Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Nationalism – History – 20th century.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « Nationalism – History – 20th century »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Nationalism – History – 20th century ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Pohlman, Annie. « WOMEN AND NATIONALISM IN INDONESIA ». Historia : Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no 1 (23 juillet 2018) : 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12114.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indonesia was established 65 years ago, but the progress of Indonesian nasionalism had not yet done when the independence was proclaimed. The nationalism movement in Indonesia has been growing since the early of the 20th century until today because nationalism is not static but it always changing. In the nationalism development process, women always play the basic and important role. However, in many academic discourses discussing the nationalism history, women are neglected most of the time. Women participation in the nationalism movement is rarely discussed. The gender relation and its association with the development of Indonesia development are also neglected most of the time. Therefore, women role in the nationalism movement and the women interest tend to be removed. However, women always play the central role in the nationalism movement, such as in the beginning of the 20th century, during the colonialism government and Japanese era, the Revolution era against the Dutch, and the regime of Soekarno and Soeharto era. In this article, I will focus my discussion on the women movement development since the 1920s and their role in the Reformation movement and Indonesia nationalism. This article will discuss: (1) the first discussion starts with the summary of the women movement and nationalist movement background in the twentieth century; (2) the second discussion is about the development of women movement in the Reformation era; and (3) finally, I will explore some issues that affect the discussion of the women and nationalism in the Reformation Era – the Indonesian nationalism developed by the Government utilizing the women’s body and sexuality for achieving their goal is the central issue in the discussion about the form of Indonesia nationality.
2
Altuntaş, Nezahat. « Religious Nationalism in a New Era : A Perspective from Political Islam ». African and Asian Studies 9, no 4 (2010) : 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534805.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.
3
Kislitsin, Sergey A., et Saryn V. Kuchinsky. « Failed projects of cossack nationalism ideology in the first half of the 20th century. » Historical and social-educational ideas 13, no 2 (29 avril 2021) : 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-2-99-111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines four projects of the ideology of Cossack nationalism in the first half of the 20th century in the context of the history of the Cossacks at the pre-revolutionary stage, the functioning of the "All-Great Don Army" during the Civil War, the formation of the emigrant community of the 1920s-1930s, and the emergence of Cossack collaboration during the Great Patriotic War. As an ideological trend, Cossack nationalism was formed on the Don in the first half of the 20th century, even before the revolutionary events of 1917, based on the works of Cossack historians, writers, and publicists. The totality of the nationalist ideas of the Cossack patriots was caused by the general crisis of the class system, the collapse of the Russian Empire, the subsequent raskazachivanie, the emigration of part of the Cossacks and other tragic events for the Cossacks. The main ideologist and practitioner of Cossack nationalism, Ataman Krasnov, was rejected by the White Cossack Military Circle during the Civil War, and after the Second World War was executed in Moscow for treason to the Russian people. At no stage in the development of Russian statehood did the projects of Cossack nationalism receive a logical conclusion in the form of a Cossack political party and in principle were not supported by the broad masses of the Cossacks and, moreover, by the entire Russian people, but the recognition of this fact does not mean the rejection of the Cossack identity. The Cossack idea as a symbol of Russian patriotism has every right to exist in modern conditions.
4
Iskenderov, Petr. « Main trends of the political thoughts in Albania in 20th century ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 10_3 (1 octobre 2020) : 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi61.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article focuses on the two key currents of political thought in Albania in the twentieth century - “Nolism” and “Zogism”. The author traces their influence on the modern history of Albania. Special attention is paid to the problems of Albanian nationalism.
5
Watanabe, Shoko. « THE PARTY OF GOD : THE ASSOCIATION OF ALGERIAN MUSLIM ʿULAMAʾ IN CONTENTION WITH THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT AFTER WORLD WAR II ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no 2 (mai 2018) : 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractScholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ’s popular appeal.
6
Tanrıverdi, Ezgi. « The phenomenon of nationalism in nation-state ». Journal of Human Sciences 19, no 4 (18 décembre 2022) : 605–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v19i4.6328.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following dissolution of empires, nation-states appeared on the stage of history in the 19th century when they were established as a result of nationalism that came into prominence based on unity of common language and history. it would not be wrong to say that the nationalist movements that started in the 19th century and the transition period to the nation-state structure took place simultaneously. Nationalism has an important role in the process of losing the legitimacy of traditional structures and the emergence of modern states. The nationalist movement and its studies, which gained momentum especially after the world wars, were gen-erally evaluated together with modernism. Even if nationalism is not an ideology, it is undeniable that the na-tion form has existed in social life since ancient times. In addition to the economic, social and cultural reasons and changes that helped the emergence of the nation-state, there is also the concept of "nationalism", which was of interest to sociology at the end of the 19th cen-tury and at the beginning of the 20th century. The nation-state differs from previous state structures with its nationalist nature. Reasons such as changing economic functions, their organization and social change have found reality in the nation-state structure on the political axis and have also formed the cultural essence. It would be appropriate to emphasize that nationalism is undoubtedly the dominant element in the structuring of the nation-state, whether it is based on blood ties, language or cultural unity. The nation-states, which we accept as the modern period state structure, have formed today's modern nation-state structure by adopting nationalism as an ideology in order to integrate their people. This study seeks to answer certain questions such as whether the idea of nationalism influences the for-mation of nation-state and whether nation-states play an active role in the rise of nationalism. As a result of evaluations, it appears that the idea of nationalism, on one hand, has an active role in the formation of nation-state and nation-state, on the other hand, plays a role in the rise of nationalism as an ideology for keeping together the population living within its territory after its formation process.
7
Geer, Benjamin. « PROPHETS AND PRIESTS OF THE NATION : NAGUIB MAHFOUZ'S KARNAK CAFÉ AND THE 1967 CRISIS IN EGYPT ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no 4 (26 octobre 2009) : 669a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990432.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Similarities between religion and nationalism are well known but not well understood. They can be explained by drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's sociological theory in order to consider symbolic interests and the strategies employed to advance them. In both religion and nationalism, the “strategy of the prophets” relies on charisma while the “strategy of the priests” relies on cultural capital. In 20th-century Egypt, nationalism permitted intellectuals whose cultural capital was mainly secular, such as Naguib Mahfouz, to become “priests of the nation” in order to compete with the ʿulamaʾ for prestige and influence. However, it severely limited their autonomy, particularly after Nasser took power and became a successful nationalist prophet. Mahfouz's novel Al-Karnak, which explores the fate of the Nasser regime's political prisoners and the effects of Egypt's 1967 military defeat, reflects this limitation. Under a nationalist regime, the film adaptation of the novel contributed to Mahfouz's heteronomy.
