Thèses sur le sujet « Nationalist thought »
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1
Misra, Amalendu. « Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1999. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8003.
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2
De, Soumitra. « Development of nationalist thought in Bengal : an enquiry into the dynamics of the patterns of thought (1800-1885) ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/263.
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3
Cornett, Norman F. « The role of religion in Lionel Groulx's nationalist thought ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19475.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the role of religion in the nationalist thought of Lionel Groulx (1878-1967). It attempts to demonstrate that Groulx's understanding of the Incarnation constitutes a paradigm whereby he developed a rationale for the synthesis of Catholicism and French-Canadian nationalism. Chapter 1, the Historical Background, precedes an examination of Groulx's thought in the light of his theological and philosophical education.(Chapter 2) Chapters 3 and 4 explain his construct of the Incarnation. Chapter 5 sets forth Groulx's conception of French Canada based on the Hebrew scriptures. Chapters 6 explores the implications of his incarnational thought for his nationalist pursuits. Chapter 7 summarizes the pivotal idea of "The Primacy of the Spiritual in the Nation," while Chapter 8 sheds light on Groulx's critical, if not negative understanding of Catholic Action. The conclusion reflects on the turn of events in French Canada which evolved so contrary to his aspirations. Despite his myriad activities, prodigious body of work, and such a long, varied career, Groulx remains an enigma primarily due to his transitional role between old religio-nationalist French Canada and secular, contemporary nationalist Quebec. The apologetic intent of his work compounds this enigma since Groulx thereby attempted to apply the conservative social doctrines and praxis of conventional Catholicism to the rapidly changing context of modern, increasingly nationalist Quebec. His thought, therefore, possesses many facets and eludes facile definition. Due to their segregated analyses of Groulx's thought, previous historical, political and ideological studies remain insufficient because they represent largely secular, anachronistic, specifically post-'Quiet Revolution' approaches that truncate the role of religion in the world view of a Catholic priest in French Canada at the turn of the twentieth century. These analyses do not sufficiently take into account the theological principles which shaped his nationalist thought. Writing as editor-in-chief of Le Devoir the day after Groulx died, Claude Ryan declared Groulx "the spiritual father of modern Quebec." However, this assessment largely stands or falls on the place of the 'spiritual' vis-a-vis the 'secular' in Groulx's thought, for the reversal of their respective importance in French-Canadian society announced the advent of modernity in Quebec. In fact, the contemporary debate concerning the proper roles and relationship of the secular and the spiritual in twentieth-century Quebec gave rise to Groulx's apologetic. This study seeks therefore to examine the spiritual and the temporal in Groulx's thought, and how he related the two so that we may come to a better understanding of Groulx's contribution to modern Quebec.
4
Watson, Garry. « "Masters in our own house" : Ulster nationalist political thought 1945-85 ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.580112.
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Despite the fact that many Northern Ireland Protestants themselves would appear to see little inconsistency in professing an oppositional politics undergirded by subjective notions of ethno-cultural particularity - whilst denying the claims of an Irish Nationalism couched in similarly essentialist language - a curious feature of political historiography has been the notable reluctance of some Unionist activists and academic commentators to ascribe ideological significance to the role of an ethno-nationalist 'turn' in Northern Ireland politics. As a corrective to such neglect this thesis sets out to recover the ideological significance of modern Ulster nationalist politics. Charting the historical trajectory of an idea which, in its most developed form, would lead exponents to conclude that in the final analysis, Northern Ireland's interests could be safeguarded only within the institutional context of an independent Ulster state, this study will seek to account for not only the - episodic recurrence of such stratagems at various junctures in Northern Ireland history, but the often imperceptive and diffuse influence of Ulster nationalist ideas on local political discourse more generally. Covering a period of some forty years, from the first systematic exposition of that doctrine in the form of post-war intra-Unionist debates on Dominion status through to the UDA's 'reeling back' from its hitherto enthusiastic support for an independent Ulster state in the wake of 1985' s Anglo- Irish Agreement, this study endeavours to show that notwithstanding the relatively weak political tradition of Ulster independence, the recurrence of ethno-nationalist motifs within Unionist discourse more than attests to the affective salience of this frequently neglected, yet potentially illuminating, interpretative idiom.
5
Blom, Philipp Sievert. « Martin Buber and the spiritual revolution of the Prague Bar Kochba : nationalist rhetoric and the politics of beauty ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360024.
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Ball, William Scott. « Reclaiming a music for England : Nationalist concept and controversy in English musical thought and criticism, 1880-1920. / ». Connect to resource, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220045089.
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7
Rahim-Barakzoy, Sultana. « "Islam is the blackman's religion" syncretizing Islam with black nationalist thought to fulfill the religio-political agenda of the Nation of Islam / ». Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://etd.wvu.edu/etd/controller.jsp?moduleName=documentdata&jsp%5FetdId=3979.
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8
Piquado, Laura. « Discourse on women's education in Egypt during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a convergence of proto-feminist, nationalist, and Islamic reformist thought ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64180.pdf.
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9
Piquado, Laura. « Discourse on women's education in Egypt during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries : a convergence of proto-feminist, nationalist and Islamic reformist thought ». Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30200.
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This thesis explores the development of women's education in pre-independence Egypt from the mid-nineteenth century to 1922. It looks at women's educational facilities and women's access to education through the reigns of Muhammad Ali, Said, Ismail and the British occupation. While the rise in women's educational concerns on a formal level parallels the growth of modernist, Islamic reformist, and proto-feminist thought in the late nineteenth century, the relationship among the three groups vis a vis their respective positions on women's education differs and is therefore examined in the thesis.Research on this topic reveals a correlation between the early women's movement, a strong proponent of women's education, and Egypt's national and Islamic reform movements. As each group espoused a vision of change for Egypt, one secular and the other decidedly more religious, the common denominator for social progress was the unanimous support for advancements, although conditional, in educational policies regarding women. Couched in a context of modernism, the pursuit of freedom from foreign control and the desire for Egypt to develop into a fully productive society, were indispensable aspects of the development of women's education.
10
Quintanar, Zárate Iliana Marcela. « Between Liberalism and Nationalism in Mexico : the Economic Thought of José Yves Limantour ». Economía, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117956.
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The objective of this paper is to ascertain the principles of the economic thinking of José Yves Limantour, and the changes they underwent, to explain the process of transformation of econo- mic liberalism which, as will be seen, tended more toward state intervention; this, incidentally, can be considered as the basis of economic nationalism as developed by the post-revolutionary governments. It follows, then, that the study of Limantour and his economic thinking seeks to explain the transformation process to which the Mexican liberal state was subjected in thelast decade of the 19th century and the first decade of the 20th. The study is divided into two sections, the first of which explores the general characteristics of the liberal state and its transfor- mations from the 1850s through to the 1900s. The second analyses the spheres of the Mexican economy that constituted the main focuses of Limantour’s interventions and regulation.El objetivo del presente ensayo es conocer los principios del pensamiento económico de José Yves Limantour así como sus modificaciones para dar cuenta del proceso de transformación del liberalismo económico que como se verá, tendió más hacia el intervencionismo estatal, el cual dicho sea de paso puede ser considerado como la base del nacionalismo económico desplegado por los gobiernos posrevolucionarios. De ahí pues que el estudio de Limantour y su pensamiento económico pretenda dar cuenta del proceso de transformación del Estado liberal mexicano en la última década del siglo XIX y primera del XX. El trabajo se encuentra dividido en dos apartados, en el primero se estudiarán las características generales del Estado liberal y sus transformaciones desde los años cincuenta del siglo XIX hasta la primera década del siglo XX. En el segundo se analizarán los principales ámbitos de la economía mexicana donde Limantour incurrió en una mayor regulación e intervención.
