (NEC) conditions. The article represents section of a huge defensive research project of Ministry of Defence of the Czech Republic and the Army of the Czech Republic solved by leading scientists of the University of Defence in Brno.
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Odehnal, Jakub. « Military Expenditures and Free-Riding in NATO ». Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no 4 (1 décembre 2015) : 479–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2015-0015.

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AbstractChanges in the security environment after the Cold War and decreasing number of armed conflicts in NATO member states lead these countries to a gradual reduction in military expenditure. However, new security threats that these countries faced at the beginning of the 21st century brought a massive growth of military expenditure especially in the USA which lead to significant deepening of disparities between the USA and European NATO member states. The aim of the article is to investigate disproportionality of burden sharing among 28 NATO members and via multidimensional statistic methods identify free-riding in Alliances. A model based on theory of the demand for military spending provides the basis for an investigation of the disparities (identified especially in the characteristics of the economic and security environment) in determinants influencing military expenditure. Finding suggest that the Alliance is not mainly an economically homogenous body and individual economies thus allocate a significantly different amount of GDP for the needs of the armed forces in dependence on political priorities of individual governments, public finances or overall economic condition of national economies. However, the results of the classification model reveal the fact that group of countries identified as core states of the “traditional” NATO member states (with above-average values of variables) do not allocate the long-term recommended amount of military expenditure of 2% of GDP. These countries are suspected of dangerous free-riding.
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Pane, Abdul Hadi, et Ahmatnijar Ahmatnijar. « Analisi Yuridis Akad Perjanjian Jual Beli Perumahan ». Jurnal El-Thawalib 2, no 6 (31 décembre 2021) : 681–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24952/el-thawalib.v2i6.4788.

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Population growth that is increasingly dense, especially in Indonesia, causes a large community need for a decent settlement. Because housing is a necessity that is very necessary for humans. This is what makes business actors take advantage of housing sales and purchase agreements that are detrimental to consumers whose economy is low and are pressed for housing needs that are livable. So it is feared that it can harm one of the parties who should run in harmony considering that the relationship between the two is a symbiotic mutualism. The problem in this research is the practice of the sale and purchase agreement of cash housing and credit PT. Nato Jaya Group Purwodadi Village, Padangsidimpuan District Batunadua and juridical analysis of the sale and purchase agreement that has been promised by PT. Nato Jaya Group, Purwodadi Village, Padangsidimpuan District, Batunadua.This type of research is field research, where researchers go directly to the field to examine a problem. Sources of data used are primary data and secondary data. Methods of data collection using direct observation, interviews, and documentation.The results of this study and the discussion explain the rights and obligations of the parties in the house sale and purchase agreement are reciprocal. This means that the obligation of the developer (PT. Nato Jaya Group) is the right of the home buyer/consumer. Likewise, the consumer's obligations become the rights of the developer. The developer's obligations include submitting ownership rights to the houses being traded. The obligation to surrender ownership rights includes all actions that are legally required to transfer ownership rights to the house being traded from the seller to the buyer. while the obligation of the buyer/consumer of the house unit is to pay the purchase price at the time and place as determined according to the agreement.
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Lavis, David R., William W. Rogalski et Kenneth B. Spaulding. « The Promise of Advanced Naval Vehicles for NATO ». Marine Technology and SNAME News 27, no 02 (1 mars 1990) : 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/mt1.1990.27.2.65.

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Advanced naval vehicles (ANVs), defined here as surface effect ships (SES), hydrofoils, and small-waterplane-area twin-hull ships (SWATHs), hold significant promise for a number of naval missions, offering advantages in many operational areas. These advantages can extend to life-cycle costs when total force requirements are considered. NATO Special Working Group 6 (SWG/6), of which the United States is a member, has been particularly active in the evaluation of ANVs for various missions. A number of the participating nations have ongoing ANV development programs or have developed point designs for evaluation by SWG/6. This paper describes the SWG/6 organization and provides an introduction to some of these ANV programs. It presents the highlights of a series of antisubmarine warfare (ASW) corvette point designs developed as part of one of the SWG/6 initiatives and describes aspects of their assessment against conventional hull forms. The paper concludes with a description of some new SWG/6 programs.
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Belokhvostkina, D. S., et M. Yu Martynova. « Visegrad Group As the Basis for the Integration of Eastern Europe into Western Structures ». Contemporary problems of social work 6, no 2 (29 juin 2020) : 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17922/2412-5466-2020-6-2-36-43.

