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1
Deegan-Krause, Kevin. « Uniting the Enemy : Politics and the Convergence of Nationalisms in Slovakia ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 18, no 4 (novembre 2004) : 651–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404269596.
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Although aggregate popular support for particular nationalisms in Slovakia showed little change during the 1990s, relationships between nationalisms changed significantly. This article uses categories of nationalism derived from the relational typologies of Brubaker and Hechter to analyze surveys of postcommunist Slovak public opinion and demonstrate that popular nationalisms against Czechs, Hungarians, the West, and nonnationalist Slovaks bore little relationship to one another at the time of Slovakia’s independence but converged over time. With the encouragement of nationalist political elites, a large share of the Slovak population became convinced that Slovakia faced threats from all sides and that the country’s enemies were actually working together to undermine its sovereignty. The example of Slovakia thus provides an important case study for understanding how the complex and interactions between distinct nationalisms creates opportunities for the influence of political leadership.
2
Mihálik, Jaroslav. « The Rise of Anti-Roma Positions in Slovakia and Hungary : a New Social and Political Dimension of Nationalism ». Baltic Journal of Law & ; Politics 7, no 2 (1 décembre 2014) : 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0007.
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ABSTRACT This article discusses the continuous substitution of traditional mutual conflicts and historical grievances between Slovakia and Hungary that has created fertile ground for nationalists on both sides. Currently, we witness the rise of anti-Roma positions and negativism oriented toward this particular group of the population in Slovakia and Hungary. For this reason, we track the sources of new nationalism associated with the hatred of the Roma population. This can be demonstrated by a variety of political incentives and measuring extremism as a tool of acquiring and maintaining political power. The aim of the article is to investigate the extent and reasons of the new social and political dimensions of Slovak and Hungarian nationalism. We assume that the traditional form of bilateral nationalism based on historical, political and social tensions between Slovakia and Hungary is being transformed by the ethnic nationalism against the Roma minority in Central Europe. To support our argumentation, we use the qualitative data from in-depth interviews with young respondents from two contrasting research field sites in Slovakia from EC research project MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement).
3
Weber, Nora. « Feminism, Patriarchy, Nationalism, and Women in Fin-de-Siècle Slovakia ». Nationalities Papers 25, no 1 (mars 1997) : 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408489.
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The association of nationalist consciousness and feminist ideology in Slovakia in the late nineteenth century was a protracted and uneven process. This conclusion rests upon the results of this study which examines the feminist and nationalist views of Slovak women intelligentsia who were at the forefront of Slovak nationalist efforts. It explores responses of leading Slovak women to the following issues of nationalist concern: traditional Slovak patriarchy, women's education, and Western feminism. It demonstrates that in Slovakia, gender was not the primary factor determining women's loyalties; there were other connecting allegiances and loyalties to the nation and the community. Slovak women developed their own unique concept of gender equality that aided Slovak nationalist efforts. In doing so they employed the language of motherhood, domestic duties, and religious commitment.Around the turn of the century, a small group of Slovak women intelligentsia attempted to reconcile their own agenda with contemporary nationalist, social, and political currents. Spurred by nationalist efforts of the Slovak male intelligentsia, middle-class women tried to determine what type of new nationalist woman should replace the traditional woman. This question was answered by five women, in four very distinct ways: (1) Ľudmila Ríznerová-Podjavorinská portrayed the goals of Western feminism as a danger to Slovaks; (2) Elena Maróthy-Šolthésová and Terézia Medvecká Vansová encouraged the growth of Christian feminism; (3) Marína Ormisová-Maliaková favored the introduction of pragmatic feminism in Slovak nationalist efforts; and (4) Hana Lilge-Gregorová argued for the establishment of Western feminism as the basis of social and national development. Although the personal lives of these five women represent the social and national distress of the Slovak people, they also show women's fight for the acceptance of new ideas which would improve the fate of their sisters and their nation. Yet this small collection of feminist intellectuals could not and did not effect Slovak public opinion in any substantial way. Their influence, except perhaps that of Hana Lilge-Gregorová, did not stretch beyond the Slovak urban middle-class milieu.
4
Quinn, Michael L. « Uncertain Slovakia : Blaho Uhlár, Stoka and Vres ». Theatre Survey 36, no 1 (mai 1995) : 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400006529.
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In the renegotiations of borders and cultures currently underway in former Soviet Europe, the situation in Slovakia stands out as one in which uncertainty itself is perhaps the primary obstacle to renewal and growth. The Slovaks were occupied by Hungarian forces for a millennium, emerging as a modern nation first under the shadow of the Czechs in the first republic, then clouded by a Nazi-style clerico-fascist state which discredited the moral impulses of much Slovak nationalism, and finally dominated by a colonial Comecon culture in which the interests of an integral, cohesive Slovak state were always compromised by its role in a larger international Soviet politics. By virtue of the remarkable Velvet Revolution, the Slovaks have been able to claim unique nationhood for the first time since the Great Moravian Empire in the 9th century. Yet the thousand years between has created a culture which lacks the foundations for the kind of quick, assured policy-making that will succeed financially, and in the international culture market, for the new countries of Europe. Separated from the Czechs, the Slovaks now face a slower pace of industrial conversion, slower ecological recovery, a fading currency, and the legacy of a violent nationalism—personified in Meciar's leadership—that has not made the transition from government by executive fiat to reasoned debate and majority politics.
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Bahna, Miloslav. « Context Matters : Measuring Nationalism in the Countries of the Former Czechoslovakia ». Nationalities Papers 47, no 1 (janvier 2019) : 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.21.
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AbstractThis paper compares nationalism in the two ex-Czechoslovak countries—the Czech and Slovak republics. The aim is to analyze the measurement of nationalism in the 1995, 2003, and 2013 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) National Identity surveys. According to the nationalism measures from the ISSP survey – which are frequently used by authors analyzing nationalism—both countries experienced a significant rise in nationalism in the 1995 to 2013 period. Moreover, invariance testing of the nationalism latent variable confirms the possibility of comparing levels of nationalism between Czechia and Slovakia over time. However, the associations between nationalism, as measured in the study, and concepts related to nationalism—such as xenophobia, protectionism, or assertive foreign policy—suggest that what is measured as nationalism in 1995 is very different from what is measured in 2013. This is explained by a change of context which occurred in both countries between 1995 and 2013. While answering the same question had a strong nationalistic connotation in 1995, this was not the case in 2013. Based on our findings we advise against using the analyzed “nationalism” items as measurement of nationalism even beyond the two analyzed countries.