11
Lapidot, Anat. « Islam and nationalism a study of contemporary Islamic political thought in Turkey, 1980-1990 / ». Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.307865.
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12
Power, Smith Mark. « The 'Young America' movement : nationalism and the natural law tradition in Jacksonian political thought, 1844-61 ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10053617/.
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My PhD thesis explores a nationalist movement from the Northern United States known as ‘Young America’; a group of Jacksonian politicians and writers associated with a publication based in New York City called the Democratic Review. I argue that their political ideology was defined by a new – more cosmopolitan – conception of American nationalism; one based on the idea that ‘popular sovereignty’ at the local level was a ‘natural law,’ or universal right, which would thrive in the absence of government intervention, whether by federal authority in the United States, or the imperial powers of Europe. This central belief shaped four aspects of the ‘Young Americans’ worldview. Firstly, they assigned the federal government a very limited domestic role, promoting states’ rights and free trade. Secondly, they advanced an interventionist foreign policy to defend universal rights beyond American borders. Thirdly, they championed intellectuals as the supreme arbiters of a ‘natural order’ discernible only through reason. Finally, ‘Young Americans’ believed that the ‘natural laws,’ which formed the bedrock of a democratic society, degraded the black race whilst they uplifted the white. However, this view did not translate into a purely pro or anti-slavery stance. Rather, ‘Young Americans’ made a white supremacist case for popular sovereignty and free labor, which called for the extermination or deportation of blacks to tropical regions. Although the movement was ultimately divided between the Democratic and Republican parties, their advocacy of Jacksonian nationalism continued to shape their conflicting views on the sectional crisis. Thus, my thesis highlights the continuing importance of Jacksonian ideology during a decade usually defined in terms of ‘sectional’ tensions over slavery. In the process, it shows that concepts like ‘natural law’ and social progress had wider - and more unexpected - meanings for antebellum Americans than historians have appreciated so far.
13
Salvia, Matthew P. Jr. « Narratives and Nationalisms : The Cognitive Politics of Neoliberal Multiculturalism and Radical Black Thought, 1945-2012 ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1334582386.
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14
McAuley, Evan James. « Musical Thought and Piano Pedagogy : Pancho Vladigerov's Early Piano Compositions, 1915-1934 ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou161884421993399.
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15
Alves, Junior Paulo. « Um intelectual na trincheira : José Honório Rodrigues, intérprete do Brasil / ». Araraquara : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106254.
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Orientador: José Antonio SegattoBanca: Vera Lúcia Vieira
Banca: Wanderson Fábio de Melo
Banca: Milton Lahuerta
Banca: Ângelo Del Vecchio
Resumo: Este trabalho pretende recuperar a trajetória do intelectual carioca José Honório Rodrigues que, ao longo de sua vida, tematizou a respeito da teoria e metodologia da História e, a partir do decênio de 1950, passou a centrar sua obra na produção de uma interpretação da sociedade brasileira. A ruptura dos anos 50 pauta-se pelo ideário assumido pelo autor, isto é, o nacionalismo-liberal, sendo que este foi a base de suas tematizações e de sua interpretação do Brasil. O núcleo interpretativo oferece uma compreensão do país, tendo a conciliação como base de explicação da sociedade, pois a partir dessa reflexão o autor aponta para os momentos em que a liderança política, assumindo a "conciliação" com o povo, proporciona a melhoria nas condições de vida do povo e, dessa forma, evita a prática de uma "História Cruenta" por parte das lideranças antipovo. Essa análise de José Honório foi determinante para sua crítica aos rumos da sociedade no contexto posterior ao golpe civil militar de 1964, denominado o período como "Generalismo presidencial". Sua crítica ao "presidencialismo imperial" dos militares o levou a assumir uma postura de reflexão e posicionando de forma ativa na "Política Externa Independente", a partir de 1965. Sendo assim, nosso intuito é recuperar todo esse contexto que permite a identificação de José Honório Rodrigues como um intérprete da sociedade brasileira
Abstract: This paper to recover the trajectory of intellectual Jose Honorio Rodrigues, who, throughout his life, thematized on the theory and methodology of history and from the decade of 1950, has focused his work in producing an interpretation of society Brazil. Rupture of 50 years is guided by the ideas given by the author, that is, liberal-nationalism, and this was the basis of their analytic themes and their interpretation of Brazil. The core offers an interpretive understanding of the country and the reconciliation as a basis for explanation of society, because from this discussion the author points to times when leadership, taking the "reconciliation" with the people, provides better conditions life of the people and thus avoids the practice of a "grisly history" by the leaders'. This analysis of Jose Honorio was instrumental in his criticism of the direction of society in the context of post-civil-military coup in 1964, called the period as "general president." His criticism of the "imperial presidentialism" of the military led him to assume a posture of reflection and positioning of the active form in the "Independent Foreign Policy" from 1965. Thus, our aim is to restore that environment that allows the identification of Jose Honorio Rodrigues as an interpreter of Brazilian society
Doutor
16
Sawani, Youssef Mohamed. « Arab political thought on Arab nationalism and unity : the 1980s and the dialectic of old and new paradigms (BL) ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498435.
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17
Gedik, Esra. « Ideological Ambivalance Of Motherhood In The Case Of " ». Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609294/index.pdf.
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IDEOLOGICAL AMBIVALANCE OF MOTHERHOOD
IN THE CASE OF &ldquoMOTHERS OF MARTYRS&rdquo
IN TURKEY Gedik, Esra M.S. Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycioglu Co-Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Cem Deveci February 2008, 169 pages The main objective of this thesis is to understand how mothers who lost their sons during the conflicts in East and Southeast of Turkey articulate martyrdom of their sons with nationalism, religion and motherhood
how these women who lost their sons, as a woman and a mother define and express themselves and their experiences after martyrdom. Before their sons are martyrized, these women were ordinary housewives, with the death of their sons, they get a new identity: being a mother of a martyr. In this thesis, it is examined that what being a mother of a martyr means for these women. Moreover, this study attempts to examine certain perceptions and assumptions of these women about nationalism, the state, religion, war and peace after martyrdom. For this aim, this study is based on interviews with mothers who do not realize that they virtually live in a war, on motherhood, war, politics, and peace. Therefore, this research is the study to grasp how discourses of nationalism and religion shape this new identity: being a mother of a martyr. While these women were ordinary housewives before martyrdom, after their sons&rsquo
death, their narratives as mothers of martyrs are cultivated by discourses of nationalism and religion. Consequently, is it possible for these mothers to develop an anti-war discourse as happened for examples in the world?
18
Smittenaar, Richard. « Keeping Europe in order : conservative international political thought in Victorian Britain, 1854-1880 ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/35983.
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Conservative international thought in Victorian Britain is a prominent landmark in the landscape of international thought which has up to now gone unmapped. In illuminating this body of thought, the thesis addresses weaknesses present in three different historiographies. As the first detailed study of conservative international thought in Victorian Britain, the thesis rectifies a marked bias in Victorian intellectual history towards the study of liberal and radical thought. Furthermore, by analysing the political thought of major representatives of the conservative educated classes, this thesis provides context for the history of conservative high politics, thereby leading us to view these in a different light. Finally, this study, by providing a historically nuanced account of the evolution of major themes of international relations theory in mid-Victorian Britain, functions as a corrective to the self-history of the academic field of International Relations. The thesis makes its argument by analysing conservative contributions in periodicals, pamphlets, and newspapers to British public debates on international affairs, from the Crimean War (1854-56) until the Eastern Question crisis of 1876-80. The general claim of this thesis is that there existed a distinctly conservative perspective on the international sphere. The core elements of this conservative perspective were the primacy of statesmen in setting foreign policy; of interests, military force, and stature in determining the course of international politics; and of order and equilibrium as its normative content. Conservative authors used this constellation of ideas in the major debates of the mid-Victorian era on international affairs, both as a means to make sense of events, and as a counterpoint to liberal narratives - with which Victorian international thought is all too often identified. In recovering the international political thought of Victorian conservatives, this thesis illuminates an important but neglected aspect of how international relations were understood and conceptualised in mid-Victorian Britain.