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the most important stage of modern international development is integration processes. One of the conflicting regions of the worlds is Eastern Europe. Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary united in the Visegrad group, the purpose of which was the transition to Western values and structures. The main aim of this article is to analyze the integration of Eastern Europe on the example of the Visegrad group. The article discusses the prerequisites for the unification of the Visegrad group, the role of these countries in the EU and NATO and the assistance of the participating States within the organization. The author comes to the conclusion that the Visegrad group is a controversial organization, but the main tasks of its creation were completed.
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Gorodianska, L. V. « MONETARY ALLOWANCE OF MILITARY PERSONNEL OF THE LEADING NATO MEMBER COUNTRIES AND UKRAINE : COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS ». Collection of scientific works of the Military Institute of Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University, no 79 (2023) : 172–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-481x/2023/79-16.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the models of monetary allowance systems for military personnel of the leading NATO member countries and Ukraine for further formation of an effective model of the monetary allowance system for military personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The criteria for the selection of a number of leading NATO member countries for a comparative analysis of models of monetary allowance systems for military personnel have been defined and substantiated, namely, the largest total number of armed forces, financial expenditures for the armed forces, and expenditures for defense needs as a percentage of GDP. Based on these criteria, a group of NATO member countries was formed on a continental basis: North America, Great Britain, and Europe. A detailed analysis of NATO countries' defense expenditures as a percentage of GDP in the period before the beginning of the Russo-Ukrainian war and during full-scale Russian armed aggression was carried out. The principles of formation and functional components of the monetary allowance systems of military personnel of the studied NATO member countries are defined and analyzed, the main of which is basic salary, which takes into account the military rank, years of service, and the corresponding payment grade and additional payments. The procedure and amount of monetary allowance for military personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the calculation of which depends directly on the serviceman's participation in combat operations and on his performance of combat tasks is given. Based on the conducted analysis, common features were established and a generalized model of monetary allowance systems of the leading NATO member countries and Ukraine was built. It is claimed that such a model can be used as a basis for the development of a perspective system of monetary allowance for military personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine according to the scheme "pay for military rank according to the level of responsibility on the position - payment for years of service in a military rank - additional payments and allowances for skills and conditions of service" taking into account the principles of the state-wide labor remuneration system. The study showed that the average salary in the country could be a fundamental indicator in the formation of a new model of the monetary allowance system for military personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
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CONSTANTINOIU, LAURENȚIU-FLORIN, LUIS QUARESMA et EUGEN RUSU. « OCEANOGRAPHIC ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT USING UNDERWATER GLIDERS ». Journal of Marine Technology and Environment 2 (1 octobre 2022) : 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53464/jmte.02.2022.02.

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REP(MUS) 21 is an annual exercise jointly organised by the Portuguese Navy, the University of Porto, NATO’s Centre for Maritime Research and Experimentation (CMRE) and the NATO Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative. The exercise gives Allies and NATO partners a chance to field and evaluate new maritime technologies. A Rapid Environmental Assessment warfare group was formed using Maritime Unmanned Systems to perform an environmental assessment of this area, by collecting data from the upper ocean region (0- 200 m.), sea surface, littoral shallow waters, and river estuary. Underwater Gliders were used in the REPMUS21 exercise, brought by several partners, to conduct environmental observations from the underwater domain of the exercise’s Joint Operations Area (JOA). This paper focuses on the use of SeaExplorer underwater gliders to collect oceanographic data during the exercise, and the operational impact of using this knowledge to compile the Recognized Environmental Picture of the exercise area.
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Talhofer, Václav, Luboš Bělka et Filip Dohnal. « New topographic maps for the Czech Armed Forces ». Proceedings of the ICA 4 (3 décembre 2021) : 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-proc-4-104-2021.

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Abstract. Geographic services of NATO member states produce standardised topographic maps for geographic support of their foreign missions. The MGCP data are used for the maps creation of the scales of 1:50,000 and 1:100,000. Topographic maps used for military training in own territory mostly remain in original form without full standardisation. NATO with support of the Defence Geospatial Information Working Group prepares a new standard for the Defence Topographic Map. The geographic service of the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic has started the preparation process of the new topographic maps edition compliant with the new standard. Two prototypes of map sheets of scales of 1:25,000 and 1:50,000 were created in 2020, which serve for basic verification of map content symbolisation and applied technology. Procedures for generalization of the map content for the scale of 1:100,000 will be completed in next two years.
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Csóka, Attila. « CBRN Decontamination Tasks Supporting Rescue and Extraction Missions in CBRN Environment ». Hadmérnök 15, no 2 (2020) : 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32567/hm.2020.2.3.