8
Bilenky, Serhiy. « Children of Rus’ : From the Little Russian Idea to the Russian World ». Russian History 42, no 4 (27 novembre 2015) : 425–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04204001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a review of a book that traces the rise of Russian nationalism in Russia’s “southwestern borderlands” during the long 19th century. What gave rise to it was the so-called “Little Russian idea” that emphasized the existence of the Russian Orthodox organic nation that had originated in the right bank of the Dnieper. The elements of that idea survived well into the 20th century.
9
Kim, Sanghun. « Politics in Literature―Yugoslav Literature at the End of the 20th Century and Nationalism ». Society for International Cultural Institute 15, no 1 (30 juin 2022) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2022.15.1.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The causes of the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation can be found in many ways, but ‘nationalism’ is the most decisive. However, the issue of “should only the Serbian people be held responsible for the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the civil war?” is a very sensitive issue, and looking at the history of nationalism that existed before the formation of Yugoslavia shows that Serbia and other republics cannot be completely free from that responsibility. In this paper, we examine the historical development and characteristics of ‘nationalism’ in Yugoslavia, particularly in Serbia and Croatia, and based on this, the relationship between ‘literature’ and ‘nationalism’ in Serbia and Croatia around the 1990s. The Serbian and Croatian literary circles have clearly differentiated their position over the dissolution of Yugoslavia since 1991, while the Croatian literary community, which sought to gain independence from Yugoslavia, sought to find its national identity in literature and to make it as distinct as possible. Based on the overall position of Serbian and Croatian literary circles, we examine representative Serbian and Croatian writers who worked on literature around the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian civil war at the end of the 20th century.
10
Choueiri, Youssef M. « Pensée 2 : Theorizing Arab Nationalism ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no 1 (février 2009) : 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090053.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Arab nationalism has received the attention of a fairly large number of scholars since its inception at the turn of the 20th century. It did not receive its first full treatment, however, until 1938, when George Antonius published The Arab Awakening. This book set the tone for much that was to follow—as statements of confirmation, elaboration, or refutation.
11
Çelik, Ercüment. « The “labour aristocracy” in the early 20th-century South Africa ». Chinese Sociological Dialogue 2, no 1-2 (juin 2017) : 18–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2397200917715647.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Drawing on a review of key literature, this article analyses the labour aristocracy in early 20th-century South Africa, going beyond traditional conceptual and territorial boundaries created through a methodological nationalism and Eurocentrism since the emergence of labour history as an academic discipline. It identifies some key dimensions attributed to the labour aristocracy in mainstream approaches that focused on Victorian and Edwardian Britain, and attempts to illustrate how these could be considered in analysing the particular South African case. The article mainly focuses on how the understanding of labour aristocracy would be reconstructed by demonstrating an aristocracy of labour that merges with an aristocracy of colour in South Africa.
12
Deans, Phil. « Nationalism and National Self-Assertion in the People's Republic of China : State Patriotism versus Popular Nationalism ? » Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 21 (10 mars 2005) : 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v21i0.39.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nationalism and national self-assertion have been core values of the Chinese Communist Party throughout its history and also represent a key narrative of Chinese history in the 20th century, although the social bases from which the nationalism derives and the manner in which this nationalism is expressed have changed over time. From the 1990s onwards, the party-state's prefferred discourse on nationalism has been couched in terms of patriotism, while a popular nationalism has emerged, which at times goes beyond and challenges that of the party-state. The implications of this are addressed in the present paper wiht regard to the PRC's relations with Taiwan and Japan and with regard to the debate on ideology and Asian Values. It is argued that rising popular nationalism increasingly challenges state autonomy in the first two areas, but tends to be supportive of the state with regard to the third.
13
Erimtan, Can. « Hittites, Ottomans and Turks : Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey and the Kemalist construction of Turkish nationhood in Anatolia ». Anatolian Studies 58 (décembre 2008) : 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008711.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article analyses the position of the Hittites in the theoretical development of Turkish nationalism in the 20th century. The piece provides an outline of the full content of the Hittite claim in a Turkish nationalist context, particularly its promulgation as part of the so-called ‘Turkish History Thesis’. Following this, I will give full weight to the historical circumstances surrounding the emergence of the Hittite trope in Turkish writing. Basing myself on the work of Mete Tunçay, I will give proper prominence to the publication of the propaganda tractPontus Meselesi(1922). It is my contention that the Turkish intellectual of Azerî descent, Ağaoğlu Ahmed Bey, was the sole author of the textPontus Meselesi. The remainder of the article consists of a close reading of this geo-text. I will demonstrate that Ağaoğlu's discovery of the Hittites as worthy forebears for the Anatolian Muslims, whom he refers to as ‘Turks’ in his text, was the outcome of an ideologically motivated reading of 19th century European accounts of ancient Near Eastern history. The article shows that the propagation of the Kemalist concept of Turkish nationalism in Anatolia dates back to 1922, a year prior to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
14
Haas, Allison. « Two 1916s : Sebastian Barry’s A Long Long Way ». Humanities 8, no 1 (23 mars 2019) : 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010060.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As Paul Fussell has shown, the First World War was a watershed moment for 20th century British history and culture. While the role of the 36th (Ulster) Division in the Battle of the Somme has become a part of unionist iconography in what is now Northern Ireland, the experience of southern or nationalist Irish soldiers in the war remains underrepresented. Sebastian Barry’s 2005 novel, A Long Long Way is one attempt to correct this historical imbalance. This article will examine how Barry represents the relationship between the First World War and the 1916 Easter Rising through the eyes of his politically-conflicted protagonist, Willie Dunne. While the novel at first seems to present a common war experience as a means of healing political divisions between Ireland and Britain, this solution ultimately proves untenable. By the end of the novel, Willie’s hybrid English–Irish identity makes him an outcast in both places, even as he increasingly begins to identify with the Irish nationalist cause. Unlike some of Barry’s other novels, A Long Long Way does not present a disillusioned version of the early 20th century Irish nationalism. Instead, Willie sympathizes with the rebels, and Barry ultimately argues for a more inclusive Irish national identity.
15
Fahmy, Ziad. « MEDIA-CAPITALISM : COLLOQUIAL MASS CULTURE AND NATIONALISM IN EGYPT, 1908–18 ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no 1 (14 janvier 2010) : 103a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990833.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Egypt, during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, older, fragmented, and more localized forms of identity were rapidly replaced with new alternative concepts of community, which for the first time had the capacity to collectively encompass the majority of Egyptians. This article is about the growth of Egyptian national identity from 1908 until 1918. It highlights the importance of previously neglected colloquial Egyptian sources—especially recorded music and vaudeville—in examining modern Egyptian history. Through the lens of colloquial mass culture, the study traces the development of collective Egyptian identity during the first quarter of the 20th century. This article also engages with some of the theories of nationalism and tests their applicability to Egypt. Finally, it introduces the concept of “media-capitalism” in an effort to expand the historical analysis of nationalism beyond print.
