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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

Hayden, Robert M. « Constitutional Nationalism in the Formerly Yugoslav Republics ». Slavic Review 51, n^o 4 (1992) : 654–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500130.

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The results of the first free elections in Yugoslavia since World War II, held in 1990, set the stage for the civil war that broke out in summer and fall 1991. In those elections, strongly nationalist parties or coalitions won in each of the republics. In Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and to some extent in Macedonia, nationalists asserted anticommunism in order to bolster their appeal and their legitimacy internationally, while the new Socialist Party of Serbia (nee the League of Communists of Serbia) and the League of Communists in Montenegro effected Ceausescu-like transformations by turning nominally socialist parties into openly nationalist ones.

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Biserko, Sonya. « HEGEMONIC NATIONALIST MATRICES OF THE PAST AND THE FUTURE OF THE BALKANS ». Urgent Problems of Europe, n^o 2 (2021) : 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.04.

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The article examines the features of public attitudes, national consciousness and foreign policy of Serbia in the context of its relationship with the countries of the Western Balkans. On the basis of modern Serbian scientific literature and opinion piece, the author analyzes the current crisis state of Serbian society, which was the result of the policy of S. Milošević and the heirs of the ideas of Serbian nationalism. The main attention is paid to Serbia’s relations with the newly formed states after the collapse of the SFRY - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia - from the point of view of the problem of joining of these countries the EU and NATO. The author analyzes the political and psychological atmosphere in Serbian society, the moods and plans of the authorities of modern Serbia, as well as the views of the right-wing nationalist politicians and scientists in relation to neighboring states. The study acquaints the reader with Serbia’s foreign policy plans and their results in the context of the formation of a new national identity based on the «Saint Sava myth», Serbian Orthodoxy and Serbian ethnic nationalism. An important place in the formation of Serbian identity is occupied by the revision of the concept of the history of Yugoslavia, which leads to the deformation of historical consciousness and the dominance of ethno-national identity over all other types of identity, and above all, over civic identity. The author believes that the new identity now being formed in Serbia leads to the rejection of modern reforms based on the rule of law, human rights, pluralism and tolerance. The author concludes that for stabilization in the Balkans it is necessary to find a point of integration common to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of their nationality. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a key link in the process of stabilizing the region. But all the other states of the Western Balkans are facing the same task. The researcher examines the role of Russia in the domestic life and foreign policy of Serbia and, in general, in the Western Balkans region, which has not yet resolved the problems of the transition period.

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Jagiełło-Szostak, Anna. « Nacjonalizm w przemówieniach Slobodana Miloševicia ». Sprawy Narodowościowe, n^o 41 (13 février 2022) : 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.030.

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Nationalism in Slobodan Milošević’s SpeechesThe fall of Yugoslavia showed economic, national, ideological and political problems. Thus, there was a strong rise of hidden nationalisms among nations living on the same territory, such as Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian from the 1980s.The aim of the article is to show how Slobodan Milošević’s nationalism was rising in his speeches in the period between 1988 (when he came to power) and 1992 (when the new constitution of FRY was adopted). The author analyzed eleven speeches made during the debates in the Serbian Parliament, during sessions of the Socialist Party of Serbia and during meetings with people in such cities as Gazimestan, Belgrade, Novi Sad, Bor and Niš. In his speeches Milošević raised such subjects as the question of Yugoslavia, the question of Serbian nation living on the whole territory of Yugoslavia, the role of Serbia in the creation of Yugoslavia. Additionally, he was blaming “enemies” (such as Slovenia, Croatia, Albanians from Kosovo) for the collapse of Yugoslavia and the war in the 1990s. He was using a language of populism and propaganda to enhance his goals and tried to be emotionally close to his nation.

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Asaturov, Sergey, et Andrei Martynov. « THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM : THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA ». EUREKA : Social and Humanities, n^o 5 (11 octobre 2020) : 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.

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The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

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Jovanović, Srđan M. « The Discursive Creation of the ‘Montenegrin Language’ and Montenegrin Linguistic Nationalism in the 21st Century ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 13, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2018-0005.

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Abstract The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled Lingua Montenegrina. This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.