19
Bauhs, James Anthony. « George Orwell As Social Conservative : Populism, Pessimism, and Nationalism in an Organic Community, 1934-43 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278361/.
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This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.
20
Alves, Junior Paulo [UNESP]. « Um intelectual na trincheira : José Honório Rodrigues, intérprete do Brasil ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106254.
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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
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Este trabalho pretende recuperar a trajetória do intelectual carioca José Honório Rodrigues que, ao longo de sua vida, tematizou a respeito da teoria e metodologia da História e, a partir do decênio de 1950, passou a centrar sua obra na produção de uma interpretação da sociedade brasileira. A ruptura dos anos 50 pauta-se pelo ideário assumido pelo autor, isto é, o nacionalismo-liberal, sendo que este foi a base de suas tematizações e de sua interpretação do Brasil. O núcleo interpretativo oferece uma compreensão do país, tendo a conciliação como base de explicação da sociedade, pois a partir dessa reflexão o autor aponta para os momentos em que a liderança política, assumindo a “conciliação” com o povo, proporciona a melhoria nas condições de vida do povo e, dessa forma, evita a prática de uma “História Cruenta” por parte das lideranças antipovo. Essa análise de José Honório foi determinante para sua crítica aos rumos da sociedade no contexto posterior ao golpe civil militar de 1964, denominado o período como “Generalismo presidencial”. Sua crítica ao “presidencialismo imperial” dos militares o levou a assumir uma postura de reflexão e posicionando de forma ativa na “Política Externa Independente”, a partir de 1965. Sendo assim, nosso intuito é recuperar todo esse contexto que permite a identificação de José Honório Rodrigues como um intérprete da sociedade brasileira
This paper to recover the trajectory of intellectual Jose Honorio Rodrigues, who, throughout his life, thematized on the theory and methodology of history and from the decade of 1950, has focused his work in producing an interpretation of society Brazil. Rupture of 50 years is guided by the ideas given by the author, that is, liberal-nationalism, and this was the basis of their analytic themes and their interpretation of Brazil. The core offers an interpretive understanding of the country and the reconciliation as a basis for explanation of society, because from this discussion the author points to times when leadership, taking the reconciliation with the people, provides better conditions life of the people and thus avoids the practice of a grisly history by the leaders’. This analysis of Jose Honorio was instrumental in his criticism of the direction of society in the context of post-civil-military coup in 1964, called the period as general president. His criticism of the imperial presidentialism of the military led him to assume a posture of reflection and positioning of the active form in the Independent Foreign Policy from 1965. Thus, our aim is to restore that environment that allows the identification of Jose Honorio Rodrigues as an interpreter of Brazilian society
21
Salomão, Ivan Colangelo. « O desenvolvimento em construção : um estudo sobre a pré-história do pensamento desenvolvimentista brasileiro ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/87331.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Assunto recorrente na literatura econômica, o desenvolvimentismo latino-americano passou a ocupar a agenda da pesquisa acadêmica a partir dos anos 1950, quando a sua gênese e o seu significado histórico como fenômeno econômico e político tornaram-se objeto de estudo de distintos cientistas sociais. Este trabalho parte da concepção de que, em suas origens, três foram as correntes as quais se amalgamaram para a sua formação: nacionalismo, industrialização e papelismo. Assim, embora haja relativo consenso de que, no Brasil, a política desenvolvimentista aparece de forma mais nítida após 1930 com o processo de substituição de importações, esta tese propõe-se a analisar a obra de três autores, típicos representantes de cada uma dessas vertentes, com o propósito de levantar evidências para robustecer a hipótese de que se trata de um fenômeno cuja origem remonta ao final do século XIX. Para tanto, destaca-se a originalidade do pensamento de Serzedello Correa, Amaro Cavalcanti e Rui Barbosa, autores os quais, em período de pleno domínio da ortodoxia econômica, procuraram não apenas afastar-se do paradigma tradicional, como também avaliar a pertinência de tais ideias ao que entendiam ser a realidade de um país exportador de produtos primários. Indo além, fizeram uma precoce e enfática defesa da intervenção estatal, da industrialização e da necessidade de “construção nacional”, motivo pelo qual podem ser considerados como precursores do desenvolvimentismo brasileiro que ganhou expressão ao longo do século XX.A recurrent issue in economic’s literature, Latin-American developmentalism started to occupy the academic research agenda from the 1950’s on, when its genesis and its historical meaning as an economic and political phenomenon became the object of study of several social scientists. This work stems from the conception that, in its origins, there were three elements which amalgamated for its formation: nationalism, industrialization and papelism. This way, despite the consensus that, in Brazil, the developmentalist policies appear in a clearer way after 1930 with the importation substitution process, this thesis aims to analyze the oeuvre of three authors, typical representatives of these currents of thought, with the purpose of bringing out evidences to fortify a hypothesis related to a phenomenon whose origins remounts to the end of XIX century. In order to achieve this, it highlights the originality of Serzedello Correa, Amaro Cavalcanti and Rui Barbosa’s economic thoughts, which attempted not only to move away from the traditional paradigm, but also to adapt and validate the relevance of those ideas to what was deemed to be the country’s reality, marked as a primary products export economy. Moreover, they made a premature and emphatic defense of the industrialization and of the necessity of a “national breeding”, reasons why they can be considered one of the Brazilian and Latin-American developmentalist precursors that gained importance along the XX century.
22
Nordlund, Christer. « Det upphöjda landet : vetenskapen, landhöjningsfrågan och kartläggningen av Sveriges förflutna, 1860-1930 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-56808.