16
Hejmej, Andrzej. « Komparatystyka i (inna) Historia Literatury / Comparative Literature Studies and (an Alternative ) History of Literature ». Ruch Literacki 53, no 4-5 (1 juillet 2012) : 401–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0026-y.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Summary This article examines the relationship between comparative studies and history of literature. While paying special attention to the present-day condition of these two disciplines, the author surveys various approaches, formulated since the early 19th century, which sought to break with the traditional, national model of the history of literature and the ethnocentric model of traditional comparative studies, driven by an impatience with both nationalism and crypto-nationalism. In this context he focuses on the most recent projects of literary history like ‘comparative history of literature’, ‘international history of literature’, ‘transcultural history of literature’, or ‘world literature’ - all of which are oriented towards the international dimension of literary history. The article explores the possible reasons for the late 20th and early 21st- century revival of Goethe’s idea of Weltliteratur (in the critical thought of Pascal Casanova, David Damrosch, and Franco Moretti) and the recent vogue for ‘alternative’ histories of literature produced under the auspices of comparative cultural studies. At the same time it voices some skepticism about the radical reinvention of comparative studies (along the lines of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s Death of a Discipline).
17
Xu, Yin, et Xiaoqun Xu. « BECOMING PROFESSIONAL : CHINESE ACCOUNTANTS IN EARLY 20TH CENTURY SHANGHAI ». Accounting Historians Journal 30, no 1 (1 juin 2003) : 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.30.1.129.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the experience of Chinese accountants transforming themselves into a profession during the early 20th century. It delineates how the experience was shaped by an intersection of economic development, the political culture and the nationalist movement in semi-colonial Shanghai. Chinese accountants responded to the daily manifestations of these larger historical forces by combining their professional self-interests with a nationalist agenda and by adapting to the changing political environment. The history and legacy of this experience provides a point of reference for observing the re-emergence of the accounting profession in China since the end of the Maoist era.
18
Green, Nile. « Locating Afghan History ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no 1 (février 2013) : 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812001316.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Afghanistan's 20th century has long been seen through an analytical dichotomy. One concentration of historical scholarship has sought to explain the fraught progress of Afghan nation-building in the 1910s and 1920s. A second has sought to explain the unraveling of the Afghan nation after 1979. Weighted toward the decades at either end of the century, this dichotomized field has been problematic in both chronological (and thereby processual) and methodological terms. On the level of chronology, the missing long mid-section (indeed, half) of the century between the framing coups of 1929 and 1979 has made it difficult to convincingly join together the two bodies of scholarship. Not only has the missing middle further cemented the division of scholarly labor but it also has made it more difficult to connect the history of the last quarter of the century to that of the first quarter (except as a story of parallels), rendering them discrete narratives of development, one ending and the other beginning with a coup. The problems are deeper than this, though, extending from questions of chronology and process to matters of method. For if in its focus on nationalism and nation-building the first-quarter scholarship is framed within the neat boundaries of national spaces and actors, then in its focus on the unraveling of the nation and its peoples through the consequences of Soviet intervention, the last-quarter scholarship elevates nonnational actors as the key agents of historical process.
19
Leupold, David. « “Fatally Tied Together” : The Intertwined History of Kurds and Armenians in the 20th Century ». Iran and the Caucasus 23, no 4 (21 novembre 2019) : 390–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190409.
Texte intégralRésumé :
More than a century years ago Talât Pasha declared famously that in the Eastern Provinces “The Armenian question does not exist anymore”. Today, far from being resolved, the former binary coding (Armenian/Turkish) is even further complicated by a third element— the ongoing Kurdish question (doza Kurdistanê). While most research and journalistic works frame the Armenian issue and the Kurdish issue as two separate events that merely coincide(d) in the same geographical space, this work explores their interdependence and the historical trajectories of two peoples fatally “tied together” across a spatio-temporal scale. In my paper I identify two opposing lines of continuity through which both peoples are tied together: friendly and fatal ties. With regard to the first (friendly ties), I turn to the SSR Armenia and her role in fostering Kurdish culture and advancing Kurdish nationalism. Hereby, I argue that a marginalized community of Kurmanji-speakers—the Yezidis, previously othered as “devil-worshippers” (şeytanperest)— emerged as the vanguard in forging a novel, secularized Kurdish national identity. With regard to the latter (fatal ties), I link the irrevocable erasure of Ottoman Armenians to the emergence of an imagined “Northern Kurdistan” stretching over large parts of historic Armenia. This, finally, raises the question of Kurdish complicity in the Armenian Genocide—as state-mobilized regiments, tribal members and ordinary residents—in a geography where, as Recep Maraşlı put it, the descendants “are the children of both perpetrators and victims alike”.
20
Booth, Marilyn. « WOMAN IN ISLAM : MEN AND THE “WOMEN'S PRESS” IN TURN-OF-THE-20TH-CENTURY EGYPT ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 2 (mai 2001) : 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380100201x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The first periodical in Egypt to focus on women as both subject and audience, Al-Fatat (The Young Woman, 1892), heralded the founding by women of many periodicals for women in Egypt. The women's press emerged in a time of intense public debate concerning putative intersections of systemic gender relations and gender ideology with anti-imperialist nationalism: what would constitute “national” strength sufficient to assert, or force, an independent existence based on claims to autonomous nation-state status?1Women writing in the women's press, as well as in the mainstream—or “malestream”—press, shaped the debate over how gender did and should inflect social organization and institutional change.2 Equally, male intellectuals and politicians participated in a rhetoric of persuasion, edification, and ambition. When women and men wrote treatises on what was called the “woman question” (qadi¯yat al-mar[ham]a), articles in the women's press challenged, debated, and refined the points of these treatises. Writers approached that fraught “question” from another direction, too, establishing a thriving industry of conduct literature that fed on translations of European works as well as original works by Egyptian and other Arab writers. Books on how to behave as a proper father, a good mother, a fine son or daughter, or a responsible schoolgoer went through numerous printings for a reading public prepared by various rhetorics of nationalism, theology, and reform to bring this debate into everyday life by following the guides for behavior that such literature—including essays in the women's press—supplied.3
21
Moody, Ivan. « Mensagens : Portuguese Music in the 20th Century ». Tempo, no 198 (octobre 1996) : 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298200005313.
