Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Nationalism – European Union countries.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « Nationalism – European Union countries »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Nationalism – European Union countries ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Martinelli, Alberto. « National Populism and the European Union ». Populism 1, no 1 (14 septembre 2018) : 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-01011000.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The diffusion of both nationalism and populism is the symptom of a crisis in European democracies. The convergence of nationalist ideology and populist rhetoric is the major challenge that the European Union faces today and can be effectively countered by developing the political project of a truly democratic and supranational union. In this article, I will first outline the distinctive features of nationalism and populism. I will then analyse the major factors fostering the rise of national populism in the European Union countries, and I will conclude by discussing its more effective alternative.
2
Feng, Zhaohan. « The Influence of Cultural and Historical Factors on the Participation of Central and Eastern European Countries in European Integration : Poland and the Czech Republic as Examples ». Communications in Humanities Research 15, no 1 (20 novembre 2023) : 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/15/20230681.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Along with the drastic changes in Eastern Europe and the collapse of the Soviet Union, countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) freed themselves from the control of the Soviet Union and began to join European integration. In fact, historical and cultural factors significantly influenced the process of joining the European Union. The artistic gene of being close to Western Europe makes European integration naturally attractive to the countries of CEE. At the same time, the strong nationalism makes the countries of CEE raise strong opposition to the policies of the European Union in many cases. This plays a severe role in hindering the participation of the countries of CEE in European integration. In addition, the economic assistance from Western Europe and the need for regional security after the Cold War were also practical reasons that pushed CEE countries to participate in European integration. In conclusion, the influence of cultural and historical factors on the participation of CEE countries in European integration has both positive and negative sides. It results from the combination of historical and cultural factors and practical factors.
3
Smolenski, Natalie. « National-European Theology ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 30, no 3 (1 novembre 2015) : 519–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415605889.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An influential contingent of Catholic clergy in Poland reacted to Poland’s entry into the European Union by developing a narrative positing the Catholic foundation and ownership of Europe and all its constituent “nations.” This narrative, which I call national-European theology, identifies the Catholic Church as the progenitor of both European and Polish existence and guarantor of their continuity of identity. In this way, it remedies some Catholics’ anxieties about both the integrity of Poland’s national sovereignty and the allegedly secularizing and liberalizing cultural influence of other EU member countries. I argue that national-European theology can be fruitfully conceived as a hereditary ownership narrative, framed by moments of spiritual foundation and subsequent inheritance from spiritual founders, and that this narrative structure characterizes both nationalism writ large and Europeanization as an analogous modern identitarian project. I suggest that taking heredity as a lens through which to understand nationalism and its attendant notions of legitimation allows us to move past debates about the “content” of nationalist claims (ethnic, religious, linguistic, etc.) and toward the mechanism by which group reproduction is culturally defined and sanctioned. To do this, I first sketch a theory of nationalism as a hereditary ownership narrative, drawing upon the Polish case, and liken it to the “Europe-building” project of the EU. Second, I present a brief historical outline of Poland’s accession to the EU and the anxieties generated thereby. Finally, I turn to the rhetoric of the Polish clergy who best represent the national-European current in contemporary Catholic political theology.
4
Asaturov, Sergey, et Andrei Martynov. « THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM : THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA ». EUREKA : Social and Humanities, no 5 (11 octobre 2020) : 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
5
Wegner, Gerhard. « Overcoming Economic Nationalism : The “Invisible Hand” Solution of the European Union ». Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no 2-4 (1 avril 2019) : 421–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.421.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the First World War, a previously well-functioning economic order collapsed in Europe and the Western countries. Economic nationalism of the interwar period also changed the international economic order dramatically and became one issue of the Colloque Walter Lippmann. After the “half- and three quarters Western democracies” (Tooze 2015) of the period prior to World War I had turned into full democracies, they proved incapable of restoring the liberal pre-war economic order domestically and in international trade. Bilateral and multilateral trade negotiations failed, giving rise to a new debate on the prerequisites of an international economic order. I argue that decades later the European Union found a solution to that issue. Of key importance was the gradual constitutionalization of the European Treaties. I show that the trade liberalization prepared by the courts resembles a concept suggested by Jan Tumlir but defies application to non-EU countries. By transforming fundamental economic freedoms laid down in the European Treaties into subjective rights through jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice, the process of trade liberalization occurred in a non-politicized mode. The incompleteness and tardiness of creating a Common Market was the inevitable price for this success story. A withdrawal from this constitutionalization of basic economic freedoms, as proposed recently, for example, cannot be recommended. Their arguments are being examined. The reduction of the European Treaties would lead to a re-politicization of trade policy bearing unforeseeable consequences for free competition.