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“Search and Extraction” is a NATO capability requirement without definition. The study shows the civilian search and rescue team requirements based on the Guidelines of the International Search and Rescue Advisory Group. A new definition is proposed: “Rescue and Extraction”. In the main part of the study the problems of CBRN decontamination of vehicles, equipment and personnel during a Rescue and Extraction task are discussed.
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Jeschonnek, Friedrich K. « Planowanie operacyjne NORTHAG w okresie zimnej wojny ». Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 24, no 3 (2023) : 127–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh.phw.2023.3(285).0004.

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This article presents the defence planning of the NATO Northern Army Group (NORTHAG), with five corps from the Netherlands, Germany, the UK, Belgium and the USA during the Cold War. It analyses – in the context of the threat at the time – the basic features of defence planning, air-land warfare, as well as the associated command and control processes, and discusses shortcomings and improvements in operational planning.
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T. Vujošević, Anđela. « THE LEXICAL MEANS FOR THE DESCRIPTION OF THE 1999 NATO BOMBING OF YUGOSLAVIA IN THE GERMAN AND SERBIAN PRESS ». Филолог – часопис за језик књижевност и културу 12, no 24 (30 décembre 2021) : 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21618/fil2124165v.

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This paper analyses lexical means for the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in the German and Serbian press in 1999. The theoretical part describes the model of the three-dimensional meaning of Fritz Hermanns, according to which the functions of the linguistic sign can be realised on three levels: cognitive, emotional and deontic. The lexical means for the NATO bombing are first analysed in the empirical part, which were found in 68 thematically relevant articles in the Serbian weekly magazine NIN and in 39 articles in the German magazine SPIGEL during the NATO aggression on FRY from March to June 1999. The results have been also shown quantitatively. An important part of the work is the socio-political context of the selected event, which contributes to the semantic analysis of the found lexical means that have certain semantic meaning within the given discourse. As a starting point of the paper we used Humboldt's thesis, that linguistic diversity actually makes a difference in the world view, so the paper tries to answer the question of how language and selected lexicon form the opinion of an individual or a social group about an event, and how the conflict between political and military forces is presented in two different languages and so reflected in the languages further influences the speakers of these languages.
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Dangerfield, Martin. « The Visegrád Group in the Expanded European Union : From Preaccession to Postaccession Cooperation ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 22, no 3 (16 avril 2008) : 630–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315840.

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This article investigates whether the Visegrád Group (VG) is proving capable of a successful transition from preaccession to postaccession cooperation in the expanded European Union (EU). Prior to EU accession, the VG agenda mainly emphasised political cooperation around strategic goals of EU and NATO membership, acting as an incubation chamber and the organising framework for joint policies and actions. The article finds that pessimistic prognoses for postaccession VG cooperation in circulation around the time of EU entry rather underestimated the VG's staying power and its usefulness as a vehicle for serving some of the requirements and challenges of the actuality of the “return to Europe.” The postaccession agenda seems to have opened up many new avenues for cooperation on both intra-VG and external affairs, including towards the EU, and seems to have given rise to the kind of substantial practical cooperation agenda that eluded the VG during the preaccession period.
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Moro, Nicolae. « Life Cycle of a Military Product ». Scientific Bulletin 23, no 2 (31 décembre 2018) : 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsaft-2018-0013.

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Abstract Romania’s membership of the select group of states belonging to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization brings, in addition to the expected security benefits and assurances and commitments and obligations that we have to assume. The participation of politicians, militaries and Romanian experts in the decision-making within the specialized committees of the NATO structures is an extremely important element for the assertion of Romania as a security guarantor in the area, a hypostasis that was only a vision a few years ago. This role of our country must be supported by strong and powerful military capabilities, capabilities that are hard to reach for many of the countries in Eastern Europe. The economically advantageous and technologically viable solution for a period of time is to acquire advanced military technical systems that are equipped with the great economic powers of NATO, systems used and verified by these armies, revitalized and upgraded, a second life goal.
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Klimkin, Pavlo, et Andreas Umland. « Geopolitical Implications and Challenges of the Coronavirus Crisis for Ukraine ». World Affairs 183, no 3 (12 août 2020) : 256–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020942493.

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Among various geopolitical repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic are redefinitions of the short-term priorities of many international organizations. Among others, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are becoming absorbed by new internal challenges, and are thus even less interested in further enlargement than before. Against this background, Kyiv, Tbilisi, and Chisinau, as well as their Western friends, need to seek new paths to increase the three countries’ security, resilience, and growth before their accession to the West’s major organizations. Above all, an alternative way to decrease Ukraine’s current institutional isolation is to develop more intense bilateral relations with friendly states across the globe, including Germany and the United States. In Eastern Europe, moreover, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova should attempt to create new multilateral networks with post-communist member countries of NATO as well as the EU, and try to become part of such structures as the Three Seas Initiative or Bucharest Nine group.
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Oneal, John R. « The theory of collective action and burden sharing in NATO ». International Organization 44, no 3 (1990) : 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035335.