Texte intégralRésumé :
These lines of Fernando Pessoa (1888–1935), the great poet of Portuguese modernism, may seem at first sight to invoke the principal element of fado, Portugal's national music: the element represented by that famously untranslatable word suadade, implying longing, nostalgia, homesickness … However, they hide far deeper resonances. Mensagen (Message), the poetic sequence from which they come, is a profound exploration of Portugal's history, a modern counterpart to Camoens's great 16th-century epic The Lusiads. It is connected to the nationalist Integralismo Lusitano movement, and to Sebastianism. Other poets, particularly Mario Sa-Carneiro (1890–1916), and plastic artists, notably Amadeo de Sousa Cardoso (1887–1918) and Jose de Almada Negreiros (1893–1970), similarly reflect the strength of these patriotic and mystical ideas in Portugal during the country's deepening social crisis in the early part of the century. But Pessoa, who famously split himself into several persons, each with their own name, style and poetic output, may also stand as a symbol of the different currents Portuguese composers have ridden in search of their national identity.
22
Leinarte, Dalia. « Nationalism and family ideology : The case of Lithuania at the turn of the 20th century ». History of the Family 11, no 2 (janvier 2006) : 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hisfam.2006.06.002.
Texte intégral
23
Arjomand, Kamran. « TIM EPKENHANS, Die iranische Moderne im Exil : Bibliographie der Zeitschrift Kave, Berlin 1916–1922, Islamwissenschaftliche Quellen und Texte aus deutschen Bibliotheken (Berlin : Klaus Schwarz, 2000). Pp. 216. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no 1 (février 2002) : 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802301065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Intellectual history of modernism in Iran has proved to be a subject of lively academic interest. The role of Iranian exiles in late 19th and early 20th century, in particular, has drawn considerable scholarly attention. In recent years, the Iranian press in exile has also become a focus of academic scrutiny. In Germany, Anja Pistor-Hatam has studied the Iranian intellectual community in Istanbul around the newspaper Akhtar (Nachrichtenblatt, Informationsbörse und Diskussionsforum: Ahtar-e Estānbūl (1876–1896)—Anstöße zur frühen persischen Moderne [Münster, 1999]) and Keivandokht Ghahari's doctoral dissertation is concerned with ideas of nationalism and modernism among Iranian intellectuals in Berlin as reflected in the journals Kâveh, Iranshahr, and Ayandeh (Nationalismus und Modernismus in Iran in der Periode zwischen dem Zerfall der Qāğāren-Dynastie und der Machtfestigung Reżā Schah [Berlin, 2001]). In this context, the bibliography of Kâveh is thus a welcomed contribution.
24
Vershinina, D. B. « NATIONALISM, CATOLICISM, FEMINISM ? GENDER DIMENSION OF THE NATIONAL STRUGGLE IN IRELAND OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY ». Вестник Пермского университета. История, no 2(53) (2021) : 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-2-186-197.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author analyzes the evolution of the national movement in Ireland in the first half of the 20th century through the prism of women's participation and gender equality issues. It is argued that the Irish nationalists' choice of patriarchal Catholic ideology has not been predetermined since the revival of Irish nationalism, and although the Catholic faith played a significant role in the anti-British activities of the Irish national movement, there were many Protestants among its activists, as well as women who shared feminist values and played an important role in organizing the political and military struggle of the Irish for independence. The article focuses on the various methods of women's participation in the Irish national movement, including the creation of separate women's organizations, and membership in key societies and groups, as well as participation in constructing barricades and in fighting during the Easter Rising. It was more difficult to take part in the specifically women's struggle to grant Irish women the right to vote, which was associated with the activities of London organizations, the Women's Socio-Political Union specifically. It is argued that it was the anti-British orientation of the Irish political struggle that made it impossible (or difficult) to associate Irish feminists with the goals of the women's movement in the United Kingdom, which led to the victory of the social doctrine of Catholics and the “enslavement” of Irish women after the Irish Free State was created. The article analyzes not only sources of personal origin, telling about the participation of Irish women in the national movement, but also official documents of the young Irish state, demonstrating the evolution of its ideology in social and gender issues towards a patriarchal approach to the role of women in society, the fight against which has become the task of feminists of the second wave starting in the 1970s.
25
Joseph Ottenheimer, Harriet. « Spelling Shinzwani ». Written Language and Literacy 4, no 1 (19 mars 2001) : 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.4.1.03jos.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper surveys the history of dictionary construction and orthographic choice in the Comoros — a former French colony in the Indian Ocean — with special reference to issues of literacy, identity, and politics. Evidence ranging from 16th century wordlists to contemporary bilingual/bidirectional dictionaries, as well as colonial, missionary, and scholarly approaches to lexicography and orthography in the Comoros, are examined and compared. While Arabic-influenced writing systems have a long history in the Comoros, the experiences of colonialism and independence in the 20th century introduced French- and phonemically-influenced systems. As the Comoros move into the 21st century, linguists and ethnographers are attempting to assist with questions of standardization, literacy, and dictionary construction. The situation remains fluid, with considerations of tradition, modernity, nationalism, and representation to be taken into account. This paper seeks to address the complex interrelationships between orthographic choice and ethnic identity in the Comoros, with special reference to the development of the first bilingual/bidirectional Shinzwani-English dictionary.
26
Vejdani, Farzin. « APPROPRIATING THE MASSES : FOLKLORE STUDIES, ETHNOGRAPHY, AND INTERWAR IRANIAN NATIONALISM ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no 3 (26 juillet 2012) : 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381200044x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis paper traces the emergence of folklore studies and ethnography in interwar Iran. It argues that these disciplines were part of larger nationalist projects of representing and speaking for the “masses.” The first part of the paper explores how and why a number of Iranian intellectuals engaged in folklore studies after a period of prolonged political activism in the first few decades of the 20th century. The second part of the paper examines cultural institutions established by the state, mainly in the late 1930s, in an attempt to appropriate and institutionalize folklore studies and ethnography for the purposes of nation building. These efforts were fraught with ambivalences because the “masses” were simultaneously praised as repositories of “authenticity” and looked down upon as a potential source of “backwardness.”
27
Puspitasari, Dewi, et Retno Dewi Ambarastuti. « NASIONALISME H.O.S. TJOKROAMINOTO DALAM FILM GURU BANGSA HOS TJOKROAMINOTO KARYA SUTRADARA GARIN NUGROHO ». Puitika 13, no 1 (29 août 2017) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/puitika.13.1.1--19.2017.