6
Nauvarian, Demas. « TANTANGAN SUPRANASIONALITAS UNI EROPA : KOMPARASI INTEGRASI POLITIK PADA KRISIS EUROZONE 2008 DAN KRISIS PENGUNGSI 2015 ». Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no 1 (28 février 2021) : 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i1.185.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union is widely referred to as the international organization at the regional level with the highest integration phase. His journey is thought to have united the continent of Europe in a post-modern supranational political institution with a new post-Westphalia identity - European continental identity. This can be defined as a process of political integration. The process marked by the transfer of sovereignty, for example, can be seen in the European Union's ability to handle the Euro crisis in 2008. However, along the way, the political integration of the European Union is considered to be weakening. Post-Crisis 2008, the European Union experienced another challenge in the form of the 2014-2015 Refugee Crisis. This paper aims to answer questions related to why there is a weakening of the political integration of the European Union in these two challenges. By using the method of cross-longitudinal comparative studies on the responses of countries to the EU's decisions in the two challenges above, this paper argues that the increase in right-wing populism in various countries, particularly in Eastern and Central European countries, is a factor. the main part of the start to break up the political integration of the European Union. This paper concludes that the political values of right-wing populism that focus on nation-state nationalism are contrary to the basic values of the European Union which focus on liberal internationalism, and will become an obstacle to the future of EU political integration.
7
Żuk, Piotr, et Paweł Żuk. « “Democracy Is Not for Everyone” ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no 3 (1 septembre 2020) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The authors of the article show manifestations of homophobia in a range of Eastern European countries. They use the example of Poland to compare the current situation of LGBT people with that in the communist period. The article defends the thesis that homophobia, which goes hand in hand with Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and widespread dislike for any cultural minority, is a cultural compensation for economic disappointment and an expression of the Eastern European opposition to the economic and political expansion of the West. From this perspective, the dominant nationalist orientation requires treating not only LGBT communities, but also their defenders, supporters of a more liberal culture and civic organizations, as representatives of “foreign centers” who intend to meet “the interests of the core European Union (EU) countries.” Thus, messianic nationalism and homophobia are a compensation for economic marginalization and a form of defense moved from the sphere of economic problems to the sphere of identity.
8
Casanova, José Luís. « Crisis and Cultural Change : The Countries with Adjustment Programmes in the European Union ». Comparative Sociology 17, no 2 (4 avril 2018) : 187–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAfter the financial crisis in 2008 significant changes occurred in the European Union, particularly in the countries that had adjustment programmes. According to empirical work by Hofstede, Inglehart and Schwartz it’s predictable that societal changes have a cultural impact. Data from European Social Survey since 2002 show that changes in political orientations are bigger than in Human Values, and deepen after 2008. Changes on countries that had adjustment programmes diverge significantly from those in the rest of the Eurozone, mainly on political orientations. Bigger challenges to theeucome from the extensive fall on trust in politics, the European Parliament and satisfaction with democracy, the rise of the values of Tradition and Security, and the decrease of Self-direction. This evolving cultural conservatism associated with continued degradation of democracy is nurturing nationalism and authoritarianism.
9
Stevkovski, Ljupcho. « The Rise of Right-Wing Extremism in European Union ». International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 17, no 1 (30 décembre 2015) : 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2015-0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.