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Klyuchkovych, Anatoliy. « POPULISM IN SLOVAKIA : PECULIARITIES OF A POLITICAL PHENOMENON ». 39, no 39 (10 juillet 2021) : 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-39-13.
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The article analyzes the party-political aspects of populism in the Slovak Republic. The structural distinction between the parties of systemic mainstream and populism has come to the forefront of Slovakia's party-political development. The aim of the article is to highlight the specifics of the phenomenon of populism, its forms and party representatives in Slovakia. Considering the emergence and electoral success of populist parties, there is a need to emphasize the complexity of the phenomenon of populism in the modern Slovak Republic. Populists do not have clear ideological attitudes. they use the maxims of various ideological doctrines, which are based on practical needs. The distinction between systemic and populist parties is becoming more complicated today, as their positions on a number of important political issues have converged recently In the process of post-communist development in the Slovak Republic there was a transition from radical forms of populist politics through nationalism and authoritarianism to more moderate tendencies. Populist parties in the CEE countries, and in particular in the Slovak Republic, are characterized by the following features: opposition of the elite and the people based on moral grounds, desire to act as defenders of the people’s interests; anti-immigration, Eurosceptic, anti-globalization orientation of the messages; low level of institutionalization, etc. The main forms of manifestation of Slovak populism are determined: social, national, charismatic, centrist, far-right populism. The article emphasizes that the key trend is the growth of populism in the election campaigns of Slovak parties and competition on the market of populist slogans. Protest calls, social demagoguery, and national populism are electorally perceptible issues that are being pursued by both the opposition and ruling political force. The parliamentary elections of 2020, which can be characterized as «triumph of populism», were an important stage for the development of the party system in Slovakia. The success of the populists and the defeat of the liberal parties in the 2020 elections testify to the crisis of systemic politics and democratic institutions in general, which poses risks to the stable development of Slovakia.
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Tudoroiu, Theodor, Peter Horváth et Marek Hrušovský. « Ultra-Nationalism and Geopolitical Exceptionalism in Mečiar's Slovakia ». Problems of Post-Communism 56, no 4 (juillet 2009) : 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216560401.
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Urbancová, Hana. « Women as Folk Song Collectors in Slovakia. From Romantic Nationalism to the Beginnings of Modern Research ». Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no 4 (1 décembre 2021) : 570–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0034.
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Abstract Collecting activities were an important cultural and social phenomenon in 19th century Europe. Women also participated in these activities, although in many cultures their role and the results of their collecting work have not yet been adequately evaluated. Taking the example of Slovakia, it is possible to highlight the contribution of women in collecting folk songs, while encompassing those features which are specific to the regional circumstances. Women took part in all important collecting projects of the 19th century in Slovakia. Reconstruction of their socio-cultural background highlighted the fact that at the inception of these projects women of the aristocracy and gentry were active collectors. The majority of female collectors came from families of the Slovak intelligentsia, who belonged to the middle class. By the end of the 19th century many such families had become part of the contemporary elite of Slovak society. We focus on two research questions: 1, how did the gender category of the collector condition the record of song material (an aspect of the collection concept); and 2, what contribution did women’s collecting activities make to the study of traditional song culture (an aspect of the collected material). A definition of women’s concept of collecting, with primary orientation on song lyrics, was deduced from the 19th century preference for the national language and the role of Slovak women in its diffusion in private as well as public life, and from analysis of the genre structure of the collected material. The romantic concept of collecting in Slovakia is compared with an early concept of documentation at the beginning of the 20th century which derived from abroad, although some of its elements were beginning to take effect also in domestic collecting activities.
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Szabó, Miloslav. « From Protests to the Ban : Demonstrations against the ‘Jewish’ Films in Interwar Vienna and Bratislava ». Journal of Contemporary History 54, no 1 (17 novembre 2017) : 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712112.
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Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called ‘Jewish’ films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the ‘destructive’ impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by ‘Jews’. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those ‘Jewish’ films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without ‘Jews’. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of A ll Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates.
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Podoba, Juraj. « Rejecting green velvet : Transition, environment and nationalism in Slovakia ». Environmental Politics 7, no 1 (mars 1998) : 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019808414376.
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Džambazovič, Roman, et Daniel Gerbery. « Global Cultural Identity Among Young People in Slovakia ». Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology 69, no 3 (1 septembre 2021) : 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/se-2021-0021.
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Abstract It is becoming increasingly obvious that young people are facing the globalisation of personal identity. It is the result of ongoing interaction between individuals and their globalised socio-cultural environment that leads to changes in self-identification. Cultural openness and the “de-territorialisation” of identity are the key aspects of this process. The paper explores the globalisation of identities among secondary school students, using the concept of global self-identification. The analysis employs quantitative data from the Survey of Young People’s Cultural Literacy. The globalisation of identity is captured by the Global Identity Scale (Türken, Rudmin, 2013), which consists of two dimensions – “Non-nationalism” and “Cultural Openness”. The aim of the study is to examine to what extent young people in Slovakia can be characterised in terms of global self-identification and to identify what affects the propensity for global self-identification. Furthermore, it tests the relationship between global self-identification and other phenomena that are supposedly related to global identity. The results show that the global identity is present among young people in Slovakia. By applying multilevel modelling, we identified a variety of culture-related phenomena that affect cultural openness and non-nationalism, including multicultural interaction and cultural participation. In addition, the study confirms that type of school has a significant effect.
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Varga-Kuna, Bálint. « Choosing Slovakia : Slavic Hungary, the Czechoslovak Language and Accidental Nationalism ». East Central Europe 38, no 1 (2011) : 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633011x572790.