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Mancur Olson's theory of collective action could account for much of the variance in the defense burdens of the allied nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the early years of the Cold War, but the association between economic size (gross domestic product, or GDP) and defense burden (the ratio of military expenditures to GDP) has declined to insignificant levels. Two influences are shown to be important in producing this change: the increased pursuit of private goods by Greece, Turkey, and Portugal and the growing cooperation among the other European allies. Since cooperation in the military realm has not provided the Europeans with credible means of self-defense, it appears to be a consequence of the general growth of interdependence in Europe during the postwar period. NATO is still essentially a uniquely privileged group producing a relatively pure public good. Accordingly, the theory of collective action continues to provide valuable insights into the operation of the alliance.
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Žižka, Pavel, et Richard Saibert. « Development of the Czech Armed Forces Doctrinal Framework ». Vojenské rozhledy 33, no 1 (31 mars 2024) : 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.33.2024.01.003-020.

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The article deals with the system of joint doctrine development in the Czech Armed Forces (CAF) focused on the operational level of command and control, including the implementation of the NATO doctrines into national conditions. Among others, it was found that the structure and content of the Czech doctrines are not systematically set. Allied doctrines are introduced either by rewriting them into the Czech version or by introducing them in the full English version. In both cases, it might cause inconsistency in military terminology. The Coordinating Committee as the only supervisory body does not have the authority to streamline the process of producing military publications. The most important paper recommendations include alignment of the Czech doctrinal framework with the NATO architecture, adoption of Allied doctrines in the English version including the national specifics, or redistribution of competencies within the processing group. Notwithstanding, the above-mentioned proposals, which indicated high impact, require crucial steps to be taken to implement them.
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Hamilton, Alexander, Jack Barnett, Amy-Mae Hobbs, Konstantinos Pelekanakis, Roberto Petroccia, Ivor Nissen et Dennis Galsdorf. « Towards Secure and Interoperable Underwater Acoustic Communications : Current Activities in NATO IST-174 Research Task Group ». Procedia Computer Science 205 (2022) : 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.procs.2022.09.018.

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Kott, Alexander, Paul Théron, Luigi V. Mancini, Edlira Dushku, Agostino Panico, Martin Drašar, Benoît LeBlanc et al. « An introductory preview of Autonomous Intelligent Cyber-defense Agent reference architecture, release 2.0 ». Journal of Defense Modeling and Simulation : Applications, Methodology, Technology 17, no 1 (8 novembre 2019) : 51–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1548512919886163.

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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Research Task Group IST-152 developed a concept and a reference architecture for intelligent software agents performing active, largely autonomous cyber-defense actions on military assets. The group released a detailed report, briefly reviewed in this article, where such an agent is referred to as an Autonomous Intelligent Cyber-defense Agent (AICA). In a conflict with a technically sophisticated adversary, NATO military networks will operate in a heavily contested battlefield. Enemy malware will likely infiltrate and attack friendly networks and systems. Today’s reliance on human cyber defenders will be untenable on the future battlefield. Instead, artificially intelligent agents, such as AICAs, will be necessary to defeat the enemy malware in an environment of potentially disrupted communications where human intervention may not be possible. The IST-152 group identified specific capabilities of AICA. For example, AICA will have to be capable of autonomous planning and execution of complex multi-step activities for defeating or degrading sophisticated adversary malware, with the anticipation and minimization of resulting side effects. It will have to be capable of adversarial reasoning to battle against a thinking, adaptive malware. Crucially, AICA will have to keep itself and its actions as undetectable as possible, and will have to use deceptions and camouflage. The report identifies the key functions and components and their interactions for a potential reference architecture of such an agent, as well as a tentative roadmap toward the capabilities of AICA.
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Göblyös, Bence. « Report NATO 2030 : Italy in a Changing Alliance ». Hadtudományi Szemle 14, no 4 (2021) : 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2021.4.3.