10
Nikiforov, Konstantin. « Modernization mixed with nationalism ». Balcanica, no 45 (2014) : 443–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445443n.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This essay reflects on a particular manner in which modernisation have taken place in the Balkans in modern history, from the 1878 Berlin Congress onwards. The Balkan countries faced twofold difficulties in their development: they had to overcome their backwardness stemming from the centuries of the Ottoman yoke and catch up with modern Western Europe, and resolve their numerous mutual territorial and political disputes. The latter task was especially difficult due to the constant interference in Balkan affairs on the part of Great Powers. This interference further aggravated nationalistic tensions between the Balkan states. The peculiar mixture of modernisation efforts and nationalism remains to this day when the entire region strives to join the European Union.
11
Pejovich, Svetozar. « Institutions, Nationalism, and the Transition Process in Eastern Europe ». Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no 2 (1993) : 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004143.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the late 1980s, the actual accomplishments of capitalism finally made a convincing case against socialism. After several decades of experimentation with human beings, socialism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern European countries (hereafter, Eastern Europe) died an inglorious death. To an economist, the present value of the expected future benefits from socialism fell relative to their current production costs. And Marx was finally dead and, hopefully, buried.
12
Malnach, Alexander D. « Latvian “active nationalists” and the Latvian Conservatory ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 2 (2022) : 515–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-2-515-526.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Latvia, as in several other Eastern European countries, nationalism remains an influential force that sets the agenda. Understanding the ideology and practice of modern nationalism involves studying its origin and evolution. The article uses an interdisciplinary approach and briefly outlines the prehistory and prerequisites for the emergence of Latvian “active nationalism” and, for the first time in historiography, examines in detail the relationship between the largest fascist organization in the first half of the 1920s – the Latvian National Club with the Latvian Conservatory, as well as the indirect influence of the ideas of “active nationalists” and reveals its close connection with the respectable circles of the Latvian bourgeoisie and with the leading Lat-vian bourgeois party Peasant Union. We conclude that a significant part of the Latvian artistic in-tellectuals, including pupils and graduates of the Latvian Conservatory, joined the Latvian fascism, which largely explains both the active cooperation of the Latvian intelligentsia with the Nazis during World War II, and the mass emigration of people of artistic professions from Latvia, in particular musicians, during the retreat of the German army.
13
Wiatr, Jerzy J. « The Crisis of Democracy : An East-Central European Perspective ». Politics in Central Europe 16, no 2 (1 septembre 2020) : 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractPost-communist states of East Central Europe face the authoritarian challenge to their young democracies, the sources of which are both historical and contemporary. Economic underdevelopment, the retarded process of nation-building and several decades of communist rul made countries of the region less well prepared for democratic transformation than their Western neighbors, but better than former Soviet Union. Combination of economic and social tensions, nationalism and religious fundamentalism creates conditions conducive tom the crises of democracy, but such crises can be overcome if liberal and socialist forces join hands.
14
Zhou, Min. « How Elite Chinese Students View Other Countries : Findings from a Survey in Three Top Beijing Universities ». Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 47, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261804700106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines Chinese university students' feelings towards foreign countries, using original high-quality survey data collected in 2014 at three top universities in Beijing. First, elite Chinese students' perceptions of specific countries are revealed. Being from top universities, these individuals will have great influence on China's future politics and international relations. It is thus important to gauge their perceptions of other countries. They generally feel warmly towards the European Union, Russia, and the United States, but harbour cold feelings towards Northeast Asian neighbours (Japan and the two Koreas). Second, this study finds that the effects of the socio-demographic and political factors underlying students' feelings differ greatly from country to country. I construct various social profiles of the students (dis)liking particular countries. Third, this study establishes a connection between nationalism and feelings towards particular countries. Chinese nationalism is not equally targeted at all other countries. While it elevates animosity mainly against Japan and the US, it promotes a closer rapport with North Korea and Russia.