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Kopeček, Lubomír. « The Slovak Greens : A complex story of a small party ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no 1 (1 mars 2009) : 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.006.
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This article is a case study of the Green Party in Slovakia. The line of explanation of the party’s trajectory is chronological, from foundation to its present marginal status. The two main causes of repeated internal party splits identified by the article are the influence of nationalism and the party’s relationship to the most important formation in Slovak politics during the 1990s, Vladimír Mečiar’s Movement for a Democratic Slovakia. It, furthermore, points to the barrier of a relatively high clause in the electoral system to national parliament which determined the Greens’ tendency to enter wider coalition partnerships. These partnerships, however, had a negative impact on the long-term perspective on the distinctiveness of the Greens from the point of view of voters. Other important factors in the party’s lack of political success have been their isolation from the environmental movement and the public’s low level of interest in ecological and other post-material issues.
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Ferencei, Lucia. « The Ethnopolitics of the HZDS-SNS-ZRS Coalition Government in Slovakia from 1994 to 1998 ». Pogranicze Polish Borderlands Studies 8, no 4 (31 décembre 2020) : 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs2155.
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This article discusses the ethnopolitics of Vladimír Mečiar’s government in Slovakia in the period of years between 1994-1998, with a particular focus on the Hungarian minority. The introduction outlines ethnic heterogeneity in Slovakia, giving a brief historical background for some minorities. The next part covers the result of the 1994 parliamentary election, which led to the formation of the HZDS-SNS-ZRS coalition government headed by Vladimír Mečiar as Prime Minister. The study also includes the ideological profiles of the governmental parties, which are linked by strong accentuation of nationalism and statism. The article seeks to analyse the ethnopolitics of the government in the above-mentioned election term, evaluate its positive and negative aspects. In particular, the affairs, new legislation adopted and its impact on the largest Hungarian minority living in Slovakia.
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Halás, Marián, et Pavel Klapka. « Functionality versus gerrymandering and nationalism in administrative geography : lessons from Slovakia ». Regional Studies 51, no 10 (19 septembre 2016) : 1568–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2016.1215602.
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Verdery, Katherine. « Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania ». Slavic Review 52, no 2 (1993) : 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.
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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
17
Maxwell, Alexander. « ‘Supplicant Nationalism’ in Slovakia and Wales : Polyethnic Rights During the Nineteenth Century ». Central Europe 16, no 1 (2 janvier 2018) : 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14790963.2018.1492684.
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Burzova, Petra. « Towards a new past : Some reflections on nationalism in post-socialist Slovakia ». Nationalities Papers 40, no 6 (novembre 2012) : 879–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.742986.
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By analysing two commemorative events organized shortly before and after the 2010 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, this article demonstrates how the Prime Minister Robert Fico and his collaborators exploited these ceremonies to promote a more inclusive definition of political community than their right-wing counterparts. Although commentators have interpreted the continuous political success of the political party Smer-SD in terms of negatively connotated nationalism and national populism, Fico's discursive framework allows him to address those who have been stigmatized by post-1989 neoliberalism, especially former communists and people unable or unwilling to adapt to the rapid changes brought about by post-socialist social, economic, political as well as cultural transition(s). Instead of backwardness, Fico's anti-elitist and anti-capitalist rhetoric opened a new symbolic universe to these groups. The history narratives that formed an important part of this universe were not used to exclude the Other, but rather to create a meaningful future for those who have been ignored by (neo-)liberal ideals. This paper argues for an interpretation of post-socialist populist parties that would take into account culturally relevant symbolic structures advanced by these parties.
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Ference, Gregory C., et Ismo Nurmi. « Slovakia -- A Playground for Nationalism and National Identity : Manifestations of the National Identity of the Slovaks, 1918-1920 ». American Historical Review 105, no 3 (juin 2000) : 1042. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651999.
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Bielicki, Alexander. « Inconvenient National Discourse and the People Who Walk to Hear It : the Case of the Slovak National Pilgrimage ». Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 8, no 1 (20 mars 2019) : 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-00801003.
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The presence of nationalism in the Catholic Church, ostensibly global in its mission and outlook, has been a contentious issue especially in the post-communist countries of East-Central Europe. Events like the Slovak national pilgrimage to Šaštín, broadcast across the country on television, radio and internet, offer Catholic elite in Slovakia a rare chance to freely weave national history and national devotion into religious practice and discourse, but what does elite discourse actually tell us about the production and reproduction of nationhood in the Church? This article calls for increased exploration of reception of elite discourse in the media, not only to gauge audience reaction, but to better understand how the would-be recipients of these messages play a role in producing, reproducing or contesting these media constructions of national identity.
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Sitter, Nick. « Defending the State : Nationalism, Geopolitics and Differentiated Integration in Visegrád Four Security Policy ». European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Special Issue (1 août 2021) : 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021030.
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During the second half of the 2010s the governments of Poland and Hungary took a sharp turn away from liberal democracy and the rule of law. As they slipped down the international democracy rankings, the European Union initiated its procedures under Article 7 to investigate possible breaches of its fundamental laws and values. However, the two governments sought to distinguish between their conflict with the European Commission over the rule of law on one hand and their commitment to collective security on the other. The central question in this article is whether they managed to do this, and to what extent democratic backsliding poses security challenges for the EU by weakening its actorness in the field of security, defence and foreign policy. A comparative assessment of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic suggests that democratic backsliding does indeed have security implications for the EU, but that this is only one of several factors driving differentiated integration in the Visegrád Four in this field. Developments in the region are part of a wider EU trend of re-nationalization of security policy. Indeed, in the security field, vertical differentiated integration (in the sense of different mixes of supranational and intergovernmental regimes) is a key factor in mitigating the consequences of horizontal differentiation (different Member State policies).(This article is an output of the EUFLEX project, which has been funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 287131)). EU defence policy, Visegrad 4, differentiated integration, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, democratic backsliding, geopolitics
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Shnitser, Ihor. « THE TRIAL OF SLOVAK «BOURGEOIS NATIONALISTS» IN 1954 ». Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series : History, no 1 (44) (27 juin 2021) : 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232663.