Texte intégralRésumé :
HOS Tjokroaminoto is one of national heroes known as Guru Bangsa (Teacher of the Nation). Tjokroaminoto gets this title as he and his thought inspire Indonesian political figures. Tjokroaminoto is the only person in the beginning of 20th century who vocally and bluntly stated that Indies (Indonesia) had to establish its own governance. It is then termed the independence. Independence can be realized with the awareness of national consciousness in the national level, not in local level anymore.The movie entitled Guru Bangsa HOS Tjokroaminoto tells about the history reflecting one of Indonesian national figures, Tjokroaminoto. This movie tells about Tjokroaminoto as the main figure driving the nationalism and describes the history of Indonesia. The interesting aspects from this movie are the nationalism values described on Tjokroaminoto. In this research, the researcher analyze the movie entitled Guru Bangsa HOS Tjokroaminoto with historical literature approach in order to reveal the nationalism thought of Tjokroaminoto and behavior supporting his thought. This research is expected to raise the nationalism awareness in the recent young generation of Indonesia. Based on the research result, there are four main facts about the nationalism in Tjokroaminoto in the movie entitled Guru Bangsa HOS Tjokroaminoto. These historical facts are nationalism thought and behavior of Tjokroaminoto based on four factors of nationalism according to Hertz (1958), (1) Desire to achieve the unity (in 1912, Tjokroaminoto joined Sarekat Islam/Islamic Union), (2) Desire to achieve the independence (in 1905 Tjokroaminoto retired from his job as clerk), (3) Desire to achieve independence, superiority, authenticity, and distinctiveness by wearing blangkon and jarik (cloth) as the nationalism symbol and by wearing suit and bowties to show the equality with foreign nation in terms of thought, (4) Desire to catch up the honor of nation with the progressive idea of Tjokroaminoto, compulsory education for 15 years.
28
Wien, Peter. « COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST : GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no 2 (13 avril 2010) : 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
29
Abdurahman, Dudung. « Diversity of Tarekat Communities and Social Changes in Indonesian History ». Sunan Kalijaga : International Journal of Islamic Civilization 1, no 1 (22 mars 2018) : 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/skijic.v1i1.1217.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Islam as a religious system is generally based on three principal teachings called as aqidah (theology), syari'ah (law), and tasawwuf (Sufism, moral and spiritual). Each thought and the Islamic expertise have also established Muslim communities that demonstrate the diversity of social and religious history in various regions on the spread of Islam. In the history of the spread of Islam in Indonesia, particularly the Sufis always showed a significant role in each period of social change. Therefore, further discussion of this paper will be based on the development of tarekat communities. The historical facts in this study are presented gradually based on the unique cases in each period. The tarekat communities in Nusantara in the early period of Islam, which is the 13th century until the 17th century, have established the religious system patterned on the diversity of doctrine, thought, and tradition that is acculturative with various cultures of the local society in Nusantara. Then they developed during the Dutch colonial period in the 18th century and the 19th century. Besides contributing in the Islam religious founding, they also contributed in the patriotism struggle and even protested in the form of rebellion towards the Dutch colonial. The Sufis from various tarekat streams displayed antagonistic of political acts towards the Colonial government policies. It was developed at the beginning of the 20th century, which is the period of nationalism and of Islamic reform movements. The social force of tarekat people became an indicator of the religion revival that was very influencing towards the nationalism movement in Indonesia. The last one, it has been developing on the independence day of Indonesia, which is called the contemporary period, until today. The tarekat people have built a community system variously based on the principle of beliefs and various ritual activities. The tarekat people always develop, modify, and actualize the tasawwuf teachings and the tarekat practice, mainly in order to complete the spirituality and morality improvement of the society. The tarekat people’s contributions are very helpful for the society in general in order to fulfill the mental necessity. Their religiosity is also strategic enough to be used as a control media for the moral life of the nation.
30
Shafiee, Katayoun. « TECHNOPOLITICS OF A CONCESSIONARY CONTRACT : HOW INTERNATIONAL LAW WAS TRANSFORMED BY ITS ENCOUNTER WITH ANGLO-IRANIAN OIL ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no 4 (novembre 2018) : 627–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000909.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe Iranian government's decision to nationalize its British-controlled oil industry in 1951 was a landmark case in international law. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and the Iranian government clashed over whether international authorities had the right to arbitrate for them in disputes over the terms of the oil concession. Scholarship in Middle East studies has overlooked the role of concession terms in shaping political disputes in the 20th century. Rather than seeing legal studies of the oil industry on one side and power struggles and resources on the other, this article examines international court proceedings at The Hague to argue that Anglo-Iranian oil transformed international law. Novel mechanisms of economic and legal governance, set up to deal with an expanded community of nation-states, worked as techniques of political power that equipped the oil corporation with the power to associate Iran's oil with foreign control while generating new forms of law and contract that undermined resource nationalism.
31
Spolsky, Bernard. « Miriam Isaacs & ; Lewis Glinert (eds.), Pious voices : Languages among Ultra-Orthodox Jews. (International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 138.) Berlin : Mouton de Gruyter, 1990. Pp. 187. Pb $46.00. » Language in Society 30, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404501261053.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Yiddish has attracted more public and scholarly interest than any other Jewish language. There are a number of reasons: its thousand-year history as a Jewish internal vernacular for Ashkenazi Jews; the development during the 19th and 20th centuries of an important literature in the language; the bitterness of the struggle with Hebrew, in the first part of the 20th century, for status as a symbol of Jewish nationalism; the tragedy of the extermination of most of its speakers by the Nazis; and the pain of its suppression under Stalin. It is no doubt a sign that Yiddish is no longer being seen as a threat to Hebrew that the Israeli Knesset established and funded, three years ago, the Natzionale Instantz fur Yiddisher Kultur. The first activities of this Authority (a series of concerts, lectures, and other events) have just been announced, after a long leadership struggle that has reflected the complex politics of the movement.
32
Mordzilovich, Anna A. « The General and the Nuncio : the history of relationship between Erich Ludendorff and Eugenio Pacelli ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 1 (2022) : 276–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-1-276-287.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The relationship between German general Erich Ludendorff (1865–1937) and Eugenio Pacelli (1876–1958), the apostolic nuncio in Germany and the future Pope Pius XII (1939–1958) are studied. The research is based on the numerous E. Ludendorff’s memoirs and reports that E. Pacelli sent to Rome. The relationship between the general and the archbishop can be described as mutual animosity. The clashes of these historical figures are studied in the context of political events in Munich in the first half of the 1920s. Much attention is paid to E. Ludendorff’s anti-Catholic statements and their impact on the public opinion in Bavaria after the Beer Hall Putsch trial. For the nuncio, these events served as yet another proof that nationalism was the main threat of the 20th century. It is concluded that further study of this issue will help deepen the understanding of the Weimar Republic’s political and religious life.