15
Skrodzka, Aga. « Why “goEast” When They Are All Coming West ? » Film Quarterly 70, no 1 (2016) : 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2016.70.1.107.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A report from the sixteenth goEast Festival of Central and Eastern European Film, which took place at the historic Caligari FilmBühne in Wiesbaden, Germany. Supported by the German Film Institute (Deutsches Filminstitut DIF) in Frankfurt, goEast originated in 2001 as a cross-cultural initiative designed to popularize East Central European cinema in the West, an effort which was then aligned with the European unification project focused on incorporating the post- Communist countries into the European family. Today, as the festival continues to cast its gaze eastward, it is no longer the expansion of the European Union that provides its political framework. Rather, this year's edition was more impacted by the questions surrounding the future existence of the European Union itself, whose members had recently refused to act in solidarity to address the ongoing refugee crisis, with some even contemplating exit strategies. Intensifying nationalism and resurgent xenophobia were directly mentioned by a number of goEast organizers as forces that the festival is actively seeking to oppose.
16
Pitty, Roderic. « The historic failure of the EU and nationalism in the Covid 19 pandemic ». Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 14, no 2 (1 septembre 2022) : 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol14.iss2.16167.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Analysis of per capita death rate figures from officially recorded deaths and credible estimates of excess deaths until late 2021 shows that almost all countries in the European Union (EU) performed poorly during the first two years of the Covid 19 pandemic. This historic failure is linked to previous processes of disintegration, including the impact of prolonged austerity policies on the capacity of public health systems. Forms of nationalism that have obstructed European cooperation during the pandemic are examined, together with low levels of public satisfaction with the EU’s response in core countries. A deeper cause of the EU’s pandemic failure was its inability to achieve significant institutional renewal. One consequence of this failure has been to reveal the EU’s weak normative power and declining global influence, shown by its inability to supply Covid vaccines to associated countries, and by its reluctance to lead a prompt, effective global vaccination effort.
17
Allardt, Erik. « A political sociology of the Nordic countries ». European Review 8, no 1 (février 2000) : 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004634.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Nordic countries of Europe have many common traits. They are small countries in Northern Europe, they have been Lutheran since the Reformation, and they had, for centuries, a strong landholding peasantry but a weak aristocracy. They developed a comprehensive welfare state after the Second World War, and they are more sceptical about European integration than people from other countries in Western Europe. Despite attempts to create a Nordic union and the existence of a Nordic Council, their joint Nordic orientation has been subordinated to the national interests of the individual Nordic countries. They are clear-cut nation states with a nationalism that is not fierce, but represents a kind of official, controlled and uniform national spirit. With respect to parliamentary politics and social policy the main features of the countries have been called the Nordic Model. The model still exists, but rests on shakier ground than before.
18
Cîrdei, Ionuţ Alin, et Lucian Ispas. « A Possible Answer of the European Union to Hybrid Threats ». Scientific Bulletin 22, no 2 (1 décembre 2017) : 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2017-0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The international security environment is marked by a certain state of anomy, which in reality does not conceal a state of chaos, but an attempt to restore and redesign spheres of influence, creating a new world order involving both state actors: the US, Russia, China India, supra-states actors: EU, NATO, etc or non-state actors. The European Union is confronted with a series of internal and external challenges that affect the state of security. Challenges are very diverse, difficult to anticipate and counteract, and can be attributed, on the one hand, to the cyclical evolution of society and, on the other hand, to intentional interventions using unconventional methods and means of hybrid type, which are aimed at destabilizing one of the most powerful supra-state structures, enjoying significant economic and political strength, which has a large population and can influence the evolution of events globally. Lately, EU countries have begun to tackle the most diverse issues, such as migration, terrorist threat, radicalization of a part of the population, supporting direct or indirect jihadist organizations, organizing attacks within the union, developing nationalism, separatism, ethnic or religious intolerance, etc.
19
Martynov, Andrii. « Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic ». European Historical Studies, no 16 (2020) : 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.