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In March 2020, a group of experts was appointed by secretary General Jens Stoltenberg to examine the situation of the Alliance in these uncertain times and to provide a proposition for the principles of the Alliance for the coming decade. After the completion, the Report mostly stayed under the radar. My goal is to identify those fields in which Italy can take a leading role, or on the contrary: the fields in which Italy has more to do. During my research, my method was to find the Report’s most significant recommendations and to assess Italy’s position on the issue, trying to find the main implications for Italy. I identified four major fields in which the changing NATO goes lack consensus, and causes intra-Alliance frictions. One of these is the question of Russia. Italy has a good relationship with the old rival, but NATO – not excluding the possibility for cooperation – has a way more negative perspective about Russia. Almost the same stands for China. Italy’s and several other Member States’ relationship with China causes some controversy among the Allied States. Among other factors, these cause strategic divergencies in the Alliance. Different friends and adversaries, different interests and values sometimes make the cooperation hard. Because of this, it is of utmost importance to improve political coordination and cooperation. The most important field, in which Italy can take a leading role is the Southern Strategic Direction. Italy is already a very active player in the Mediterranean region, as it is a vital area in Italy’s security. I believe Italy will have the military and political power, and most likely also the willingness to be among the leading nations in implementing the findings of NATO 2030, if it can maintain or strengthen its position in the Alliance.
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Pasternak, I., L. Yakymynska, V. Olekhnovych et V. Stasiuk. « APPLYING DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE OF COMBAT RATIONS FOR NATO RESPONSE FORCE DURING THE RUSSIAN INVASION ». Collection of scientific works of the National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine 1, no 43 (2024) : 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33405/2409-7470/2024/1/43/307900.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of developing a unified ration for NATO Response Forces. From the available data and the results of the test of a single universal combat ration, it follows that the creation of a universal set of products for all NATO forces, which meets the requirements, would present great risks and was therefore considered inadvisable. Instead, the commanders of specific units of the NATO Response Force were given the authority to select the optimal ration from those existing in NATO member countries that most closely matches the specific operation, taking into account the climatic conditions, the supply chain and the needs of the military. As a result of the work of the research group, the fundamentally important characteristics that influence the consumption of rations by military personnel during the performance of assigned combat tasks. Among them: peculiarities of combat tasks, climatic and geographical conditions of the area where special operations are carried out, the need for additional elements (water, heaters, dishes, etc.), the need for special storage conditions, etc. Features due to cultural, gender, social, religious and other criteria were also highlighted. For the first time, an analysis of the impact of long-term physical exertion on the increase in the need for vitamins and microelements was conducted and the need to increase them in the daily diet was substantiated. Since the task of the researchers was to develop a diet that could be used for 30 days, special attention was paid to the issue of "menu fatigue" and ways to avoid it. Features due to cultural, gender, social, religious and other criteria were also highlighted. Taking into account the criteria determined as part of the work of the HFM RTG-154 research team can be used as a basis for the development of updated options for dry food sets in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and will also be relevant when planning menus for food in field (combat) conditions. This is especially important in the context of hostilities in the face of open Russian invasion, which foresee the likelihood of using d combat ration for a long time.
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Ušiak, Jaroslav, et Dominika Trubenová. « Challenges for Security and Defence Cooperation in Central Europe : Will the EU be able to manage the crisis in the EU periphery ? » UNISCI Journal 18, no 54 (octobre 2020) : 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-102.

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Europe has undergone various security changes in the past and needs to prepare itself for managing the present and future security challenges appearing on the horizon. Within Central Europe, we can see a significant change in its security orientation and a gradual development by continuous involvement in security initiatives such as the current EU-led PESCO. This article aims to show the present Visegrad Group (V4) interest in maintaining an autonomous European security, as well as to analyse the current possibilities and security capabilities of Central European countries. The V4 countries are an important part of NATO and the European Union, even though they are small to medium-sized countries with limited security capabilities. Participation in the creation of collective security under NATO has a stable, several-year position in the countries, but the European Union is on the rise in its security agenda, and that is assumed by the V4 countries with its participation in EU initiatives such as PESCO and the integrated involvement of the V4 in ongoing military projects.
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Ivanov, Ivan Dinev. « Resilience and Vulnerabilities Related to Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine : The Emergence of a New Club of Nato and EU Members ». Baltic Journal of Law & ; Politics 16, no 1 (1 septembre 2023) : 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2023-0006.

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Abstract Тhis article compares and contrasts macro- and micro-foundational explanations about disinformation and resilience in Europe as a result of Russia’s war in Ukraine. It presents micro-level data about the shifting public opinion in Europe after Russia’s invasion in Ukraine on Feb 24, 2022 on the topics of NATO and EU support and favorability, sympathy for Ukraine and condemnation of Russia, including support for sanctions against Moscow (Pew Research Center 2021, 2022). The study compares and contrasts traditional macro-level analytical frameworks such as deterrence, institutionalization and adaptation. I argue that a combination of macro- (or institutional) and micro-level factors (associated with the idiosyncrasies of the domestic public opinion) best explain the shifting attitudes since the beginning of the War in Ukraine. Against the backdrop of NATO and the EU’s increased resilience, a new group or sub-club of “vulnerable” allies has emerged among some central and east European nations. The article evaluates different constraints and vulnerabilities and makes recommendations how to reduce misinformation and contestation in these states.
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Aurisch, Thorsten, Tobias Ginzler, Peter Martini, Roger Ogden, Trung Tran et Hartmut Seifert. « Automatic multicast IPsec by using a proactive IPsec discovery protocol and a group key management ». Journal of Telecommunications and Information Technology, no 2 (25 juin 2023) : 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26636/jtit.2008.2.875.