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Taking the establishment of Ice Age theory as its point of departure, the present dissertation examines aspects of geological, plant geographical and archaeological research on shoreline displacement conducted in Sweden during the period 1860-1930, and the significance of this research for the perception of "the Swedish landscape" and its post-glacial history. The research is analyzed on three levels under the rubrics "The Highest Shoreline and the Ancylus Lake", "The Question of Land Elevation", and "Charting Swedens Past", respectively. Taken together, these levels capture the varying perceptions and exchanges of opinion of the nature of shoreline displacement and the contexts in which they were applied. The present study is conducted via a theoretical and methodological approach where both the ideas and the practices of science are studied: activities in the field and at the various institutions (primarily the Swedish Geological Survey, its museum and the Geological Society of Stockholm); arguments and hypotheses presented in artides and handbooks, including visual images, diagrams and maps; social networks, career paths and controversies. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between science and nationalism, and comparisons are made with research conducted in an imperialist context. Ice Age theory helped initiate research whose purpose was to discover how the Swedish naturai and cultural landscape carne into being. The foremost task of geology became studying geographic evolution during the Quaternary epoch, how the land had "risen from ice and water". Plant geography studied how and whence plant life had migrated and how vegetation had evolved under the influence of biological, geological and climatological factors. In a similar manner, archaeologists studied the migration and dissemination of mankind during the StoneAge. When natural scientists primarily used "natural landmarks" as its source material, archaeologists relied on "archaeological finds", which were invested with scientific value but also became symbols of national collective memory. Through this survey, national identity was unifìed with the territory itself and its evolutionary history. Knowledge about shoreline displacement became significant for geology, plant geography and archaeology, which in turn encouraged interdisciplinary collaboration, but also locked the researchers into a similar way of thinking about the nature of shoreline displacement. According to this "thought style", the phenomenon was first and foremost the result of the vertical movement of the land rather than movement in the ocean surface. Up until the 1870s, the Ice Age was thought to have been followed by one single subsidence and elevation; during the 1880s, two such land oscillations; three during the 1910s and by the 1920s, five. Only toward the end of the 1920s did Swedish researchers begin to accept a multi-factor explanation, which succeeded in finally subverting the reigning thought style. According to this explanation, shoreline displacement was not solely the result of changes in the land or the sea, but of both.digitalisering@umu
23
Griot, Witold. « Pouvoir communiste, histoire et discours national : la question de l'appropriation des territoires recouvrés par la Pologne (1945-1961) ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H064.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La présente thèse de doctorat étudie la place du mouvement historiographique de la « pensée occidentale polonaise » dans le système de pouvoir de la Pologne communiste de 1945 à 1961. Elle resitue d’abord cette école historiographique dans le temps long, en remontant à la moitié du XIXe siècle. Elle cherche à comprendre ensuite les contextes de fabrication du discours occidental qui légitime le « retour » des territoires recouvrés à la Pologne après 1945 : sortie de guerre de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, Guerre froide, stalinisme et dégel de Gomułka après l’Octobre polonais de 1956. Elle met en avant les différentes générations de spécialistes et d’universitaires ainsi que le réseau scientifique occidental qui contribuent à forger l’argumentaire polonais. Ce dernier est d’une très grande diversité, de sorte que l’on peut en fait parler de trois discours occidentaux. Un discours occidental national entend montrer la polonité des territoires recouvrés en s’appuyant sur des arguments historiques ou géographiques, tandis qu’un discours occidental plus pragmatique s’attache surtout à démontrer les bénéfices de ce changement territorial pour la Pologne et l’Europe. Enfin, un discours occidental communiste insiste avant tout sur les bienfaits de la translation de la Pologne vers l’Ouest pour la construction du communisme en Pologne et pour le Bloc de l’Est. Dans un dernier temps cette thèse permet de préciser la nature des liens entre communisme et nationalisme dans le cadre de la République populaire de Pologne en examinant l’utilisation de ce discours par le pouvoir communiste et son influence sur les pratiques de pouvoir communistes. C’est aussi l’occasion d’étudier les modalités de diffusion de ce discours vers la société polonaise en se penchant sur les différents relais à disposition du pouvoir. Cette thèse se veut ainsi une contribution à l’histoire des historiographies centre européennes et des mécanismes de légitimation des autorités au sein des démocraties populairesThe present doctoral dissertation studies the place of the historiographical movement of the « Polish western thought » within the system of power of communist Poland between 1945 and 1961. It first looks at this historiographical school over a long period of time by tracing it back to the middle of the 19th century. It then intends to shed the light on the circumstances of the birth of the western discourse which legitimates the « return » of the recovered territories to Poland after 1945 : the ending of the Second World War, the Cold War, Stalinism and the thaw of Gomułka after the Polish October of 1956. It highlights the different generations of specialists and scholars as well as the western scientific network who contribute to forging the Polish rationale. The latter being very diverse, one may actually distinguish three western discourses. First, a western national discourse aims at proving the Polishness of the recovered territories by relying on historical or geographical arguments. Secondly, a more pragmatic western discourse focuses on demonstrating the advantages of this territorial change for Poland and Europe. Finally, a communist western discourse insists on the benefits of Poland’s translation toward the West for the building of communism in. Poland and for the Eastern Bloc. Lastly, this doctoral dissertation specifies the nature of the links between communism and nationalism in relation to the Polish People’s Republic by looking at how this discourse is used by communist power and how it influences on communist power practices. At the same time, this gives us the opportunity to study the ways in which this discourse spreads in Polish society by taking a closer look at the different relays available for the power. This doctoral dissertation is meant to contribute to the history of central-Europe historiographies and that of legitimation mechanisms used by authorities in popular democracies
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Loeffler, David. « Contested Landscapes/Contested Heritage : history and heritage in Sweden and their archaeological implications concerning the interpretation of the Norrlandian past ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Department of Archaeology and Sami Studies, University of Umeå, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-423.
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Diéguez, Cequiel Uxío-Breogán. « Nacionalismo galego. Desarticulación, resistencia e rearticulación (1936-1975) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/287058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O obxectivo da presente Tese de Doutoramento é debullar o desenvolvemento das distintas etapas do nacionalismo galego entre o golpe militar reaccionario de xullo do 1936, e a súa antesala republicana, até a creación dunha nova plataforma política patriótica galega no propio país: a Asemblea Nacional-Popular Galega (AN-PG). Un período de catro décadas no que distinguimos tres tempos no referido ao tecido patriótico na Galiza e alén mar: un primeiro de desarticulación, un outro de resistencia e un final de rearticulación político-organizativa. Este último desenvolverase na última década, a partir do 1963 co efímero Consello da Mocidade, cristalizando o cambio de ciclo na AN-PG, nacida clandestinamente no ano 1975, inmediatamente antes da morte do dictador Francisco Franco Baamonde (1892-1975). Nesta liña, pretendemos dar luz á resposta que o nacionalismo galego desenvolvería diante da queda republicana; afondando, aliás, no longo exilio que se abriría tras a vitoria fascista. Albíscanse, neste senso, os programas e proxectos que substentaron o axir galeguista alén e aquén mar, seguindo para aquela realidade a figura central e común denominador representado por Daniel Rodríguez Castelao (1886-1950), así como para este a reconstrución do movemento nacionalista na clandestinidade franquista, con Ramón Piñeiro (1915-1990) como activo destacado, dunha banda, e a creación da Unión do Povo Galego (UPG), doutra, como maior referencia dos novos tempos a partir do ano 1964.L'objectiu de la present Tesi de Doctorat és esmicolar el desenvolupament de les diferents etapes del nacionalisme gallec, entre el cop militar reaccionari de juliol del 1936 fins a la creació d'una nova plataforma política patriòtica, la Asemblea Nacional-Popular Galega l'any 1975 (i del Bloque Nacional-Popular Galego en el 1977), una vegada desapareguda la figura central de la dictadura que s'obria pas a partir del moviment sediciós: el general Francisco Franco Baamonde (1892-1975). En aquesta línia, pretenem posar llum a la resposta que el nacionalisme gallec donarà a la caiguda republicana, esbrinant en el llarg exili que s'obriria després de la victòria feixista. Albirant el programa i projecte que sustentarà l'obrar galleguista amb la figura central de Daniel Rodríguez Castelao (1886-1950) al seu cap en el exili, i la reconstrucció del moviment nacionalista en la clandestinitat franquista i primer post-franquisme en Galiza, amb Ramón Piñeiro (1915-1990) com a actiu destacat, d'una banda, i la creació de la Unión do Povo Galego (UPG), d'altra banda, com a major referència del nou temps, a partir de l'any 1964.