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The article covers the preparation and conduct of the trial of Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» in 1954. The research methodology is based on the general scientific principles of historicism and objectivity. Implementing these principles made it possible to avoid inconsistencies, inconsistencies, isolation from the objective historical process during the research. It turned out to be the culmination of a campaign against Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» in Czechoslovakia, which killed thousands of people, mainly from the Slovak communist intelligentsia. G. Husak, L. Novomesky, D. Okali, I. Horvath, and L. Holdos appeared in the dock during the trial in 1954. They were accused and found guilty of uniting with the reactionary bourgeoisie as members of a bourgeois-nationalist group to preserve the independence of the Slovak authorities, hindered the construction of socialism in Czechoslovakia, and hampered the economic and cultural development of the state. They were also accused of anti-state activities aimed at achieving the disintegration of the Czechoslovak People's Democratic Republic and the transfer of power in Slovakia to the reactionary bourgeoisie in the interests of foreign imperialists. According to the author, the Slovak «bourgeois nationalists» trial was a consequence of the unresolved Slovak national question in the Czechoslovak Republic. The legitimate aspirations of the progressive Slovak communist intelligentsia, aimed at strengthening Slovakia's position in the unitary state, were interpreted by the Prague authorities as a manifestation of separatism aimed at impeding the integration processes in the state and the unity of the two fraternal peoples. The trial of the Slovak bourgeois nationalists was completely fabricated, and its consequences proved counterproductive.
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Mikuš, Roman, et Daniel Gurňák. « Development of Position of Political Extremism, Radicalism, Nationalism in Different Stages of Elections in Slovakia ». Geografické informácie 16, no 2 (2012) : 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17846/gi.2012.16.2.38-49.
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Šabič, Zlatko. « Erika Harris, Nationalism and Democratisation : Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia (Aldershot : Ashgate, 2002), 237 pp. » Nationalities Papers 31, no 4 (décembre 2003) : 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200009314.
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Bossaert, Benjamin. « “Was de tael gansch het volk?” Comparatief onderzoek naar de Vlaamse en Slowaakse nationale beweging in de 19e eeuw : Een pleidooi om cultuurhistorisch te vergelijken in de neerlandistiek/ “Was the Language Representing the Whole Nation?” A Comparative Approach of the Flemish and Slovak National Movements in the 19th Century : A Plea for Comparative Research in Dutch Studies ». Werkwinkel 10, no 1 (1 juin 2015) : 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/werk-2015-0007.
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Abstract In this ongoing research we are going to have a look at the starting point for the burgeoning national feelings with two smaller nations: the Slovak and the Flemish national movement. Building on the methodological framework of nationalism researcher Miroslav Hroch, one can discern a threefold stage - model in the national movements of the smaller nations in Europe, which is a thesis still needing more empirical evidence. This article attempts to compare at least one aspect of early nineteenth-century nation - building: How were the literary societies functioning in both national movements? We are working in a time scope of the first half of the 19th century and ask ourselves the questions: until which extend reached literary societies? What was their impact? Which people were their readers, their public? Was their language, and their language-spreading aim representative for the whole nation? What similarities and differences can be found in Flanders and Slovakia in this field? Important support can be obtained from the NISE - network, which attempts to create a database on a European scale in order to stimulate and optimize comparative and transnational research on nation building.
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Cairns, Zachary. « Music for Prague 1968 : A display of Czech nationalism from America ». Studia Musicologica 56, no 4 (décembre 2015) : 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2015.56.4.11.
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As an overt response to the Soviet bloc invasion of Czechoslovakia, Karel Husa’s Music for Prague 1968 makes an obvious nationalistic statement. In his foreword to the published score, Husa describes Prague’s use of the Hussite war song “Ktož jsú boží bojovníc” as its most important unifying motive. He says this song has long been “a symbol of resistance and hope.” The author does not debate the work’s nationalistic intent, he finds remarkable that, in 1968, Husa was an American citizen, teaching at Cornell, and using compositional techniques not frequently associated with Eastern European nationalism. If musical nationalism (expressed by folkloric elements) in Eastern European countries can be used to express primacy over avantgarde music, Music for Prague 1968 presents the opposite — a traditional war song submersed in an entirely Western European/American musical language. The study examines several portions of the composition to demonstrate the ways in which Husa expresses his nationalism in a non-nationalistic manner, including chromatic transformations of the Hussite song; the integrally serial third movement, in which unpitched percussion instruments are intended to represent the church bells of Prague; and the opening movement’s non-tonal bird calls, intended to represent freedom. Furthermore, Music for Prague 1968 uses a Western avant-garde language in a way that Husa’s other overtly nationalistic post-emigration pieces (Twelve Moravian Songs, Eight Czech Duets, Evocations of Slovakia) do not. In this light, it will be seen that Music for Prague 1968 fills a special role in Husa’s nationalistic display.
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Borza, Peter. « Cooperation of Greek Catholics from interwar Poland and Czechoslovakia on the example of the Congregation of the Sisters of the Servants of the Immaculate Virgin Mary ». Nasza Przeszłość 136 (2021) : 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52204/np.2021.136.169-180.
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In the interwar period, new state units such as Czechoslovakia and Poland were formed in Central Europe. Churches and their institutions focused on education, training or social care also played an important role in shaping the loyalty and national awareness of the citizens of the new states. Among such institutions was the Congregation of the Sisters of the Servants of the Immaculate Conception (abbreviated as the Maid), which was established in the territory of interwar Poland. In a short time, it was a great success and achieved a response among Greek Catholics in Czechoslovakia. In 1928, at the invitation of the Bishop of Prešov, Pavel Gojdič, four sisters came to Prešov in cooperation with the local Greek Catholic Church to establish a monastery and devote themselves to education, training and social services. The arrival was accompanied by complications with visas from Czechoslovakia. The reason was the Ukrainian environment where the maids came from. In Poland, it was characterized by a high degree of nationalism and the idea of so-called Greater Ukraine, which also included part of Czechoslovakia. Visa permits were issued only after a clear argument from the bishop of Prešov about the apolitical nature of the service of nuns in eastern Slovakia. For his purpose, Bishop Gojdič received the support of the Pope and the Czechoslovak President. The result was the successfully developing ministry of maid sisters, which was stopped only by the onset of the communist regime. The cooperation of Greek Catholics from Poland and Czechoslovakia in the interwar period enabled the nuns to lead the apostolate in the social field of the church, and despite the forced break caused by the communist regime, they continue to do so throughout Slovakia.