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Houliston, Linda, Stanislav Ivanov et Craig Webster. « Nationalism in Official Tourism Websites of Balkan Countries ». Tourism 69, n^o 1 (27 mars 2021) : 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.37741/t.69.1.7.

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This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.

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Archer, Rory. « “Antibureaucratism” as a Yugoslav Phenomenon : The View from Northwest Croatia ». Nationalities Papers 47, n^o 4 (juillet 2019) : 562–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.40.

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AbstractMost studies of the antibureaucratic revolution have focused on political elites and activists in Serbia, Montenegro, and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo. Recent scholarship has focused on individual participants, often workers, and takes their agency seriously. Building upon such research, this article explores the antibureaucratic revolution as a particular manifestation of a larger sociocultural process, constitutive of long-term structural changes across the whole of Yugoslavia. An analysis of workplace documents and local newspapers in northwest Croatia demonstrates that antibureaucratic sentiment was not the prerogative of Serbian and Montenegrins but of Yugoslav citizens more generally. Yugoslavs were conditioned by the party-state to be critical of bureaucracy. Workers began to admonish the expansion of administrative positions, which they blamed for their falling living standards. Despite decentralizing and autarkic tendencies in political and economic life in late socialist Yugoslavia, working class discontents (and representations of it) remained remarkably similar across republican boundaries. In Rijeka and its environs, a shift does not occur until in mid-1988. Condemnations of nationalism become more urgent and a skepticism toward the mass protests occurring in Serbia is palpable from this point onward.

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Đurović, Tatjana, et Nadežda Silaški. « Metaphors we vote by ». Journal of Language and Politics 9, n^o 2 (15 juillet 2010) : 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.2.04dur.

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This paper looks at how the marriage metaphor structures the discourse concerning the relationship between political parties in Serbia. In January 2007, in the first general election to be held in Serbia since its union with Montenegro was dissolved in 2006, no party succeeded in gaining an absolute majority. Eventually, after more than three months of coalition talks, the main pro-reform parties agreed to form a government: the conservative and moderately nationalist right-leaning Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), together with the pro-Western Democratic Party (DS). Compiling a small data collection from the leading Serbian dailies and political weeklies we have tried to track the metaphors through highly argumentative discourse in regard to the formation of political coalitions and their break-up. The main aim of this study is to show how the metaphors may be mapped and used as a vehicle of public discourse for achieving overt or covert political and ideological objectives on the complex political scene in contemporary Serbia. We will also argue that Serbian political discourse is highly gendered, as gender roles, manifested through the assignment of wife and husband roles to political parties, are clearly delineated according to the traditional male-female dichotomy, implying stereotypical traits and patriarchal values characteristic of Serbian culture.

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Ceribašić, Naila, Ana Hofman et Ljerka Vidić Rasmussen. « Post-Yugoslavian Ethnomusicologies in Dialogue ». Yearbook for Traditional Music 40 (2008) : 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s074015580001208x.

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From the 1950s through 1990s, ethnomusicology in Yugoslavia represented the sum of several distinct research traditions that, by and large, overlapped with the borders of six constituent republics: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia. Although the overarching national framework quickly disintegrated with the onset of the Yugoslav wars of succession in the early 1990s, localized research within particular borders was largely unaffected. The triumph of militant nationalism, the sweeping social changes, and the attendant musical transformations across the region raised issues of researchers’ accountability. Faced with unimaginable violence in the name of national identity and cultural difference, what should, or can, an ethnomusicologist do?

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Nedeljković, Saša. « Masculinity as an Alternative Parameter of Ethnic Identity : Montenegrins in the Village of Lovćenac ». Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 5, n^o 1 (19 février 2010) : 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v5i1.3.