This PhD Dissertation focuses on the phases of the development of Galician Nationalism, from the right wing coup d’etat of 1936 and the republican years that preceded it, to the creation of a new patriotic political platform in Galicia, the Asemblea Nacional-Popular Galega (AN-PG). In this four-decade period three basic moments can be established: desarticulation; resistance, and rearticulation in administrative and political terms. The last phase takes place in the last decade, which starts in 1963 with the short-lived Consello da Mocidade and ends with the clandestine birth of the AN-PG in 1975, just before the death of the dictator, Francisco Franco Bahamonde (1892-1975). Within this framework, we intend to throw light on the response of Galician Nationalism to the defeat of the II Republic, focusing on the long exile that followed the fascist victory. There were programs and projects which sustained nationalist dynamism both at home and overseas. Daniel Rodríguez Castelao (1886-1950) acted as a central and cohesive force in exile. Regarding the clandestine reconstruction of the nationalist movement in Galicia under Franco’s regime, we need to consider, one the one hand, Ramón Piñeiro López (1915-1990) and, on the other, the creation of the Unión do Pobo Galego (UPG) as the major organizational reference in this new time from the year 1964.
El objetivo de la presente Tesis de Doctorado es desgranar el desarrollo de las distintas etapas del nacionalismo gallego, entre el golpe militar reaccionario de julio del 1936 hasta la creación de una nueva plataforma política patriótica, la Asemblea Nacional-Popular Galega en el 1975 (y a partir de aquellas de otras realidades organizativas, caso del Bloque Nacional-Popular Galego en el 1977), inmediatamente antes de desaparecer la figura central de la dictadura que se abría paso a partir de aquel movimiento sedicioso: el general Francisco Franco Baamonde (1892-1975). En esta línea, pretendemos poner luz a la respuesta que el nacionalismo gallego daría frente al derrumbamiento republicano, averiguando su realidad en el largo exilio desarrollado a partir de la victoria totalitarista, vislumbrando el programa y proyecto que sustentaría la actuación galleguista en el exilio, con la figura central de Daniel Rodríguez Castelao (1886-1950) a su cabeza, y la reconstrucción del movimiento nacionalista en la clandestinidad franquista, y primero post-franquismo, en Galiza con la figura central de Ramón Piñeiro López (1915-1990), por una parte, y la creación de la Unión do Povo Galego (UPG), por otra, como referencia organizativa central desde el año 1964.
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Lima, Nelci Vieira de. « Questões ortográficas no foco da Historiografia Linguística : continuidades e descontinuidades no pensamento linguístico manifestado no séc. XVI e no séc. XXI ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/14375.
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This thesis is based theoretically on Historiography Linguistics, discipline whose methods instituted by Koerner (1996, 2014) and Swiggers (2009, 2012), allow us to draw our object of study, namely: the linguistic thought expressed by men of the century sixteenth and twenty first century about the orthographic issues involving the Portuguese language within the established time clippings. Serve in the theoretical basis also the work of Auroux (2009), whose considerations aim at the historian's role specification of linguistic ideas, which in our view is consistent with our role of historiographers of linguistics. As to the objectives, that approach prompts us to the understanding of how to unveil not only the linguistic thinking, but also political and ideological positioning of the Renaissance grammarians of Portuguese, Joao de Barros and Fernão de Oliveira, as well as the Portuguese intellectuals the twenty-first century, Vasco Graya Moura and Antonio Emiliano - who demonstrated against the Orthographic Agreement of 1990 - about the linguistic and orthographic issues of language. Corroborates the justification for carrying out our work, the prospect of Schilieben-Langue (1993, p.138), who matter to the description of the history of argumentative communities in which they discuss issues that relate to languages. Thus we have the background of human intervention in the language, or rather the Linguistic Policy, and more specifically, the issue of orthographic standard that is recurrent in history. As a hypothesis, we suggest that there is a confluence between the linguistic thought of men of two seasons marked precisely by their political-ideological attitude towards the language and orthographic issues. Now, taking into account that our analysis is constructed in order to relate ideas and linguistic practices in its social, cultural, political and institutional context (Cf. Swigger, 2009), and that the methodology of historical writing, which involves aspects of categorization, deep categorization and well-structured exhibition which allows the past to be rebuilt according to the categorization of the historian (Swiggers, 2012, p. 43), we can say, regarding the conclusions reached, this research fits into the hall a much continuist historiography, than, exactly, discontinuist. Aside from that, we can also say that what we had achieved here is the realization of a two historiographical dialogue, however, marked by an intersection point, which is observed by the very parallelistic structure of the writing of the thesis. Getting marked, precisely at this point of intersection, the continuities in the linguistic thought of the men of the two centuries that have positioned themselves politically and ideologically, before the language, worrying about the orthographic issues existing at different historic moments. Finally, we conclude that these men demonstrated, above all, a sense of ownership linked to a nationalist defense of the Portuguese language
Esta tese fundamenta-se teoricamente na Historiografia Linguística, disciplina cujos métodos, instituídos por Koerner (1996, 2014) e Swiggers (2009, 2012), permitem-nos delinear nosso objeto de estudo, qual seja: o pensamento linguístico manifestado pelos homens do século XVI e do século XXI a respeito das questões ortográficas que envolveram a Língua Portuguesa nos recortes temporais estabelecidos. Serve-nos de base teórica também o trabalho de Auroux (2009), cujas considerações visam a especificação do papel do historiador das ideias linguísticas, o que a nosso ver, se coaduna com o nosso papel, de historiógrafos da linguística. Quanto aos objetivos, este percurso impele-nos ao entendimento da forma como se desvelam, não só o pensamento linguístico, mas também o posicionamento politico-ideológico dos gramáticos renascentistas da língua portuguesa, João de Barros e Fernão de Oliveira, assim como dos intelectuais portugueses do século XXI, Vasco Graça Moura e Antônio Emiliano - que se manifestaram contra o Acordo Ortográfico de 1990 - a respeito das questões linguísticas e ortográficas da língua. Corrobora com a justificativa para a realização de nosso trabalho, a perspectiva de Schilieben-Langue (1993, p.138), para quem importa fazer a descrição da história das comunidades argumentativas, nas quais se discutem questões que dizem respeito às línguas. Assim, temos como pano de fundo a intervenção humana na língua, ou melhor, a Politica Linguística, e mais especificamente, a temática da norma ortográfica que se faz recorrente na historia. Como hipótese, sugerimos que haja uma confluência entre o pensamento linguístico dos homens das duas épocas, marcado, justamente, por sua postura política-ideológica frente à língua e as questões ortográficas. Ora, levando em consideração que nossa analise se constrói de forma a relacionar ideias e práticas linguísticas a seu contexto social, cultural, politico e institucional (Cf Swigger, 2009), e ainda que a metodologia da redação histórica, que envolve os aspectos de categorização, categorização profunda e exposição bem estruturada, que permite que o passado seja reconstruído de acordo com a categorização do historiógrafo (Swiggers, 2012, p. 43), podemos afirmar, em relação as conclusões obtidas, que esta pesquisa se insere no hall de uma historiografia muito mais continuísta, do que, propriamente, descontinuaste. Afora isso, resta-nos dizer que o que, aqui, se concretizou foi a realização de dois diálogos historiográficos, porem, marcados por uma ponto de intersecção, que se observa pela própria estrutura paralelística da redação da tese. Ficando marcadas, justamente nesse ponto de intersecção, as continuidades no pensamento linguístico dos homens, que se posicionaram, politica e ideologicamente, nesses dois séculos, perante a língua, preocupando-se com as questões ortográficas que a envolveram em diferentes épocas. Por fim, concluímos que esses homens demonstraram, sobretudo, um sentimento de posse vinculado a uma defesa nacionalista da língua lusitana
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Andrade, Yara Rodrigues de. « (Im)possível nação : o Brasil de Manoel Bomfim e de Paulo Prado no início do século XX ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2803.