33
Bryant, Chad. « Thomas Lorman. The Making of the Slovak People’s Party : Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe. » American Historical Review 126, no 1 (1 mars 2021) : 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab094.
Texte intégral
34
Szabó, Miloslav. « Thomas Lorman, The Making of the Slovak People’s Party : Religion, Nationalism and the Culture War in Early 20th-Century Europe ». European History Quarterly 50, no 3 (juillet 2020) : 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420940525l.
Texte intégral
35
Delay, Cara. « Wrong for womankind and the nation : Anti-abortion discourses in 20th-century Ireland ». Journal of Modern European History 17, no 3 (20 juin 2019) : 312–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419854660.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article asks how anti-abortion discourses and dialogues engaged with ideas about motherhood, national identity, and women’s reproductive decision-making in 20th-century Ireland, particularly from 1967, when abortion was decriminalized in Britain, to 1983, when Ireland’s Eighth Amendment became the law of the land. It assesses the ways in which ‘pro-life’ advocates rejected the notion that women were independent adults capable of reproductive decision-making. Indeed, throughout the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, anti-choice activists defined all Irish women as innately innocent, moral, and naturally desirous of domesticity and motherhood. Abortion, they argued, was encouraged, coerced, and even forced by outsiders or ‘others’. The arguments of some anti-abortion activists utilized meaningful themes in Ireland’s colonial and nationalist history, including the historical notion of Irish sacrificial motherhood, the depiction of Irish women as young and vulnerable, and the explanation of abortion as foreign, anti-Irish, and reminiscent of British colonial repression.
36
Gosewinkel, Dieter. « Einbürgern und Ausschließen. Staatsangehörigkeit und Bürgerrecht in Deutschland während des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Germanistische Abteilung 137, no 1 (25 août 2020) : 364–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2020-0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractNaturalizing and excluding. Nationality and citizenship law in 19th and 20th century Germany. Nationality law in Germany came up as a legal institution of German federal states at the beginning of 19th century and underwent a process of nationalization. The principle of descent (Abstammungsprinzip), which was – before a legal reform in 2000 – hegemonic, was used to define German nationality primarily as a community of ethno-cultural descent. This restrictive use of German nationality law did not establish, however, a direct line of conceptual and political continuity between ‘ethno-cultural’ and ‘racial’ criteria, and it was primarily based on a politico-social constellation of political, demographic and national instability, not on a specific German national discourse.
37
Törő, László Dávid. « Ferenc Eckhart : ». Moving the Social 64 (1 décembre 2020) : 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.64.2020.103-120.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An influential historian of constitutional and economic history, Ferenc Eckhart, contributed greatly to the Hungarian historical writing in the first half of the 20th century. He paved the way for a much more historical and analytical view of constitutional history while fiercely debating narrow-minded, nationalist interpretations of Hungarian constitutional history. This paper attempts to give a short overview of this ouvre and to highlight the progressive elements in his historical writing.
38
Baia, Silvano Fernandes. « “Professor, você não tem orgulho de ser brasileiro?” : a música do Brasil no fim do século XIX e início do século XX ». ouvirOUver 13, no 1 (25 mai 2017) : 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/ouv20-v13n1a2017-15.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este texto apresenta a transcrição adaptada para artigo de uma palestra proferida a alunos do curso de Música da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia. A palestra expôs uma visão panorâmica da música no Brasil do fim do século XIX às primeiras décadas do século XX, em especial nas cidades do Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo. O artigo identifica quatro vertentes composicionais, abrangendo desde uma linha mais afinada ao romantismo europeu até os compositores/intérpretes populares não letrados musicalmente que começaram a registrar suas invenções após a chegada da gravação mecânica ao Brasil, em 1902. Também localiza os primórdios do nacionalismo na música erudita brasileira, situa o surgimento da corrente do nacionalismo musical no fim dos anos 1920 como uma escola composicional que foi hegemônica até meados dos anos 1960, além de observar a relação dos músicos com o Estado a partir da ditadura de Getúlio Vargas. Enfim, analisa o caráter autoritário do projeto do nacionalismo musical para concluir com a observação de seu aspecto conservador ao cumprir um papel de resistência às técnicas composicionais surgidas na primeira metade do século XX.
ABSTRACT
This text presents a transcription adapted for paper of a lecture for Music college students at
Federal University of Uberlândia. The lecture presented a panoramic view of the music in Brazil between the late 19th Century and the first decades of the 20th Century, especially in the cities of Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo. Four major compositional lines are identified, ranging from those more aligned with European romanticism up until the composers/performers who are musically non-literate, whose inventions started being registered only after the arrival of mechanical recording in Brazil in 1902. The study herein indicates the beginnings of nationalism in Brazilian classical music and the emergence of the stream of musical nationalism in the late 1920's, as a compositional school that was hegemonic until the mid-1960's. It also takes into account the relation between musicians and the State of former president Getúlio Vargas’s dictatorship. It analyses the authoritarian character of the nationalist musical project and in conclusion, refers to its conservative aspect, seeing that it played a role of resistance to new compositional techniques that emerged in the first half of the twentieth century.
KEYWORDS
Brazilian music; Musical nationalism; History of Brazilian Music
39
Rasmussen, Leah. « Curating Russia : The Shchukin Collection, Nationalism, and Border Crossing from Lenin to Putin ». Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 15, no 1 (20 septembre 2022) : 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v15i1.3288.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Russia’s relationship with nation is marred by contradictions that stem from its place in comparison to the West. Cultural nationalism in artistic production originated with the arrival of the Peredvizhniki [Wanderers] in the 1870s. Moscow merchant Pavel Tretyakov, in collecting Russian and European art, openly embraced a nation that encompassed Western ideas in conjunction with distinctly Russian themes. The unparalleled collecting of French modern art by Moscow merchants Sergei Shchukin and Ivan Morozov in the early 20th century continued this embrace. The nature of their collected paintings produced shockwaves in late tsarist and Soviet society and politics before being inculcated into Russian national identity in the 21st century. This article explores the life of Henri Matisse’s The Dance (1909), commissioned by Sergei Shchukin. It follows the work across time and regimes as it assumes pride of place in not only Russia’s national collections but also within its identity. Through a focus on the 2008 exhibition From Russia at the Royal Academy of Arts in London, this article examines Russia’s relations and protection of this work to understand, why even as the country seeks to define itself once more actively through its opposition to the West, their cultural diplomacy speaks to an openness built on a transnational history of the most prized works in their national collections.