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Findor, Andrej. « Erika Harris, Nationalism and Democratisation. Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia. Aldershot and Burlington, VT : Ashgate, 2002. viii + 237 pp. f 45.00 (hbk). » Nations and Nationalism 9, no 2 (avril 2003) : 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00095.
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Rossi, Michael. « Slovakia after Fico : Systemic Change or More of the Same ? » Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no 3 (2020) : 235–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-235.
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The February 2020 parliamentary election marked a significant moment for Slovakia after years of public dissatisfaction with endemic corruption, political mismanagement, and unaccountable leadership associated with the political hegemony of Smer-SD and its leader Robert Fico. The resounding victory of the Ordinary People and Independent Personalities Party offers the country an opportunity to not only address the problems with Slovakia’s political culture of corruption and oligarchism, but also to strengthen democracy, the rule of law, and good governance. However, contrary to international expectations, the electoral demographic that chose Zuzana Čaputová as Slovakia’s new president in 2019 failed to secure enough votes to place any liberal democratic party in parliament, leaving the current legislature dominated by a collection of conservative, populist, and Eurosceptic parties. While seen by some analysts as a setback, the prognosis for Slovakian politics appears rather optimistic. This article assesses the outcomes of the February election and notes a continued pattern of political entrepreneurialism where the most successful parties tend to be those that promote broad-based issues of policy instead of any particular ideology, conservative or liberal. Slovakian politics might have been significantly influenced by a number of nationalist and conservative parties over the past three decades, but actual policy has been directed by opportunists instead of ideologues. This has enabled these larger entrepreneurial parties to adopt conservative elements into their programmes for electoral advantage instead of from actual conviction. This leaves open the possibility that entrepreneurial parties might gravitate towards more liberal democratic and even progressive policies should advantageous opportunities arise in the future. Given the current efforts by Slovakian political actors to break with past patterns of oligarchism, coupled with the discrediting of entrenched political elitism and the visible-yet-manageable threats from Slovakia’s far right, such outcomes are increasingly likely.
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Horáková, Nicole. « Neo-nationalism in the Czech Republic and Its Self-presentation on Social Networks Using the Example of Facebook ». Politeja 16, no 4(61) (31 décembre 2019) : 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.07.
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Neo-nationalistic movements, extreme right-wing organisations, and right‑wing parties are booming not only in Europe; they can be found in nearly all western societies, and, in some countries, they form an inherent part of the political system and participate in government, playing an active role in civil society, organising demonstrations and festivals and publicly providing information about their ideas. In doing so they are gaining influence not only on the political scene, but their topics also affect the opinions and debates of the general public. Neo-nationalistic right-wing movements are common in, for example, Germany and France, and especially in the Central European countries of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. They consider themselves to be ‘patriots’, whose aim is to ‘protect’ their own national culture and nation as such from foreign life forms and religions. This kind of ‘protection’ refers mainly to cultural, ethnic and religious issues. In my contribution, I deal with two neo-nationalistic movements in the Czech Republic and analyse how they present themselves on social media (Facebook). The main focus of my research are Internet memes, through which I want to show how the organisations fight against multiculturalism and open society. The present contribution is divided into three parts: first I provide a brief historical overview of the development of right-wing extremism in the Czech lands, the second part deals with the current situation regarding neo-nationalistic movements in the Czech Republic, and the last presents my research on Internet memes and attempts at categorising them, aiming not only to show the different types of memes but also to discover the strategies, argumentation and ideas of neonationalistic movements.
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Ulram, Peter A. « Nationalism and Democratization : Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia. By Erika Harris. Burlington, Vt. : Ashgate, 2002. vii, 237 pp. Appendixes. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Tables. $79.95, hard bound. » Slavic Review 62, no 3 (2003) : 595–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185829.
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Anna, Zelenková. « Česká inteligencia v procese budovania slovenskej vzdelanosti a kultúry ». Česko-slovenská historická ročenka 24, no 2 (2022) : 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cshr.2022.24.2.2.
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The study evaluates the role of the Czech intelligentsia in Slovakia in the interwar period. The Czech intelligentsia’s main contribution (apart from its work within the civil service) was the development of education at all levels. In this regard, attention has mostly focused on the founding of Comenius University by President T. G. Masaryk’s decree in July 1919. From a sociological point of view, the Czech intelligentsia operating in Slovakia can be divided into three groups: (1.) emotional supporters of Czechoslovak reciprocity drawing on the moral ideals of T. G. Masaryk (e.g. L. Narcis Zvěřina, J. Jirásek) and following up on the Czech Slovakophile movement; (2.) officials, artists, railway professionals, and gendarmes, who saw coming to Slovakia as a chance for social advancement, with young university graduates as a specific subgroup; (3.) speculative business people taking advantage of the underdeveloped Slovak market to get rich quickly, who were numerically the smallest of these three groups. The topos of the protectoral, profiteering Czech led to irritated reactions by the autonomist wing of Slovak nationalists, associated with Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (cf. M. Rázus’s 1929 novel Svety [Worlds]). Interesting information on the position of Czech university graduates in Slovakia can be gleaned from the letters of Frank Wollman, a Slavic languages specialist, who reflected on the problematic nature of Czech-Slovak cultural equalization. The Czech intelligentsia virtually disappeared from Slovakia in 1939 as a consequence of the political decisions made by the new Slovak government, and its “spiritual legacy” remains to this day a reminder of the positive contribution of Czechs to the constitution of Slovak national and state-forming identity.