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Since the French Revolution, nation became a strong theoretical reference to the organization of the human communities in Europe and, arriving at the 20th century, this idea was disseminated to other continents. In many countries, the debates about nation as reality or project were performed in racialist terms. This happened in Brazil, in a very peculiar way, because marked by the long existence of the slavery. Guided by theories of inferior races, many Brazilian thinkers have doubted that a country of mestizos and mulattos would be feasible. This research, exploring the set of the age, aims to emphasize and compare the studies of two authors on national things and themes. We intend to verify the influence of the European doctrine in their reflections and understand the conception that each author has of nation in general and about the possibility of a nation be constituted in this country situated on the tropics. This work has three chapters. In the first, there is a brief account of some of the principal outlooks about nation and, next, we insert the conceptions of Manoel Bomfim e Paulo Prado. In the second chapter, is examined the influence of the notion of race in the Brazil s process of constitution and how it was interpreted by both authors. In the last chapter, we search to examine the prominence given to the Paulistas by the two authors inhabitants of the Brazilian state of São Paulo , personified by the Bandeirantes, which would act to consolidate the new nation redesigning the map of Brazil and including the native in the rising society
Since the French Revolution, nation became a strong theoretical reference to the organization of the human communities in Europe and, arriving at the 20th century, this idea was disseminated to other continents. In many countries, the debates about nation as reality or project were performed in racialist terms. This happened in Brazil, in a very peculiar way, because marked by the long existence of the slavery. Guided by theories of inferior races, many Brazilian thinkers have doubted that a country of mestizos and mulattos would be feasible. This research, exploring the set of the age, aims to emphasize and compare the studies of two authors on national things and themes. We intend to verify the influence of the European doctrine in their reflections and understand the conception that each author has of nation in general and about the possibility of a nation be constituted in this country situated on the tropics. This work has three chapters. In the first, there is a brief account of some of the principal outlooks about nation and, next, we insert the conceptions of Manoel Bomfim e Paulo Prado. In the second chapter, is examined the influence of the notion of race in the Brazil s process of constitution and how it was interpreted by both authors. In the last chapter, we search to examine the prominence given to the Paulistas by the two authors inhabitants of the Brazilian state of São Paulo , personified by the Bandeirantes, which would act to consolidate the new nation redesigning the map of Brazil and including the native in the rising society
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LI, JI-SHU, et 李姬淑. « A comparative study on the nationalist thought on physical education in modern China and Korea ». Thesis, 1991. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38667980086733586956.
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Chang, Che K''uei, et 張哲魁. « A Study on Liang Ch''i Ch''as''s Thought of Nationalism and State ». Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/22826696212980046891.
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Arrison, Sonia. « Freedom, democracy, and nationalism in the political thought of Pierre Elliott Trudeau : a conversation with Canadians ». Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4252.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pierre Elliott Trudeau's ideas on liberal democracy and political philosophy are relevant to
Canadian life. He is a modern liberal democrat with a vision of the 'Good' society - what he
terms the Just Society. The values of a Just Society are numerous, but perhaps, the most
important are freedom, equality, and tolerance. These values are core to his theory and are
often revealed in his battle against nationalism. Trudeau is radically opposed to notions of
ethnic nationalism, such as French Canadian and Aboriginal nationalism, but he supports a type
of civic nationalism within a federal, pluralistic system. In his dislike for nationalism, Trudeau
is similar to Lord Acton, who has had a major influence on his work. Trudeau also shows
thought similar to John Locke, J.S. Mill, I. Berlin, de Tocqueville, Publius, and John Rawls.
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Regan, Jayne Patricia. « National Landscapes : The Australian Literary Community and Environmental Thought in the 1930s and 1940s ». Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/132934.
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In 1944 Nettie Palmer, a leading figure in the Australian literary community, asked ‘what is the human value of this last Continent, which stepped straight into the age of industry, world-communications, world-wars, and accepted them all?’ Her question, posed at the height of World War Two, captures well the anxieties that drove Australian literary production across the 1930s and 1940s. During these decades the atmosphere of international catastrophe mingled with a variety of distinctly Australian colonial insecurities and incited a literary effort to enhance the country’s cultural ‘value’. Writers set themselves the task of ushering in an era of cultural ‘maturity’ in Australia as a bulwark against a variety of perceived external and internal threats. This thesis explores the ways that the Australian environment was co-opted into this mission. I argue that unlocking the supposedly untapped and elusive spiritual and material potential of the continent was considered a critical step toward both economic prosperity and national and cultural adulthood. Writers responded to environmental events and problems that were specific to the 1930s and 1940s: their writing registered changing approaches to closer settlement, the rise of institutionalised science, the environmental implications of new technologies and an emerging ecological consciousness. Their imaginative engagement with these processes – available to us in the books, poems, stories and letters they left behind – reveal the ways that contemporary environmental issues provoked and deepened literary concerns about white Australian belonging on the continent. This thesis is a fusion of historical, literary and environmental approaches. I highlight specific authors – Nettie Palmer, Henrietta Drake-Brockman, Frank Dalby Davison and Brooke Nicholls, M. Barnard Eldershaw, Ian Mudie, William Hatfield and Flexmore Hudson – who wrote directly or indirectly about the Australian landscape in the 1930s and 1940s. Although they did not always share a unified environmental, political or even literary sensibility, this cohort was united by a sense of the social responsibility of writers and a desire to locate in Australia’s varied landscapes a national culture that they hoped would prove robust in the face of the catastrophes of the early to mid-twentieth century.
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Liang, Shih-Yu, et 梁世佑. « From Race to Nation : A Study of Liang Ch''i-ch''ao''s Thought of Nationalism(1895-1903) ». Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72383388456893378742.
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Bottura, Juri. « Spiritual regeneration and ultra-nationalism the political thought of Pedro Albizu Campos and Plínio Salgado in 1930s Puerto Rico and Brazil / ». Diss., 2009. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/available/etd-03292009-194219/.
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TERRIER, Jean. « What nations are, how they think : transformation and diffusion of the ideas of national character' and national traditions of thought in France, 1860-1920 ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5402.
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Defence date: 18 June 2004Examining board: Prof. Michael Werner (École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris) ; Prof. Raymond Geuss (University of Cambridge) ; Prof. Gianfranco Poggi (Università degli Studi di Trento and EUI) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI, Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Lloyd, Stephen James. « Justifying and unraveling apartheid : mission thought and the public theologies of David Bosch, Nico Smith, and Carel Boshoff, 1948-1994 ». Thesis, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38996.
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This dissertation analyzes the careers of three Afrikaner missionaries, David Bosch, Carel Boshoff, and Nico Smith, who gained international reputations for pioneering alternatives to the South African Nation Party’s (NP) policy of apartheid over the second half of the 20th century. Afrikaners looked to missionaries to be moral leaders on questions of race relations, and missionaries’ public theologies carried significant moral weight. While numerous historians have argued that from the 1930s through the 1950s Afrikaner missionaries played a key role in developing and promoting the moral basis of apartheid in South Africa, they have not, however, addressed how Afrikaner missionaries responded to the political, social, and moral failure of apartheid.