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Internet protocol based networking is gaining ground in armed forces, leading to a concept described by the NATO as network centric capabilities (NCC). The goal is to enable state-of-the-art, affordable and powerful electronic information services to the troops. A tighter connection of the forces is expected to further enhance the joined strike capabilities. Providing secure information exchange within groups of armed forces is one aspect of the NCC concept. Such group communication is enabled by the multicast feature of the IP technology. Security requirements are met by using the IP security (IPsec) architecture. IPsec enables secure communication between secure private networks via an unsecured public text network. While secure unicast transmission with IPsec is common, only few achievements have been made to secure multicast transmissions. The protection of multicast data traffic of a group in an automated way is described in this document. We utilize an automatic detection of IPsec devices and an efficient key management protocol to reach our aim.
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42

Cabada, Ladislav, et Šárka Waisová. « The Visegrad Group as an Ambitious Actor of (Central-)European Foreign and Security Policy ». Politics in Central Europe 14, no 2 (1 septembre 2018) : 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0006.

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Abstract Even after achieving its goals, i.e. the entrance of member states into NATO and the EU, the Visegrad Group has managed to profile itself as a significant collective actor. Analyses to date clearly show that the group is able to function as a distinct and even key actor in various policies, including those within the EU; this statement is without doubt valid primarily for the region of the European neighborhood policy and the Eastern partnership, but also for enlargement policy and its clear targeting of the Western Balkans. We can also observe a highly proactive approach in issues linked to security, primarily in the energy sector and recently also cyber security. Nonetheless, all of these and many other significant V4 activities have been overshadowed of late by dispute between the group and a significant portion of members states on perspectives regarding the migration crisis including the tools to deal with it or preventive measures to prevent it from continuing or repeating. This stance on the issue, however, can be seen as proof of the relative power and success of the V4.
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43

Shcherbakova, Yulia. « Czech Republic : Defence and Security Strategy within the EU ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 4 (2020) : 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.11.

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The article examines the defense strategy of the Czech Republic. Based on the analysis of government documents («Defense Strategy of the Czech Republic 2017,» «Priorities of the Czech Presidency in V4») reveals the goals and objectives of the Czech Republic in the field of European security and defense at the present stage. The country is an independent element not only of global security, but, due to its geographical location in the middle of Europe, and an important element of European security. The article explores the Czech Republic's position on participation in the Permanent Structured Cooperation on Security and Defense (PESCO), multilateral projects outside the EU, military missions and operations of the EU and NATO, as well as bilateral cooperation and within the Visegrad Group (V4) comprising Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia. The Czech Republic's position on military expenditures is being considered, as well as the problem of coexistence of European military structures and NATO. The Czech Republic intends to develop a single European arms market. This includes mandatory investments in the defense industry and the formation of the European Defense Fund, which will be used to invest in member countries. The Czech Republic actively supports and develops bilateral and multilateral defense cooperation with neighboring countries, as well as in a regional format. Defense regional cooperation focuses on two main areas: cooperation with Germany and within the Visegrad Group. Also it observes risks to Czech defense construction revealed due to Coronavirus pandemic.
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Bazhenova, Olga. « Probability of India Obtaining the Status of a Major U.S. Ally Outside NATO ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 2 (avril 2022) : 255–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.22.