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The village of Lovćenac is located in the region of Bačka, practically halfway between the cities of Novi Sad and Subotica, and has a population of about 4,000. After World War II it was settled by Montenegrins from the region known as "Old Montenegro". Today, the residents of Lovćenac are faced with great challenges of ethnic and national identification. The village is a stronghold of Montenegrin nationalist feeling in Serbia, and the only place where Montenegrin "traditional" culture has been preserved to this day. Having studied Montenegrins in Serbian towns and cities, my intention was to study the identity formula of a rural Montenegrin community in Serbia, and it was with this aim that in 2009 I conducted a study of Lovćenac villagers' identity, using observation and the interview as methodological tools. I paid particular attention to the study of alternative parameters of ethnic identity, specifically the phenomenon of masculinity, which in this case could provide an important analytical instrument. In this particular case, masculinity is manifested through specific and adapted forms of aggresivity, heterosexuality, authoritarianism, laziness etc. These syndroms and concepts are important for self-determination, but also for description, making ethnic boundaries sharper and more distinct. This concept has proved to be especially useful in the case of identification with smaller ethnic (clan) and regional groups, i.e. in intragroup classification. Masculinity has turned out to be an important regulator of interethnic and intraethnic relations, that is, a relational category that is invoked and used when descent, regional affiliation, religion and language are insufficiently clear criteria for ethnic systematization and operationalization.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

Vaschenko, Vitalii. « Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.

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Tarquinto, Michael S. « Serbia and Montenegro : together forever or one-night stand ? / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FTarquinto.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): John Leslie, Stephen Garrett. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-79). Also available online.

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Ardolic, Mimoza. « Kosovo & ; Montenegro : Why Different Outcomes ? » Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1911.

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Abstract

University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences

Course: PO 5363, Political Science

Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?

Author: Mimoza Ardolic

Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt

Date: 2008-01-15

The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.

The research questions are:

 How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?

 Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?

 Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?

The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.

The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.

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Vladisavljevic, Nebosa. « Serbia in turmoil : the collapse of Communism, mobilization and nationalism ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415502.

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Bozeva-Abazi, Katrin. « The shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian national identities, 1800s-1900s ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19473.

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The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. The historical data examined demonstrate that before the establishment of their sovereign states ordinary Serbs and Bulgarians had only a vague idea, if any, of their national identity. The peasantry was accustomed to defining itself in terms of religion, locality and occupation, not in terms of nationality. Once the nation state was established peasants had to be indoctrinated in nationalism. The inculcation was executed through the schooling system, military conscription, the Christian Orthodox Church, and the press. It was through the channels of these state institutions that a national identity came into existence.

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Asplund, Malin. « The Legitimacy of Secession and the Case of Montenegro ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-667.

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Rätten till självbestämmande har traditionellt sett inneburit att staters suveränitet respekterats. Konceptet har dock kommit att applicerats på andra plan i större utsträckning, då man har argumenterat för rätten till nationellt självbestämmande. En gemensam kultur, eller liknande, har på så vis fungerat som underlag för secessionsrörelser. Secession kan ha allvarliga konsekvenser för de involverade politiska enheterna. Det kan även vara ett koncept svårt att implementera i verkligheten då det berör territoriella aspekter såväl som ifrågasätter vilka som hör till den utbrytande rörelsen. En teoretisk ram användbar för utvärdering av secession har därför sammanställts i denna uppsats, baserad på tre typer av secessionsteorier som applicerats på och jämförts med fallet Montenegro. Ramen bygger på en teoretisk diskussion rörande definitioner av nationalism, nationer och identitet. Dessa definitioner grundas på en civil och medborgerlig förståelse av nationalism, där identitet beskrivs som en dynamisk företeelse. Secessionsramen har därefter applicerats på fallet Montenegro som nyligen blivit en självständig stat. En utvärdering av fallet har sedan bedrivits, baserad på en historisk översikt av landet. För att understryka komplexiteten med secession presenteras sedan argument mot secession som inte bör betraktas som en lösning på etniska konflikter. Alternativa lösningar på sådana presenteras därefter vilket ger en insikt i multiculturalism. Sådana lösningar innebär alla en risk för att etniska gränser etsas fast istället för löses upp. Montenegros secession kan dock betraktas som legitim då relativts stabila demokratiska och liberala institutioner gått att finna även innan secessionen. Folkomröstningen var även den legitim och influerad av medborgarskap snarare än etnicitet.