40
Gayda, Fedor. « “Sobornost” : On the Question of the Meaning of the Concept in the 19th – 30-ies 20th Centuries ». Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics VI, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2022-1-17-40.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the formation and understanding of the term “sobornostʼ” in the public circles of Russia from the 19th to the 1st quarter of the 20th century. Usually, this term is interpreted as specifically Russian and fundamentally crucial for church teaching, philosophy, culture, as well as politics and ideology. The study of this problem was carried out within the “history of concepts” framework. The term “sobornostʼ” is traditionally associated with the works of A.S. Khomyakov, although he never used it. Meanwhile, in the opinion of the author of the article, this word quite adequately conveys the line of thought of an Orthodox theologian: “sobornostʼ” as the church unity of all, all-embracing, directly connected with the Holy Spirit. The article concludes that the concept of “sobornostʼ”, introduced into circulation in the 1840s since the end of the century gradually acquired several meanings that are little related to each other: free unity (Yu.F. Samarin, O.F. Miller, V.V. Rozanov, A.S. Glinka-Volzhsky), conciliarity of consciousness (S.N. Trubetskoy, N.A. Berdyaev), cathedral administration (A.A. Kireev, V.S. Soloviev, V.P. Sventsitsky, M.O. Menshikov, S.N. Bulgakov), collectivism (S.N. Bulgakov), the public (Viach. Ivanov), national unity (S. Petlyura). The very use of the word “sobornostʼ” became an objective marker of involvement in various directions: late Slavophilism (collegiality), total unity (conciliarity of consciousness), socialism (collectivism), Ukrainian nationalism (national unity). The return to Khomyakov's understanding of the “sobornostʼ” (as catholic) and the development based on this understanding of the mystical concept of “sobornostʼ” began only in the 1920s. (G.V. Florovsky).
41
Arciszewska, Barbara, et Makary Górzyński. « Urban Narratives in the Age of Revolutions : Early 20th century Ideas to Modernize Warsaw ». Artium Quaestiones, no 26 (19 septembre 2018) : 101–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2015.26.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In January 1906, in the turbulent period of 1905–1907, the poet, artist, and socialactivist Antoni Lange published in the Warsaw weekly Świat an essay called“Marzenia warszawskie” (“The Warsaw Dreams”). A several page text, illustratedwith woodcuts by the painter Andrzej Zarzycki, included a spectacular vision of metropolitanWarsaw of the future: a capital city with many public buildings and moderninfrastructure, a genuine center of Polish national and cultural life. The present essayanalyzes unexamined ideas of Lange in terms of the history of architecture, andin a double political and social context. “The Warsaw Dreams” was deeply rooted inthe political reality of the former Kingdom of Poland, addressing the issue of liberalizationof the Russian rule during the 1905 revolution. Using the vocabulary of urbanplanning and making a list of changes in the city’s architecture, Lange articulateda vision of the future space of Warsaw as a Polish metropolis of modernity, administeredindependently of Russia. In his essays he proposed to extend the city limits andremove its fortifications as well as introduce local government with significant prerogativesas an instrument of Warsaw’s great transformation – its aestheticization and construction of public buildings, such as national government edifices, schools,and cultural centers. The authors argue that by describing public architecture of thefuture Warsaw as a “dream” full of copies of well-known European architectural monumentsfrom Venice, Prague, and Cracow, Lange created a comprehensive politicalproject of autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian empire. “The WarsawDreams” originally combined together architecture and politics, urban space and theproblems of Polish modernization, and the discourses of nationalism and socialism.Lange’s visionary proposal from 1906 is of the most imaginative responses to thechallenges of the development of Warsaw at the turn of the 20th century in the contextof Polish political and social problems of those times.
42
Tietz, Udo, Cathleen Kantner et Maximilian Overbeck. « Multiple collective identities : The emergence of a new field of research in the social sciences. Introduction ». Tocqueville Review 36, no 2 (janvier 2015) : 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.36.2.23.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the end of the Cold War and in this age of globalization, we are witnessing various moments of the opening and closing of collectives. The successful integration and enlargement processes of the European Union were long considered one of the greatest marvels of the 20th century. Here, previously nationalism-driven communities deeply abhorring each other joined a new collective, initially designed mainly as a problem-solving community of economic cooperation and, from the 1990s on, as a political community with common, supranational institutions, which today shape important parts of our everyday life. The EU can perhaps be seen as one of the most spectacular examples of the opening of collectives, but also of the construction of a new narrative allowing the formation of a genuine multiple identity that integrates the European idea as a central component of one’s national identity.
43
Petersoo, Pille. « What does ‘we’ mean ? » Journal of Language and Politics 6, no 3 (31 décembre 2007) : 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.6.3.08pet.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The contextual nature of deictic expressions, including the personal pronoun ‘we’, is a given to linguists, but has only recently caught the interest of social scientists. The following article, firmly grounded in sociology, attempts to introduce some linguistic concepts while looking at the role of the personal pronoun ‘we’ in the discursive construction of national identities in the media. Focusing on Scotland, and looking at media language in the context of constitutional change in the United Kingdom, the article shows how different category relations are created through the ambiguous and under-specified use of deictic expressions. Scotland provides an interesting case study for such analysis, as references to the ‘nation’ during the 20th century have been ambiguous, sometimes referring to Scotland, sometimes to Britain. Consequently, the media/nation relationship has been contested, and this is reflected in media language. The paper introduces the concept of a wandering ‘we’ to describe the shifting reference point of the deictic expressions and situates this phenomenon in the wider nationalism literature. By doing this, the article revisits some of the notions introduced by Billig in his Banal Nationalism.