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Introduction. Allied relations between India and United States were based during Barack Obama administration and were further developed with Donald Trump coming to power. The interplay that has intensified between states in recent years can contribute to the creation of a new geopolitical space – the Indo-Pacific region. Trade in arms and military equipment is the catalyst for cooperation and the major non-NATO ally status can create all favorable conditions for thus cooperation. United States and India rapprochement, caused, in particular, by geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific and the change of power in United States, has led to the emergence of discussions in the American political society about assigning India major non-NATO ally status. Seventeen states in various regions of the world already own this status. The methodological basis of the study was made up of the basic research principles of modern humanities: general scientific methods of cognition, comparison, complex analysis and synthesis. Analysis. The legal framework for cooperation between India and the United States in the military-technical area is formed by agreements on technology transfer, organization of joint development and production of weapons: Defense Cooperation Framework Agreement (2005), Arms and Military Technologies Trade Initiative (2012), Updated framework agreement (2015), Memorandum on material and technical exchange (2016), etc. On the basis of these agreements, a number of projects were successfully implemented. Despite the successes achieved in the development of military-technical cooperation, interaction is complicated by the difference in procedural approaches. As one of the ways to remove bureaucratic barriers, inconsistency in the transfer of technology, joint development and production of weapons systems was considered “major non-NATO ally status”. It could become an alternative to the allied security treaty and an addition to the previously concluded agreements. The proposal to grant India major non-NATO ally status was first received from congressmen led by Republican Joe Wilson. Authors recommended to expand bilateral defense and security cooperation to advance U.S. interests in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Despite their efforts, bill did not receive enough votes. In 2019, similar bills were introduced to grant India as MNNA, which have not been implemented yet. Results. There are agreements that have already been implemented in bilateral cooperation. However, the challenge of building the Indo-Pacific region requires the use of all the tools that U.S. has in its arsenal. One of these tools is status. This study has shown that in the foreseeable future India is unlikely to join major non-NATO allies group because its policy has no place for American interests.
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AVSEC, ALEŠ. « BATTLE GROUP TRAINING CYCLE ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/2 (30 juin 2016) : 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.2.6.

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Battalion Battle Group (Bn BG) (U.S. Army term Task Force) is a tool to improve combat capabilities of the entire Slovenian Armed Forces, since it is not just an Infantry battalion, but it includes all the branches and support that comes with it. The main mission of the Bn BG is the training cycle as part of the operation cycle, which is in line with what Defence Law, Military Doctrine and other strategic documents stipulate – “maintaining readiness to execute military defence”. Even though U.S. Army is a much larger force, it still has to go through the same stages of battalion collective training as SAF battalion, which is one of the reasons why U.S. Army battalion cycle was used as comparison. On the other hand it has much more training and war experience, and the SAF has a lot of experience with U.S. Army training. In order to be successful, it is necessary to have a clear Mission Essential Task List (METL), which gives guidance and constitutes a basis for the development of the Unit Training Plan (UTP). It is a waste to perform any training without evaluation, which is why BG evaluation is the final stage of every training. With the assigned mission and METL, developed UTP and clear evaluation standards, SAF Battalion BG training cycles were compared with the U.S. Army in order to improve SAF Bn BG training cycle. Bataljonska bojna skupina (v kopenski vojski ZDA angl. Task Force, NATO – Battle Group) je orodje za izboljšanje bojnih zmogljivosti celotne Slovenske vojske, saj ne gre le za pehotni bataljon, temveč za enoto, ki vključuje vse zvrsti in nujno podporo. Cikel usposabljanja kot del operativnega cikla pomeni poslanstvo bataljonske bojne skupine, kar je skladno z določili Zakona o obrambi, Vojaške doktrine in drugih strateških dokumentov – ohranjanje pripravljenosti za zagotavljanje vojaške obrambe. Čeprav je ameriška kopenska vojska veliko večja, mora skozi enake stopnje kolektivnega usposabljanja bataljona kot bataljon SV, kar je tudi eden izmed vzrokov, da smo za primerjavo izbrali cikel bataljonskega usposabljanja kopenske vojske ZDA. Po drugi strani imajo ameriške enote več izkušenj z usposabljanjem in bojevanjem, SV pa veliko izkušenj z usposabljanji kopenske vojske ZDA. Za zagotovitev uspeha je treba jasno določiti seznam bistvenih nalog (SBN) za izvedbo poslanstva (Mission Essential Task List – METL), ki daje ustrezne usmeritve in podlago za razvoj načrta za usposabljanje enot (Unit Training Plan – UTP). Usposabljanje brez evalvacije je brez pomena, zato je evalvacija sklepna faza vsakega usposabljanja. Na podlagi predpisanega poslanstva, SBN in UTP ter jasnih evalvacijskih standardov smo usposabljanje bataljonske skupine SV primerjali s kopensko vojsko ZDA, da bi tako izboljšali cikel usposabljanja bataljonske skupine SV.
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Turchyn, Yaryna, et Olha Ivasechko. « Challenges for Cooperation of Participating States in the Bucharest Nine Format under the Conditions of the Evolution of the Security Threats on NATO's Eastern Borders. » Humanitarian vision 8, no 1 (2 mai 2022) : 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2022.01.007.