The principle of self-determination traditionally refers to respect for state sovereignty. It has been increasingly employed to lower level communities as they have argued their right to national self-determination. National groups have, based on a common culture or likewise, made claims to secession. Secession can have severe consequences for either one of the two political units. It can also be extremely difficult to implement as it involves territorial aspects and the fundamental question of who belongs to the national group wishing to secede. A framework for evaluating the legitimacy of secession is developed in this thesis, based on three general types of secession theories applied and compared to the case of Montenegro. The framework builds upon a theoretical background defining what is meant by nationalism, nations and identity. The language used in this essay is therefore that of constructivism, rooted in the civic idea of nationalism. The belief that human identities are dynamic and subject to change is a crucial assumption. With the aid of an historical presentation of Montenegro, an evaluation of the region’s independence is made. To underline why secession should be implemented with care, arguments against secession are then presented. Secession should not be confused with a solution to ethnical tensions. Alternatives to secession are thus demonstrated, showing the complexity of the multiculturalist field in general. Multicultural policies risk fixing ethnical lines rather than dissolving them. The secession of Montenegro is legitimate as relatively stable democratic and liberal tradition existed prior to independence. The referendum in Montenegro was, more over, determined by a well organised referendum where civil elements dominated over

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Kissopoulos, Lisa. « Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.

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Merry, Adrienne. « Socio-cultural aspects of functional regionalization in the cross-border area between Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia (SCAFRB) ». Thesis, Lille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL1A025.

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Une nouvelle régulation macroéconomique et socio-économique dans la région centrale des Balkans conduisant à accélérer la croissance économique est à la fois nécessaire et possible. À partir d'une revue de littérature sur les différentes théories des développements macroéconomiques et en particulier les théories de la localisation, cette étude montre que du point de vue de la plupart des démocraties occidentales la région centrale des Balkans est toujours une région très instable en Europe. Une régionalisation fonctionnelle des Balkans est une énigme du point du développement, aussi bien pour les Balkans que pour l'Europe. De plus, pour l'Europe le défi est de former une communauté fonctionnelle dans une zone composée d'un grand nombre de communautés nationales qui ont connu des conflits nationaux très intense ces dernières décennies et dont les traces sont toujours très présentes aujourd'hui. Le défi pour les instances gouvernementales et de gestion des communautés locales est de savoir comment construire une transition viable pour passer d'une communauté qui dysfonctionne sur le plan socioculturel a un système intègre un système intégré et fonctionnel permettant un développement socioculturel et économique. L'étude analyse les forces et faiblesses d'une région particulière des Balkans, la région des montagnes du Sharr, et les possibilités de mettre en place une coopération transfrontalière entre différentes cités de manière à catalyser le développement socio-économique. Plusieurs projets auxquels a participé l'auteur de l'étude sont présentés. Les enjeux sont importants et les défis très incertains
New social-economic macro-regionalization in the Central Balkans, leading to accelerating the pace of economic growth in the monitored area, is both necessary and possible. From a review of the literature it is clear that in the view of most western democracies the Central Balkans still remains the most unstable region in the western world. Functional regionalization of the Balkans is a developmental enigma for the Balkans as well as for Europe. Secondly, for Europe, the challenge is to form a functioning community originally in an area composed of a number of different national communities that have recently been in the most harmful national conflict. The challenge of local government community is how best to construct a viable transition from a dysfunctional socio-cultural community to an integrated functional global socio-cultural system.The study analyses the strengths and weaknesses of a particular Balkan area, the Shaar Mountains area, and the possibilities to set up trans-borders cooperation between several cities in order to enhance socio-economic development. Several projects the author has participated to are presented. The stakes are high, and the challenges still uncertain

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Guzina, Dejan. « Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state, the case of Serbia ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52322.pdf.

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Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. « Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state ; the case of Serbia ». Ottawa, 2000.

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Livres sur le sujet "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

Saviours of the nation : Serbia's intellectual opposition and the revival of nationalism. Montreal : McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003.

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Serbia and Montenegro. New York : Facts On File, 2004.

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Serbia and Montenegro. New York : Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2004.

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Economist Intelligence Unit (Great Britain). Yugoslavia (Serbia-Montenegro) 1998-99. London : Economist Intelligence Unit, 1998.

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Serbia and Montenegro in pictures. Minneapolis : Twenty-First Century Books, 2007.