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Zvada, Ľubomír. « Securitization of the Migration Crisis and Islamophobic Rhetoric : The 2016 Slovak Parliamentary Elections as a Case Study ». Journal of Nationalism, Memory & ; Language Politics 12, no 2 (31 décembre 2018) : 216–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0010.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the migration crisis from the perspective of Slovakia while examining the impact of the crisis on the last parliamentary elections in 2016. The migration/refugee crisis that started in 2015 played a significant role during the pre-electoral discourse and political campaigns. This paper has two main goals. The primarily goal is to apply the theory of securitization as proposed by the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute on the case study of Slovakia, and the secondary goal is to analyze the 2016 Slovak general elections. In here, I describe the securitization processes, actors, and other components of the case. Subsequently, I focus on a key element of this theory that is linked to the speech act. I evaluate Islamophobia manifestations in speech act and political manifesto of Slovak political parties. My source base includes the rhetoric of nationalist political parties such as Direction-SD (Smer-SD), Slovak National Party (Slovenská národná strana), We Are Family-Boris Kollár (Sme Rodina-Boris Kollár), and Kotleba-People’ Party Our Slovakia (Kotleba-Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko), all of which often apply anti-Muslim and anti-Islam rhetoric.
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Marek, Pavel. « DEFENDER OF CZECHOSLOVAK UNITY. A PROBE INTO THE POLITICS OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK NATIONAL SOCIALISTS IN SLOVAKIA BETWEEN 1918 AND 1938 ». Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series : History, no 2 (47) (20 décembre 2022) : 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(47).2022.267340.
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Until 1989, the reformist current of the National Socialists was one of the backbone elements of the Czech/Czechoslovak party-political system. The political party of the Czech National Socialists was formed in the 1890s and during the years of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918 – 1938) under the name Czechoslovak National Socialist Party (CSNP) was a regular part of government coalitions. The historiographical description of their activities and their contribution to solving the political, economic, social, and cultural problems of state formation corresponds to this fact. An exception in this context is the history of the party in Slovakia between 1918 and 1938, a period when the party leaders decided to extend the organization's reach to the entire territory of the newly formed state. Apart from partial mentions, we have only a few short historical studies, which are inaccurate in their findings and give only the most basic outline of the Party's policy in this territory. Therefore, the present study is one of the new probes into the Party's activities in Slovakia, aiming to reduce the historiographical debt. Given the limited scope, this article analyses the party's profile in Slovakia intending to evoke its Czechoslovakist programme, the programme of Czechoslovak national and state unity, which was not accepted with understanding in the conservative and especially nationalist and autonomist-oriented Slovak environment or was fundamentally rejected. In the field of political practice, the party projected the concept of unity into the issue of the search for the optimal administrative system of the Czechoslovak Republic. It was opposed not only to the vision of an autonomous Slovakia within Czechoslovakia, which she correctly perceived as the first step in the process leading to the state-law separation of Czechs and Slovaks, but also the provincial system. The ideal, fulfilling the idea of self-government, autonomy, and independence, was the county system. As a probe into the aforementioned topic, this study also analyses the relationship of the National Socialists in Slovakia to Hlinka's Slovak People's Party, which had the most significant electoral support of the population and differed with them programmatically and politically on the issues addressed in our study. It was their primary political opponent.
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Bosak, Edita. « Yeshayahu A. Jelinek, The Lust for Power : Nationalism, Slovakia and the Communists, 1918-1948. Boulder, CO : East European Monographs, 1983. 192 pp. Distributed by Columbia University Press. » Nationalities Papers 13, no 1 (1985) : 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200041003.
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Kaščák, Ondrej, et Zuzana Danišková. « For God and for nation ! The ideologisation of schools and education under the changing relationship between church and state in Slovakia ». Human Affairs 32, no 2 (1 avril 2022) : 162–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2022-0013.
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Abstract The present study analyses education policy in Slovakia and determines the role of the church in education governance and the church–state relationship in education policy. The church–state relationship is also evident in the specific constellations of the national curriculum. The study highlights the de-secularisation trend in education policy and curricula and identifies the links between religious and nationalist education content, which are largely a relic of the historical (and controversial) era of Slovak statehood building. It also analyses Ethical Education, which is a specific (and internationally unique) school subject in Slovakia that has been shaped by a particular church–state ‘ideological governing form’.
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O’Donnell, Stephen. « The “Slovakization” of 19th-Century Migrants from Upper Hungary to the United States : A Case Study in the Politics of Language Use ». Nationalities Papers 47, no 5 (septembre 2019) : 840–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.50.
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AbstractUse of the Slovak literary language was central to the Slovak nationalist political movement in the Kingdom of Hungary before 1918. Yet beyond a Slovak nationalist intelligentsia of just 1,000 or so individuals, this idea had little purchase among the claimed nation of two million Slovak-speakers living in “Upper Hungary”—who Slovak nationalists typically understood as lacking sufficient “national consciousness” to support their political aims. As mass, transatlantic migration led to nearly half a million Slovak-speakers leaving Upper Hungary for the United States between 1870 and 1914, these linked issues of language use and “national consciousness” were carried over to the migrant colony. Rather than being a widely held sentiment among migrants from Upper Hungary, this article shows how Slovak national consciousness was generated within the Slovak American community in the final decades of the 19th century. This case study shows how a small group of nationalist leaders consciously promoted literary Slovak as the “print language” of the migrant colony to instill the idea of a common, Slovak nationhood among migrants living on the other side of the Atlantic—a project that helped in turn to create a Slovak national homeland in central Europe after the First World War.
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Kalvoda, Josef. « National Minorities Under Communism : The Case of Czechoslovakia ». Nationalities Papers 16, no 1 (1988) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408065.
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After its establishment in 1918–1919, Czechoslovakia was a multinational state and some of its minorities protested against their being included into it. The nationality problem was related to the collapse of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1938 and the loss of some of its territories to Germany, Poland, and Hungary. It may be pointed out that the 1920 Constitution did not recognize a separate Slovak national identity and that the Czechs and Slovaks were termed “Czechoslovaks.” The post-Munich Second Republic recognized a separate Slovak nationality; however, the state came to its end in March 1939. In 1945, after its reestablishment as a national state of the Czechs and Slovaks, the country's government attempted to liquidate the national minorities' problem in a drastic manner by transfer (expulsion) of Germans and Hungarians.