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The article reveals the challenges for cooperation of the participating states in the Bucharest Nine initiatives in the conditions of the evolution of security threats on NATO’s eastern borders. The preconditions, purpose and goals of the Bucharest Nine have been highlighted. The group composition of B9 participants on a territorial basis has been considered, namely: the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania), the Visegrad Four countries (Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and the Czech Republic), and the Black Sea countries (Bulgaria and Romania). The organizational structure of such a regional format within NATO has been represented. The goals of the Bucharest Nine have been concretized both in the Euro-Atlantic dimension and in the regional one, especially in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. The focus is on the resilience and solidarity of B9 member states in their approaches to guaranteeing the European security architecture, including increasing defense spending and its dynamics, supporting Ukraine and its territorial integrity, as well as assessing threats from the russian federation. The current challenges for the development of the B9 initiative have been highlighted, the key ones being: restrained attitude towards the russian policy in the CEE region; various preconditions for action to increase military capabilities; the position of some Western NATO member states on B9 as a pro-American project, etc. It has been concluded that it is expedient to establish B9 format initiatives within NATO in order to “strengthen the voice” of less powerful states in the conditions of transforming the security architecture in the global dimension, mainly in the context of growing military threat from the russian federation in the CEE region.
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Niyazov, N. « Models of Cooperation between Azerbaijan and NATO Member-States ». International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no 2 (2022) : 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.7.

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The article touches upon peculiarities of interaction of the Republic of Azerbaijan with new NATO members in military sphere by the example of Bulgaria and the Czech Republic. The objective of the work is to show that post-Soviet states, having chosen a successful pattern of cooperation with European countries, are able to gain their place on the international arena even not being a member of a European block. To reach the goal the author of the article gives a review of literature covering different aspects of military policy of Azerbaijan and studies the factors that provoked Baku to advance collaboration with Prague and Sofia in military sphere. Historical and genetical scientific method, decision-making system analysis, case study, institutional, and elements of germenevtic method are applied. The results of the research are the following: after the defeat in the First Karabakh war Azerbaijan focused on modernization of economy and military forces while it continued to conduct negotiations on the conflict settlement under the authority of the OSCE Minsk Group. To achieve this goal Azerbaijan started to collaborate with Ukraine, Belarus, Israel, Russia, Turkey, Pakistan, South Africa and other states in military sphere. The improving of mutually beneficial collaboration with new NATO members was an essential focus area. Nevertheless, Azerbaijan tended to solve both military problems including strengthening the potential of armed forces and political problems aimed at receiving support in the Karabakh settlement. The latter played more important role for Baku than purchasing different arms systems, because by the time Azerbaijan had already had access to weapons markets of Israel, Russia, Ukraine, South Africa, Jordan and Turkey. Thus, two patterns of interaction were constructed – the first case concerns the Czech Republic and full-scale military and political cooperation, the second deals with Bulgaria where the military aspect was an approach to the political integrant. The analysis shows that expertly combining military and diplomatic interaction and military and technical cooperation with new NATO members Baku managed to win the support, even if unofficial, and it became obvious in the Second Karabakh war.
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Mokretska, Maryna. « POLAND TOWARDS THE WAR AND INDEPENDENCE IN KOSOVO ». Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no 1 (5 avril 2023) : 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2023-1-5.

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Poland as a member country of the Group has strong economic and military potential in foreign policy and tries to respect the jointly agreed directions of action. Kosovo has become a challenge for Poland of particular importance, because the war starter a few days after country has joined NATO. The research includes analysis of the participation of Poland in the ending of the war in Kosovo, and military involvement through the participation of Polish soldiers in the UN, NATO and EU missions, the participation of Polish politicians in resolving the Kosovo conflict, as well as analysis of the response to the proclaiming of Kosovo's independence. The aim of this article is to develop an evidence-based comprehensive study of the Polish approach to the conflict in Kosovo by showing and analyzing the key features of the conflict as well as the main issues of Polish participation in it. The key pillar of the approaches is a sovereign state acting in accordance with its national interests and important roles played by individual state agencies as well as by non-state, non-governmental and social actors, but also international organizations.
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TRUKHACHEV, Vadim. « Controversial Relations Between Russia and Slovenia ». Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no 4-2020/1-2021 (2021) : 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-1-181-195.

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In the second half of 2021, the presidency of the European Union will be held by Slovenia, admitted to the EU and NATO 17 years ago. This small post-Yugoslav state with a strong Central European identity has a very active foreign policy, which is worth a closer look. In its main directions, Slovenian interests clearly overlap with Russian ones. The Slovenian-Russian relations are rather contradictory, there are different approaches to Russia among the Slovenian elites, but these differences are not as polar and visible as in the Visegrad Group countries or in Austria.
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Jasiecki, Krzysztof. « The Role and Importance of Economic Cooperation of the Visegrad Group Countries in the European Union Since 2015 ». Studia Europejskie - studies in European Affairs 24, no 3 (20 octobre 2020) : 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2020.10.

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The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specifi city of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.
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