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Marat, Terterov, dir. Doing business with Serbia & Montenegro. 2^e éd. Sterling, VA : GMB Pub. Limited, 2006.

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They would never hurt a fly : War criminals on trial in The Hague. London : Abacus, 2004.

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They would never hurt a fly : War criminals on trial in The Hague. New York : Viking, 2004.

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Jovanović, Aleksandra. Transition report for Serbia and Montenegro. Belgrade : G17 Institute, 2005.

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Marat, Terterov, dir. Doing business with Serbia and Montenegro. London and Sterling, VA : Kogan Page, 2004.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

Kostadinov, Stanimir, Miodrag Zlatić, Nada Dragović et Zoran Gavrilović. « Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans Soil Erosion in Europe, 271–77. Chichester, UK : John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/0470859202.ch22.

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Turner, Barry. « Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans The Statesman’s Yearbook 2005, 1410–24. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271333_257.

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Turner, Barry. « Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans The Statesman’s Yearbook, 1418–32. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271340_261.

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Turner, Barry. « Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans The Statesman’s Yearbook 2007, 1081–90. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271357_263.

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Samardžić, Slobodan, et Duško Lopandić. « Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans The Impact of EU Accession on the Legal Orders of New EU Member States and (Pre-)Candidate Countries, 143–77. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-465-3_5.

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Zečević, Nada, et Nenad Ristović. « Classical Reception in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, and Montenegro ». Dans A Handbook to Classical Reception in Eastern and Central Europe, 327–35. Hoboken, NJ, USA : John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118832813.ch27.

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Williamson, Samuel R. « The Monarchy’s Enemies : Serbia, Montenegro and the Triple Entente ». Dans Austria-Hungary and the Origins of the First World War, 100–120. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21163-0_7.

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Luis Díez Plaza, César. « Lectorados de español en Serbia y Montenegro (1991–2019) ». Dans Хиспанско наслеђе у мултикултуралном свету, 459–75. Београд : Филолошки факултет Универзитета у Београду, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/legado_hispanico.2020.ch22.

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Zuber, Christina Isabel, et Jelena Džankić. « Serbia and Montenegro. From Centralization to Secession and Multi-ethnic Regionalism ». Dans Regional and National Elections in Eastern Europe, 207–38. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51787-6_9.

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Foster, Stephanie, et Filip Hostiuc. « Validation of NICS in Exercises – Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro and North Macedonia ». Dans NATO Science for Peace and Security Series C : Environmental Security, 53–67. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-2142-2_5.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

Šćepanović, Mihailo. « OGLUŠENjE O SRPSKI JEZIK ». Dans IDENTITETSKE promene : srpski jezik i književnost u doba tranzicije. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Edaucatin in Jagodina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zip21.187q.

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The paper is based on the analysis of the relationship between the history of standardization of the Serbian language and its, as Dragoljub Petrović would say, sprouts, among which the Montenegrin language also appears. The author shows here in what way, after 30 years of scientific interventions of Serbian linguists, the so-called Montenegrin language is represented as “endangered” in the Serbian scientific public by the Serbian and Montenegrin nationalists. The paper proves that this book would be more adequately titled Montenegrin language = nationalism

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Donia, Robert. « The Forgotten Thousands : The Historiography of World War II Rescues of Allied Airmen in Yugoslavia ». Dans Međunaordna naučno-kulturološka konferencija “Istoriografija o BiH (2001–2017 )”. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2020.186.11.