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Gallova, A., M. Olah, I. Kmit, A. Murgova, M. Popovicova, V. Krcmery, D. Hennelova et al. « Spectrum of Humanitarian Help to migrants of War from Multi-ethnic vs. Mono-ethnic Regions (Note) ». Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, no 2 (26 avril 2022) : 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_2_02.
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After armed conflict due to invasion of Russian Fed forces to Ukraine, humanitarian help from neighboring countries emerged, mainly Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary,Romania, Moldova, etc. The aim of this short research note is to compare the type of humanitarian assistance from a multiethnic area of Rimavska Sobota (multi-ethnic area with about one fifth of Hungarian; a third of Roma population; a district of highest unemployment; to the Bratislava area with lowest unemployment with Slovak nationals in majority.
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Carpenter, Michael. « Slovakia and the Triumph of Nationalist Populism ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no 2 (1 juin 1997) : 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00005-6.
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Since the collapse of communism in 1989, two dominant political orders have been established in Eastern Europe: nationalist populism and social democracy. This paper argues that the division of Eastern Europe into a nationalist-populist South and a social democratic North is the result of the evolution of two different types of political cultures and political institutions. These two types of political cultures and institutions, which I call “traditional” and “civic,” arose as a result of different historical experiences. The paper argues that traditional political cultures and institutions are the legacies of political subjugation and backward socio-economic conditions, while civic political cultures and institutions arose as a result of greater political autonomy and industrialization. The paper concludes that, by suppressing democratic norms and perpetuating a vast network of patronage, Slovakia's traditional legacy has facilitated the rise of a nationalist-populist regime.
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Bajzíková, Ľubica, et Peter Bajzik. « Mobility and working opportunities in the EU and Slovakia ». Management 25, no 1 (29 juin 2020) : 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.30924/mjcmi.25.1.6.
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Current globalisation processes witness the mobility and migration of labour as their characteristic features. The free movement of people and workers is one of the rights of citizens of the European Union (EU), and includes the right to move, to reside and to work in an EU member state without discrimination. The aim of this paper is to analyse the labour mobility within the EU with special attention to Slovakia. In its historical development, Slovakia belonged to countries with population migrating predominantly to foreign countries and was not a traditional destination country for migrants. However, today it has gradually become a state that employs foreign labour, especially in production plants. This change has not only been contributed to by Slovakia’s accession to the EU, but especially by the economic development of the state and the creation of new job opportunities for both domestic and foreign labour. The study analyses the intra-mobility in Slovakia and focuses on analysis of the trends in employment of foreign workers from EU and non-EU member states between 2007 and 2019. For the purposes of this paper, data were extracted from a relatively large number of prominent sources, for example: the European Commission, Eurostat, and the International Labour Organization (ILO) reports, and the Slovak Statistical Office resources related to labour mobility. In the desk research, the collected information were analysed and subjected to critical multidimensional assessment from quantitative, absolute, and relative, as well as cross-sectional perspectives. Special attention was paid to analysis of documentation that accompanied these data. The significance of the examined topic is underlined by the fact that Slovakia is currently a recipient of foreign labour due to insufficient qualification of domestic labour. It therefore introduces new legislative measures to speed up the employment process, remove administrative barriers and, in cooperation with employers, accelerate the process of adaptation to new work-related conditions, especially for workers from non-EU countries. In addition, employment of third-country nationals in Slovakia is a relatively demanding and lengthy process. On the one hand, the employment of foreigners contributes to economic development. On the other hand, this process stirs various problems, which are mainly related to cultural and social integration, and the removal of which cannot be achieved only through the legal regulations.
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Haughton, Tim, Marek Rybář et Kevin Deegan-Krause. « Leading the Way, but Also Following the Trend : The Slovak National Party ». Politics and Governance 9, no 4 (24 novembre 2021) : 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4570.
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Despite spells outside parliament, with its blend of nationalist and populist appeals the Slovak National Party (SNS) has been a prominent fixture on Slovakia’s political scene for three decades. Unlike some of the newer parties in Slovakia and across the region, partly as a product of the point of its (re-)creation, SNS has a comparable organizational density to most established parties in the country and has invested in party branches and recruiting members. Although ordinary members exercised some power and influence during the fissiparous era of the early 2000s, SNS has been notable for the role played by its leader in decision-making and steering the party. Each leader placed their stamp on the projection, pitch and functioning of the party, both as a decision-making organization and an electoral vehicle. Ordinary members have been largely—but not exclusively—relegated to the role of cheerleaders and campaigners for the party’s tribunes; a situation which has not changed significantly in the era of social media. The pre-eminent position of the leader and the limited options for “voice” has led unsuccessful contenders for top posts and their supporters to opt instead for “exit.” Despite having some of the traits of the mass party and having engaged in some of the activities common for mass parties, especially in the earlier years of its existence, in more recent times in particular, SNS falls short of the mass party model both in aspiration and reality.
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Stolarik, M. Mark. « Alexander Maxwell. Choosing Slovakia : Slavic Hungary, the Czechoslovak Language and Accidental Nationalism. International Library of Political Studies 37. London/New York : Tauris Academic Studies/I. B. Tauris Publishers, 2009. Pp. 262, illus., maps, charts. » Austrian History Yearbook 43 (avril 2012) : 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000877.
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Gyurcsik, Iván, et James Satterwhite. « The Hungarians in Slovakia ». Nationalities Papers 24, no 3 (septembre 1996) : 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408463.
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The situation of Hungarians in Slovakia since 1989 has developed in the context of the political and economic transitions of the region: from post-totalitarian states towards pluralist democracies, and from centrally-planned economies toward market systems. In addition, the end of Czechoslovakia as a united entity on December 31 1992, has directly affected the Hungarian nationality. These political, economic and social changes have had a direct impact on their situation in Slovakia.