44
Müller, Retief. « Traversing a Tightrope between Ecumenism and Exclusivism : The Intertwined History of South Africa’s Dutch Reformed Church and the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian in Nyasaland (Malawi) ». Religions 12, no 3 (9 mars 2021) : 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030176.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the first few decades of the 20th century, the Nkhoma mission of the Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa became involved in an ecumenical venture that was initiated by the Church of Scotland’s Blantyre mission, and the Free Church of Scotland’s Livingstonia mission in central Africa. Geographically sandwiched between these two Scots missions in Nyasaland (presently Malawi) was Nkhoma in the central region of the country. During a period of history when the DRC in South Africa had begun to regressively disengage from ecumenical entanglements in order to focus on its developing discourse of Afrikaner Christian nationalism, this venture in ecumenism by one of its foreign missions was a remarkable anomaly. Yet, as this article illustrates, the ecumenical project as finalized at a conference in 1924 was characterized by controversy and nearly became derailed as a result of the intransigence of white DRC missionaries on the subject of eating together with black colleagues at a communal table. Negotiations proceeded and somehow ended in church unity despite the DRC’s missionaries’ objection to communal eating. After the merger of the synods of Blantyre, Nkhoma and Livingstonia into the unified CCAP, distinct regional differences remained, long after the colonial missionaries departed. In terms of its theological predisposition, especially on the hierarchy of social relations, the Nkhoma synod remains much more conservative than both of its neighboring synods in the CCAP to the south and north. Race is no longer a matter of division. More recently, it has been gender, and especially the issue of women’s ordination to ministry, which has been affirmed by both Blantyre and Livingstonia, but resisted by the Nkhoma synod. Back in South Africa, these events similarly had an impact on church history and theological debate, but in a completely different direction. As the theology of Afrikaner Christian nationalism and eventually apartheid came into positions of power in the 1940s, the DRC’s Nkhoma mission in Malawi found itself in a position of vulnerability and suspicion. The very fact of its participation in an ecumenical project involving ‘liberal’ Scots in the formation of an indigenous black church was an intolerable digression from the normative separatism that was the hallmark of the DRC under apartheid. Hence, this article focuses on the variegated entanglements of Reformed Church history, mission history, theology and politics in two different 20th-century African contexts, Malawi and South Africa.
45
Xiaobing, Tang, et Mark McConaghy. « Liberalism in contemporary China : Questions, strategies, directions ». China Information 32, no 1 (2 janvier 2018) : 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17749684.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article will examine the strategies by which a number of intellectuals in China have staked out a liberal position in their work over the last decade, doing so in the face of opposition not only from rival intellectual groups but also the state’s ideological machinery. The writings of these intellectuals take up themes inherent to the liberal political tradition, including democracy, individual rights, and the rule of law. Collectively, they seek to revive liberal ideas as the basis for future political reforms, working at a time when New Left and New Confucian discourses have risen to positions of prominence in intellectual circles, each of which reinforce the cultural nationalism of the Chinese government in their own ways. In responding to this intellectual landscape, liberal thinkers have reckoned with four major areas of concern in their work: the meaning of China’s 20th-century history, particularly the Cultural Revolution; the social inequality created by market reforms; statism as a discourse of power that openly rejects Euro-American political models; and cultural pluralism as a grounding idea for 21st-century China.
46
Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. « L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale ». Études internationales 17, no 1 (12 avril 2005) : 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
47
Zavarache, Camelia. « The Cultural and Nationalising Mission of Kindergarten Teachers in Southern Dobruja, 1914-1940 ». PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 10, no 2 (30 décembre 2022) : 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v10i2_1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Public Education was an essential feature of nation-building throughout Europe during the 19th century. Nationalising states designed school policies to transform peasants into nationals and citizens. However, kindergartens were primarily urban institutions. One of their goals was to teach young children modern languages. At the beginning of the 20th century, Romanian elites started to create and adjust them to nationalise Dobruja and Cadrilater, the two provinces integrated into the Old Kingdom. Both regions were ethnically diverse. In localities primarily inhabited by a minority population, the purpose of kindergartens was to spread the Romanian language and national culture. This article focuses on the national integration of South Dobruja through public kindergartens. It also examines the professional path of teachers serving in these regions until the end of the 1940s. Finally, the paper follows teachers’ interaction with the locals and their efforts to mediate between the pedagogical and national aims of Greater Romania and the local interests that sometimes collided with the state school policies.
48
Beyen, Marnix. « A parricidal memory : Flanders’ memorial universe as product and producer of Belgian history ». Memory Studies 5, no 1 (4 novembre 2011) : 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698011424029.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines how the Belgian patriotic collective memory in Flanders during the 20th century was supplanted by a Flemish Nationalist counter memory. The article starts with a semiotic analysis of some concrete commemorative practices and discourses surrounding the brothers Van Raemdonck, two Flemish soldiers who died during the First World War and were venerated as Flemish heroes. Next, these cases are situated in some larger themes and tendencies dominating the intellectual construction of Flemish National collective memory during the 19th and 20th centuries. Finally, the success of these themes is related to the broader cultural, social and political context of Belgium. Through this widening perspective, the article shows not only that Flemish National collective memory was construed from within Belgian patriotic memory, but also that it profited from the weaknesses in the construction of the Belgian State to become the dominant ‘memorial universe’.
49
Milewski, Jarosław. « Masculinities, History and Cultural Space : Queer Emancipative Thought in Jamie O’Neill’s At Swim, Two Boys ». Text Matters, no 8 (24 octobre 2018) : 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2018-0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At Swim, Two Boys, a 2001 novel by Jamie O’Neill, tells a story of gay teen romance in the wake of the Easter Rising. This paper considers the ways in which the characters engage in patterns of masculine behaviour in a context that excludes queer men, and the rhetorical effect of transgressive strategies to form a coherent identity. These patterns include involvement with the masculine and heteronormative nationalist movement, as well as a regime of physical exercise, and a religious upbringing in 20th-century Ireland. The strategies of broadening the practices of masculinity include their renegotiation and redefinition, as well as attempts to (re)construct the Irish and the gay canons of history and literature. These strategies, as exemplified by character development, become a rhetorical basis for the novel’s main argument for inclusiveness. This analysis deals with the central metaphors of space and continuity in the novel in the light of a struggle between identities. It also observes the tradition of parallels drawn between the emasculated position of the gay man and the Irish man at the beginning of the 20th century, and O’Neill’s rhetorical deployment of the shared telos in construction of a coherent gay Irish revolutionary identity.
50
Hansen, Ditte Marie Munch. « Det negative omslag i ‘Aldrig igen!’ – om historiepolitiske manipulationer af moralske imperativer ». Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no 60 (9 mars 2018) : 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i60.103987.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Negative Dialektik, Theodor W. Adorno claimed that after the Second World War a new categorical imperative was imposed on mankind: namely, to prevent Auschwitz – or something similar – from happening again. Today – 60 years after the United Nations Genocide Convention came into effect – it is difficult to remain optimistic about the preventive character of Adorno’s “Never Again!” imperative. In spite of its existence, the second half of the 20th Century was filled with ethnic violence andgenocide. This article undertakes a philosophical analysis of the “Never Again!” refrain and questions whether this new imperative is as preventive as we assume. The analysis looks at how Serbian nationalism used (and misused) history and expressions as “Never again!”. This example shows us that the impulse of moral abhorrence in “Never again!” does not necessarily lead to preventing atrocity, but can be an incitement to initiate new ones.