By the 1970s, the dissonance between the ideal and the actual implementation of apartheid led Bosch, Smith, and Boshoff—by that time leading public theologians—to a crisis of confidence in the NP, and they began to endorse divergent moral visions for the country’s future. David Bosch and Nico Smith embraced racial unity while Carel Boshoff pursued ethnic separatism. By the mid-1970s, Bosch became a leading proponent of “reconciliation,” which gave Afrikaners new moral language for thinking about themselves as part of a non-racial society. By the mid-1980s, both Bosch and Smith were key leaders in ecumenical and interracial organizations that endorsed a negotiated end to apartheid. They helped to form a growing interracial solidarity of Christians that encouraged and facilitated the democratic transition of 1990/1994. Conservative theologians, like Boshoff, attempted to stem the popularity of reconciliation in Afrikaner political and civil organizations. He was unable to successfully coordinate efforts with other conservatives, and he was increasingly marginalized. Ultimately, Boshoff opted for negotiated ethnic separatism with the African National Congress.
This study demonstrates that far from being monolithic, Afrikaner religiosity and racial morality were dynamic and contested. Secondly, it shows that a number of Afrikaner public theologians and moral leaders were actively involved in ending white minority rule in South Africa. Conversely, it also shows that conservative religious leaders were able to transform Afrikaner nationalism, thereby prolonging its influence into the 21st century.
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Sium, Aman. « Revisinting the "Black Man's Burden" : Eritrea and the Curse of the Nation-state ». Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/25675.
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This thesis argues that the state apparatus has failed to provide Africans with a culturally compatible form of governance. The state is a product of colonial origin, and thus, has failed to resonate with Indigenous African spirituality, moral consciousness or political tradition. By grounding my argument in the Eritrean context, I make the case that the Eritrean state – not unlike other African states – is failing in three fundamental ways. First, it is oppressive towards Indigenous institutions of governance, particularly the village baito practiced in the rural highlands of Eritrea. Second, the state promotes a national identity that has been arbitrarily formed and colonially imposed in place of Indigenous ones, such as those formed around regional or linguistic groupings. Lastly, because the Eritrean state is a rather new phenomenon that suffers from a crisis of legitimacy, it inevitably falls back on processes of violence, coercion and control to assert its authority.
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Van, Leest Kim Hyung-A. « The impact of concepts of minjung on thought and culture in Korea during the period of authoritarian politics (1948-1987) ». Master's thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125765.
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This thesis is a study of concepts of the Korean masses. The identity
of the Korean masses is multi-faceted. They have been referred to as
the 'minjung' and characterised in the 1970s as 'the subject of
history’(yoksa-ui chuch'e) and as the 'oppressed people' who struggle
against the political, economic and cultural oppression of the ruling
power. This min jung struggle ultimately created a new opportunity for
democracy in 1987.
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Bungo, Marcelina Macana. « O pensamento político de Agostinho Neto no contexto da luta de libertação nacional em Angola ». Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/10384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O presente trabalho tem como objeto a análise do pensamento político da pessoa considerada o pai da Nação Angolana, o seu primeiro Presidente da República, enquanto país independente, Agostinho Neto. É uma figura incontornável no panorama político angolano e um dos principais responsáveis pela proeza da unificação e coesão nacional do território angolano. Tão diversificado culturalmente, teve a missão de despertar em todos os cidadãos angolanos um sentimento de pertença e uma identidade nacional comum. Espelhou a visão de praticamente todo o continente africano em relação ao colonialismo europeu, defendendo a libertação do seu povo do jugo colonialista português, numa luta independentista que se intensifica no final da década de 50 do século XX. No âmbito do tema da dissertação, o pensamento político de Agostinho Neto, bem como o surgimento de movimentos nacionais de libertação em praticamente todo o continente africano, fenómeno a que Angola não escapou, urge também analisar os outros movimentos de libertação nacional de Angola, com destaque para a UPA/FNLA e a UNITA, que partilharam com o MPLA a arena política.
Tomando em consideração os objetivos de estudo delineados, adotaremos, em termos metodológicos, o método indutivo, analisando o pensamento político de Agostinho Neto e enquadrando-o no pensamento político contemporâneo, em especial, no pensamento político africano da segunda metade do século XX com particularidades específicas. O caso angolano, a sua luta pela independência e pelo fim do colonialismo insere-se num quadro geral - o caso de praticamente todo o continente africano - que partilhava essas aspirações. Analisaremos o panorama do nacionalismo africano, o surgimento dos principais movimentos nacionais de libertação angolanos - fenómeno comum e crescente em África naquela época - o pensamento político contemporâneo, fazendo o devido enquadramento do pensamento político africano e, mais concretamente, o angolano e, mais especificamente ainda, o pensamento político de um angolano concreto, António Agostinho Neto, neste. Trata-se de uma dissertação essencialmente expositiva, que analisa e acompanha a evolução do pensamento político de Agostinho Neto, desde a formação até à sua morte, deixando obra inacabada.The present work has as main object the political thought analysis of the person considered to be the Angolan Nation’s father, its first Republic President as an independent country. Agostinho Neto is an inevitable figure in the Angolan political panorama and one of the main responsible persons of the national unification and cohesion achievement of the Angolan territory, so culturally diversified, with the mission of waking up, on every Angolan citizens, the feeling of belonging to a common national identity. He reflected the vision of practically all the African continental regarding/concerning the European colonialism, defending the liberation of its people from the Portuguese colonialist yoke, on an independence fight that intensifies itself in the end of the 50’s of the 20th century. In this dissertation theme range, Agostinho Neto’s political thought, as well as the emerging of the National Liberation Movements in practically all African continent, phenomenon to which Angola did not escape, it also urges to analyse all the other Angolan national liberation movements, specially UPA/FNLA and UNITA, that shared with MPLA the political arena. Taking in consideration the delineated study goals, we will adopt, in terms of methodology, by the inductive method, analysing Agostinho Neto’s political though and framing it in the contemporary political thought, specially in the African political thought of the second half of the 20th century, with specific particularities. The Angolan case, its fight for independence and end of colonialism, inserts in a general frame, the case of practically all African continent that shared the same aspirations. We will analyze African nationalism panorama, the emerging of the main Angolan national liberation movements, a common and increasing phenomenon in Africa at that time, the contemporary political thought, framing the African political thought and, more precisely, the Angolan and, even more precisely, the political thought of a specific Angolan, António Agostinho Neto. This work essentially consists on an expositive dissertation that analyzes and follows the evolution of Agostinho Neto’s political thought, from its formation to his death, leaving unfinished work.
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Chuang, Chin-win, et 莊靜雯. « Thesis Title : Taiwan Aboriginal People Social Workers’ Thoughts of Taiwan Aboriginal People Social Work– A First Study by Han Nationality Graduate Student ». Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/39228305993206041337.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士東吳大學
社會工作學系
93
This study was conducted by a Han nationality graduate student to explore three Taiwan Aboriginal people social workers’ main thoughts of their Taiwan Aboriginal people identity and Taiwan Aboriginal people social work. The purposes of this study were to understand the interviewees’ cognition of their ethnic identity, their social work experience and thoughts, and their thoughts of Taiwan Aboriginal people social work’s intrinsic properties. For the literature review, the study employed social work’s “person in situation” perspective. It is believed that besides their own ethnic identity and profession identity, Taiwan Aboriginal people social workers also need to deal with their identity and profession status in Taiwan society and try to construct their own thoughts of Taiwan Aboriginal social work based on the influence and conflicts that arise from the precedent factors. Therefore, besides defining the meaning of ethnic identity, this study also tried to analyze how Taiwan society defines the position of Taiwan Aboriginal people social work by the following factors: Taiwan Aboriginal people development history, national policy for Taiwan Aboriginal people and the transition of social welfare system, Taiwan Aboriginal people social movements, and the process of Taiwan social work professionalization, in order to understand the social context and the working environment that the subjects have contacted with. The interview of this study was conducted by a semi-constructed method. The presentation of the result was focused on the interviewees’ cognition of their ethnic identity, their social work experience and thoughts, and their thoughts of Taiwan Aboriginal people social work’s intrinsic properties and development. The interviewee in this study believed that the Taiwan Aboriginal people social work’s intrinsic properties should include the followings tasks：let clients find their own abilities; enhance clients’ self-image; find the clients’ edges; help them to create job opportunity; inherit their tradition and try to apply it to social work; to propagandize them through concrete and real subjects; learn the rules to survive in the society; help Aboriginal people living in the city to adapt to the society. Those intrinsic properties were especially presented here for Taiwan Aboriginal people social worker’s reference when they practice. Finally, the suggestions of this study were as follows: 1. Breaking the public’s prejudice and stereotype of Taiwan Aboriginal people through propagandizing and interaction, 2. Upgrading the Taiwan Aboriginal people-based social work practice and research, 3. Two factors of Taiwan Aboriginal people social work are to develop the “help” mode by integrating traditional heritage and work rights, 4. Developing more diversity culture characteristics for Taiwan Aboriginal people social work education, and 5. Promoting certifications and professional education of Taiwan Aboriginal people social worker to enhance the quality and quantity of the social work professionals.