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During World War II, Allied bombing of German-controlled petroleum refineries in Ploesti, Romania, diminished Axis fuel production but cost the Allies hundreds of planes and thousands of lives. Crews of many damaged planes flew partway back to Italy but were forced to crash-land their craft or bail out over Yugoslavia, where many landed on territory controlled by Partisans or Chetniks. Local Yugoslavs (mainly peasants), as well as both Chetniks and Partisans, welcomed them and gave them shelter. They were then evacuated by Allied transport aircraft (principally C-47s) that landed on makeshift airstrips maintained by Partisans or Chetniks. The historiography of these rescues may be divided into document-based studies, prepared principally by US military personnel based on official records; and memory-based studies by pro-Mihailović authors based principally on participant memoirs. Whereas memory-based studies uniformly adopted a Serb nationalist viewpoint, document-based studies showed no favoritism and portrayed various factions working in parallel to rescue Allied airmen. After Milošević fell in 2000, the Foreign Minister of Serbia and Montenegro, Vuk Drašković, in cooperation with the US Embassy, united the movement to valorize downed airmen and local efforts to rehabilitate Mihailović. Whether deliberately or not, US officials thereby undercut human rights activists in Serbia, and non-Serbs throughout the former Yugoslavia, who saw Mihailović as a war criminal, collaborator, and inspiration for war crimes and genocide in the wars of the 1990s.

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Kaličanin, Kristina, Ivica Terzić, Piotr Luty et Branko Barjaktarović. « Concentration Level in the Banking Industry : Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro ». Dans FINIZ 2022. Belgrade, Serbia : Singidunum University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15308/finiz-2022-9-14.

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Markovic, Vera. « IEEE in Serbia and Montenegro — A 46 year-long history ». Dans 2017 6th Mediterranean Conference on Embedded Computing (MECO). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/meco.2017.7977121.

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Gökçek Karaca, Nuray, et Semra Saruç. « International Migration Trends in Turkey and European Union Candidate Transition Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00871.

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In this study, international migration trends were evaluated in Turkey and European Union (EU) Candidate Transition Economies by means of data obtained from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The aim of this study is analyzing international migration trends in relation with other dimension of integration such as economics, social protection and social policy. In this study, the subject was carried out through comparative relation scanning model and literature model, the sample group was established EU candidate transition economies (Montenegro, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina) with Turkey. The research data was collected by means of data from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The findings from this study revealed that the population of Montenegro and Serbia among EU candidate transition economies less emigrated and more immigrated than other countries. It can also be concluded that the emigration trend of Turkey presents similar tendency with Montenegro and Serbia whereas immigration rate of Turkey is lower than the other countries except for Bosnia Herzegovina.

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Dimkić, Dejan, Marko Babalj, Darko Kovač et Mira Papović. « Non-Revenue Water in Water Supply Systems of Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans EWaS5. Basel Switzerland : MDPI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/environsciproc2022021010.

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Torabi, Roham, Nikola Sahovic, Sandy Rodrigues, Herlander Mata-Lima et F. Morgado-Dias. « Cost-effectiveness analysis of roof-top PV systems in Montenegro and Serbia ». Dans 2016 4th International Symposium on Environmental Friendly Energies and Applications (EFEA). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/efea.2016.7748773.

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Freudenstein, Frederik, Peter M. Wiedemann, Milica Pejanovic-Djurisic, Mladen Koprivica et Aleksandar Neskovic. « Intuitive exposure and risk perception of RF EMF : Case studies Serbia and Montenegro ». Dans 2014 22nd Telecommunications Forum Telfor (TELFOR). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/telfor.2014.7034344.

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Božić, Mirjana. « Actions to Improve Physics Education in Serbia and Montenegro and to Celebrate the World Year of Physics ». Dans WOMEN IN PHYSICS : 2nd IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2128309.

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Vidas-Bubanja, Marijana, et Iva Bubanja. « The future of digital economy in some SEE countries (Case study : Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina) ». Dans 2016 39th International Convention on Information and Communication Technology, Electronics and Microelectronics (MIPRO). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mipro.2016.7522379.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Nationalism – Serbia and Montenegro"

Schuch, Klaus. Patterns of Geographical Mobility of Researchers from Six Western Balkan Countries in Regional and European Mobility Based Training Programmes. Fteval - Austrian Platform for Research and Technology Policy Evaluation, juillet 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2021.516.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse the mobility of researchers from the six Western Balkan Countries, Albania, Bosnia and Herzego-vina, Kosovo*1, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia (abbr. WB6) within structured regional and European mobility programmes. We want to identify geographical patterns with a view on mobility-based training from the WB6 region to the EU, but also within the WB6 region. The following structured regional European programmes provide the basis for this comparative analysis • CEEPUS • ERASMUS + • Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions (MSCA) • COST

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