20
Ross, Alistair. « Young Europeans : A New Political Generation ? » Societies 8, no 3 (29 août 2018) : 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030070.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Young people in Europe are often described as apolitical non-participants in the civic culture of their own states and the European Union (EU). Using empirical data based on group discussions (n = 324) in 29 European states (104 locations; 2000 young people aged between 11 and 19), this paper challenges this, and suggests that many young people have distinct political views and are motivated to participate in both political discussions and traditional and non-traditional forms of participation. They are particularly interested in a range of current issues, largely around human rights, migration and (anti-)nationalism, and the article illustrates this with examples from a range of countries. Human rights issues raised concerned their perception of contemporary injustices, which were constructed as European values and formed a significant element in their self-identification as Europeans, and a general unwillingness to be identified with ‘the nation’. This broad pan-European analysis suggests that young people see themselves in many ways as a politically distinct cohort, a generation with different political values than those of their parents and grandparents.
21
Berrios, Rubén. « Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries ». Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no 3 (1985) : 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
22
Brljavac, Bedrudin. « Ethnopolitics and Discrimination Against Minorities in Bosnia-Herzegovina ». Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 24, no 1 (2012) : 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2012241/28.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bosnia and Herzegovina has been going through an extensive European Union-related reform process for more than a decade, yet the country still faces a serious democratic deficit. In particidar, the post-Dayton public sphere has been dominated by ethno-nationalist political elites which exclude non-nationalists and members of minority groups from the decision-making process. This is a clear paradox, since one of the main objectives of the integration of European countries into the European Community was to reduce disintegrative influences of nationalists, and establish a peaceful, prosperous, and secure community. This essay explores the process of the post-Dayton ethno-nationalization in BiH resulting in widespread discrimination against so-called Others as defined in the Constitution, In the postwar era, BiH democratic participation has tumed into a competition between the three ethnic communities, Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, rather than a contest of equal individuals with an equal right to vote. As a result, Bosnian people still live under a political system which is closer to ethno-democracy or ethnocracy rather than a democratic regime. Under such a discriminatory regime, BiH cannot enter the European Union, which is a model of an open, democratic society.
23
Jáuregui, Pablo. « National Pride and the Meaning of ‘Europe’ : A Comparative Study of Britain and Spain ». Sociological Review 48, no 1_suppl (mai 2000) : 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03514.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this chapter, Pablo Jáuregui questions the idea that the development of the European Union means Europe is entering a ‘post-nationalist’ era. He suggests that nationalism and Europeanism are not necessarily opposed to each other or mutually incompatible. Taking the two cases of Spain and Britain, Jáuregui argues that their specific national self-images and feelings of collective pride have influenced the particular discourses on Europe in those two countries. Drawing in part on the ideas of Norbert Elias, this chapter examines the political rhetoric employed to legitimate or contest the idea of ‘going into Europe‘ in Spain and Britain, paying particular attention to the different ways this decision impacted upon perceptions of national status and sentiments of collective self-esteem. In Britain, the idea of going into Europe was associated with a decline in national status and the ‘loss of world power’. In contrast, for Spain entering Europe meant a considerable enhancement of national prestige following the collapse of a ‘backwards dictatorship’.
24
Williams, John P. « Oh Britannia : Great Britain’s Exit from the European Union and Its Impact on Globalism and Nationalism ». Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 20, no 1-2 (25 mars 2021) : 186–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341590.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Globalization unleashed trends such as the free movement of capital, people, and goods; trickle-down economics, and diminished stature of nation-states. While largely embraced by most countries in the WTO, a growing tension within the European Union to push back went largely ignored until recently. Britain’s exit represents such a push back, a rejection of a single banking system, a single budget, and a single political entity. This article examines the historic 2016 British referendum that saw 52 percent of voters favor England leaving the EU. This research serves four purposes: one, to identify the origins of this important referendum as well as the positions of both its supporters and detractors; two, to analyze the fallout of the vote and its impact on other European nations; three, to correlate the results of this referendum and the rise of populist parties on the left and right in the EU; and four, to discuss briefly what the future holds for globalism.