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SHI, SHEN-HUI, et 施沈暉. « “Though Not Born in Taiwan, I Want to Be Your Hero.”A Study on the Nationalistic Discourses of Taiwan’s Naturalized Football Players ». Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/h85svu.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士世新大學
新聞學研究所(含碩專班)
107
Football, contrary to most part of the world, is not a popular sport in Taiwan. Apart from the fact that only a few people are engaged in football, the poor performance of the national team was also unsatisfactory in the past. In 2011, Taiwan Football Association began to naturalize foreign players who were associated with Taiwan, and the naturalization reached the peak in 2017. The naturalized players made great contributions to the national team in many matches. In September 2017, Chinese Taipei has won the long-standing championship trophy in an invitational tournament. The international ranking of football also rose again. Supporters in Taiwan enjoy the nationalistic identity following a series of victories. However, in essence, such "national identity" is mostly brought about by naturalized players. They did not know much about Taiwan and even could not speak Chinese. In original nationalistic discourses, their identities are "foreigner". And after a series of matches, their identities have gradually changed into Taiwan's "My Family".
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Jajecznik, Konrad. « Myśl polityczna polskich ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych po 1989 roku ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/928.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1. Przedmiotem pracy jest kompleksowa analiza myśli politycznej zalegalizowanych ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych, działających w Polsce w latach 1989–2010.
2. Celem pracy, a zarazem jej tezą główną, jest pokazanie wieloaspektowej różnorodności nacjonalizmu, który – jak większość ideologii – jest silnie zróżnicowany wewnętrznie, a mimo tego stereotypowo – a więc niezasadnie – postrzegany jako monolit. Jednym z kluczowych aspektów owej różnorodności nacjonalizmu jest jego wariant demokratyczny. W pracy przedstawiono trzy nurty ideowe współczesnego nacjonalizmu polskiego wyróżnione według kryterium reżimu politycznego: demokratyczny, autorytarny i totalitarny. Relacje między człowiekiem a narodem i państwem ułożone według zasady równowagi lub nadrzędności przesądzają nie tylko o reżimie politycznym, lecz również o wyborze ustroju politycznego oraz społeczno-gospodarczego.
3. Badania własne poprzedza konstrukcja zestandaryzowanych narzędzi badawczych niezbędnych dla przeprowadzenia analizy porównawczej myśli politycznej badanych ugrupowań. Elementem pracy jest również sformułowanie operacyjnej definicji ideologii nacjonalistycznej niezbędnej dla wyodrębnienia podsystemu ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych, których twórczość ideowa została następnie poddana badaniu.
4. Badania własne poprzedzają również badania wtórne rozwoju polskiej myśli nacjonalistycznej przed rokiem 1989 (rozdział 2.). Syntetyczna analiza głównych treści myśli nacjonalistycznej jest niezbędna, ponieważ współcześni nacjonaliści nie tworzą doktryn od podstaw, lecz próbują zaadaptować dorobek ideowy poprzedników, wytworzony w zakończonych epokach historycznych.
5. W rozdziale trzecim, poświęconym koncepcji narodu, zawarte zostały także zagadnienia inspiracji religijnych obecnych we współczesnej myśli nacjonalistycznej. Jest to czynnik silnie różnicujący jej przedstawicieli, gdyż oprócz zwolenników podtrzymania tradycyjnej syntezy z katolicyzmem, wśród nacjonalistów trzeba też wyróżnić zwolenników tradycjonalizmu katolickiego, nacjonalistów laickich, a nawet nurt neopogański dążący do stworzenia „religii narodowej”.
6. Koncepcje państwa narodowego, przeanalizowane w rozdziale czwartym, obejmują stosunek ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych do procesów transformacji systemowej oraz systemu politycznego funkcjonującego w Polsce po 1989 roku, kwestię reżimu politycznego oraz wizje ustroju politycznego, w tym projekty ustawy zasadniczej.
7. Ważnym obszarem zróżnicowania współczesnej polskiej myśli nacjonalistycznej są wizje ustroju społeczno-gospodarczego (rozdział 5.), będące niezbędnym dopełnieniem ustroju politycznego państwa. Wśród badanych ugrupowań wyróżniony został nurt rynkowy, lecz jednocześnie nieliberalny, nurt wspólnotowy wyrażający ideę korporacji gospodarczych, a także zwolennicy ponownego upaństwowienia gospodarki.
1. The doctoral thesis include a comprehensive analyse of political thought of the Polish nationalist political groupings operating legally in 1989-2010.
2. The main aim of the dissertation is to analyse an multifariousness of the nationalist ideology. The nationalism is stereotypically perceived as a monolith, but in fact it is strongly diversify as well as others ideologies. Taking this into account one of the crucial issue is to diagnosis democratic variant of nationalism. An authoritarian and totalitarian stream of this ideology are also considered in comparative perspective. Relations between the man and the nation arranged according to the balance or precedence are determining not only a political regime, but also its social-economic background.
3. A standardized research tools, dedicated especially to this subject-matter, were indispensable to compare particular nationalist doctrines. To select a subsystem of a political groupings included at the research field the author use constitutive components of the nationalism notion, secondary features considering as a criterions of appointing of doctrines in frames of the ideology.
4. Because the communists authorities did not allow to rebirth of nationalism in post-war Poland, after 1989 nationalist did not have a modern political thought. Contemporary leaders refer to ideas form interwar period. For this reason the develop of the polish nationalist political thought in brief are presenting at the second chapter.
5. The third chapter, devoted to idea of the nation, contains also a religious inspiration of a nationalist doctrines. We have to distinguish not only catholic wing of Polish nationalism, but also traditional catholic variant, secular stream and even an attempts to create a Neopaganism “national faith”.
6. The visions of the national-state, presenting in a fourth chapter, including not only a constitutional frames of the political system, but also complete constitutional projects published by some of the nationalist groupings. One of the major issue at this field are critical opinions about to the transition after 1989 explaining an anti-establishment or anti-system orientation of nationalist parties.
7. An important aspect of internal distinctions between nationalist doctrines are socio-economic problems. Democratic wing of Polish nationalism accept a market economy, but not in a liberal type. Authoritarian stream creating an archaic vision of socio-economic corporations. The party representing totalitarian stream combine a nationalist rhetoric with a socialist model of economy.