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Kasagranda, Anton. « Spatial Differentiation and Evaluation of Tourism Performance of Slovakia and Its Specificities ». Czech Journal of Tourism 4, no 1 (1 décembre 2015) : 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cjot-2015-0004.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to quantify tourists (both domestic and international) of Slovakia and their chronology throughout the years. Firstly, a brief development of them is introduced (absolute number and proportion of the total traffic from 1985 to 2013). Subsequently, the structure of their nationality, spatial differentiation (at municipal level) and seasonality is discussed (respective distribution during the year). The aim of this study is to discover a spatial context in space and time. To quantify the number of tourists, the data from the Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic and also from the Ministry of Transport, Construction and Regional Development, are used. These data are interpreted in analyses and confirmed by tables, graphs and pictures.
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Doubek, Vratislav. « Parameters of the Transition from a Cultural to a Political Program by the Czech and Slovak Elites in the Mid-19th Century ». Journal of Nationalism, Memory & ; Language Politics 12, no 2 (31 décembre 2018) : 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0012.
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Abstract This article examines the rise of the nascent intellectual and business bourgeois elites of the Czechs and Slovaks, focusing on the transformation of their cultural program into a political one. The article takes a comparative approach and investigates the relationship of political programs to prepolitical identities, zooming in on the parameters of a broader Czech and Slovak state identity, including the role of the center (Vienna, Pest, Prague, or Pressburg) or language (analyzing both its unifying and divisive roles in bridging the ideas and visions of the emerging local elites). As I argue, in the case of the Czech and Slovak nationalist movements, we can observe a transition from a prepolitical to the political program in the mid-19th century itself.
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Kissová, Lenka. « The Production of (Un)deserving and (Un)acceptable : Shifting Representations of Migrants within Political Discourse in Slovakia ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 32, no 4 (26 décembre 2017) : 743–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417745127.
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The article examines political discourse in Slovakia, particularly the representations of and ideas about refugees and the relevant topics employed in political, explanations and representations of refugees constructed and employed within political argumentation. The text reveals the main discursive legitimation strategies present in the political framing of refugees, resulting in the non-acceptance of non-Christian refugees. Among these, positive us- and negative other-representation, together with denial, moral evaluation, and discursively declared risk based on religion, prove to be the main ones employed for symbolic and physical boundary construction. In this case, the dividing line between “Slovaks” and “others” has been formed around cultural (religious) adaptability, consequently connected to (un)deservingness of solidarity. Different topics are employed before and after adoption of the European Union refugee redistribution system. Economic interests, border protection, and organized crime are applied as main themes of legitimation strategies in the pre-quota period, while cultural interest, identity protection, and terrorism are employed in the post-quota period. They function as a background for argumentation, knowledge production, political decision-making and wider identity-building and national self-determination processes. In the wider context of globalization and Europeanization trends, Christianity becomes an iconic response to global changes and it is used as a mobilizing tool for invoking nationalist and anti-European Union sentiment. Moreover, as the political strategies and responses employed in other Central and Eastern European countries are similar, the Slovak case might be applied more generally and, thus, provide a deeper understanding of the political responses and state-building processes of other countries in the region.
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Buday, Š., et T. Čičová. « The transactions on the agricultural land market in Slovakia ». Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 60, No. 10 (21 octobre 2014) : 449–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/56/2014-agricecon.
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Data on the transactions with agricultural land in 2012, based on the primary data from the Research Institute of Geodesy and Cartography in Bratislava, were evaluated according to the legal status of the buyer and also whether the legal person was a national of the Slovak Republic, or had been resident abroad. The results of the data analysis pointed out that in the selected twelve districts of the Slovak Republic in 2012, there were 55.75% of legal persons, 44.10% of natural persons and 0.15% of subjects without determining the legal form involved in the transactions with agricultural land. Legal persons were divided into two categories, i.e. the entities with the nationality of the Slovak Republic and the entities domiciled abroad. The results showed that in 2012, within the study sample of buyers of the farmland, there were 99.91% of legal persons having the nationality of the Slovak Republic, and only 0.09% was other legal persons from abroad.
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Nováková, Iveta. « Role of EU and National Legislation in Shaping Communication in Police Detention Centres ». Internal Security 12, no 2 (30 décembre 2020) : 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.6689.
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The study is devoted to a discussion on selected issues relating to the EU and national legislation which determine the process of the mainstream communication with third-country nationals in the Police Detention Centres. The study is a part of the ongoing research project of the Department of Foreign Languages of the Academy of the Police Force in Bratislava and the Bureau of the Border and Foreign Police of the Presidium of the Police Force, Slovakia titled Intercultural Communication with third-country nationals in the Police Detention Centres. The research attempts to find the answer to the following question: What means of intercultural communication (verbal and non-verbal) do police officers use with third-country nationals for mutual understanding, avoiding conflicts and correct adherence to human rights? Following the findings of the intermediate legislative and applied research, the author points out the main reasons which lead to certain difficulties in performing understandable communication in the Police Detention Centres such as loopholes in the EU legislation, non-conformity of the EU and national legislation in using the state (national) vs foreign language in official service communication with third-country nationals whose stay is unauthorised in the territory of the Slovak Republic, and in the EU and the Schengen Area, and their residence or entry into the Schengen Area is detected as irregular and subsequently clarified, with respective accountability.
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Chloupek, Brett R. « Post-communist city text in Košice, Slovakia as a liminal landscape ». Miscellanea Geographica 23, no 2 (30 avril 2019) : 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2019-0009.
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Abstract During the communist period in Slovakia (1948-1989), street toponyms and monuments were a few of the many realms of ideological infusion by the communist government. Renaming streets and establishing monuments in honor of local and international socialist figures was intended to have an aggregate effect on public consciousness in a way that helped legitimize the political rule of the communist regime. However, because the nature of socialist commemorations is fundamentally more complex that those of other competing ideologies like nationalist movements, these commemorations took on complex and sometimes contradictory meanings in the public memory that, in some cases, cause them to persist to this day. This paper utilizes Turner’s (1975) concept of ‘liminality’ to examine elements of city text like toponyms and statues in the eastern Slovak city of Košice to demonstrate why many of these communist-era elements of city text remain as leftover landscapes of the communist period.