25
Goodwin, Jeff. « Old Regimes and Revolutions in the Second and Third Worlds : A Comparative Perspective ». Social Science History 18, no 4 (1994) : 575–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017168.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When they saw so many ridiculous, ramshackle institutions, survivals of an earlier age, which no one had attempted to co-ordinate or adjust to modern conditions and which seemed destined to live on despite the fact that they had ceased to have any present value, it was natural enough that thinkers of the day should come to loathe everything that savored of the past and should desire to remold society on entirely new lines. —Alexis de TocquevilleThe dissolution of empires has been one of the distinguishing and most consequential characteristics of the twentieth century. The popular struggles for national sovereignty that have helped to destroy these empires have sometimes (although certainly not always) been fused with attempts to change radically the socioeconomic institutions inherited from the imperialists. The result of this fusion has been nationalist revolution—or revolutionary nationalism—another phenomenon largely unique to the present century. Most recently, in the Eastern European satellites of the former Soviet Union, imperial domination not only generated a nationalist opposition but also unwittingly radicalized it—albeit in a very peculiar way that I explain below. Thus, the Eastern European revolutions of 1989, as Pavel Campeanu (1991: 806–7) has pointed out, had “a dual nature: social, since their goal was to destroy the socioeconomic structures of Stalinism, and national, since they aspired to re-establish the sovereignty of the countries in question.”
26
Jackson, Daniel, et Seth Jolly. « A new divide ? Assessing the transnational-nationalist dimension among political parties and the public across the EU ». European Union Politics 22, no 2 (31 janvier 2021) : 316–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520988915.
Texte intégralRésumé :
European politics is increasingly being contested along two dimensions: the economic left-right dimension and a relatively new dimension focused on European integration and immigration. We test this framework at the party and individual-levels in the European Union. First, we use the Chapel Hill Expert Survey to demonstrate that there is no simple relationship between these dimensions at the party level in many European Union countries, and in fact the two dimensions are increasingly orthogonal. We then use the 2019 European Elections Study to show that the transnational-nationalist dimension significantly improves vote choice models relative to models that ignore this dimension. Even more striking, the transnational-nationalist dimension is not just significant, but actually improves vote choice models as much or more than the economic left-right dimension.
27
Kawalec, Stefan, et Ernest Pytlarczyk. « Controlled Dismantlement of the Eurozone : A Strategy to Save the European Union and the Single European Market ». German Economic Review 14, no 1 (1 février 2013) : 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The problems with a single currency in Europe are neither temporary nor curable. Any persistent defence of the euro will result in a long-lasting recession and high unemployment in countries using fiscal austerity to pursue ‘internal devaluation’. It may lead to a revival of populist and nationalist movements, political collapse and disorderly eurozone break-up. This article argues for a controlled segmentation of the eurozone via the exit of the most competitive countries and an agreement on a new European currency coordination system.
28
Charron, Nicholas. « Do Citizens Support Cohesion Policy ? Measuring European support for redistribution within the EU and its correlates ». Investigaciones Regionales - Journal of Regional Reserach 46 (8 avril 2020) : 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.38191/iirr-jorr.20.001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the European Union enters into the next decade, its leaders seemingly strive towards more future integration rather than less, despite the recent setback of Brexit and the rise of anti-EU populist parties. In his state of the Union in 2018, Jean Claude Junker emphasized several ways forward - ‘European solidarity’, ‘rejection of exaggerated nationalism’, and support for ‘balanced migration reform’. Yet he did not mention one key policy tool for achieving a closer Union – Cohesion Policy and the Structural Funds, which are “the only real, significant redistributive mechanism in the EU…” (Fratesi 2017) and consistently constitute the second largest item in the EU’s budget. As Cohesion policy essentially redistributes resources from wealthier EU countries to poorer EU regions, creating winners (net recipients) and losers (net donors), it has been a target in anti-EU rhetoric, including in the lead up to Brexit. Despite elite commentary, we know surprisingly little about what EU citizens think of the rationale behind the policy of Cohesion – e.g. economic redistribution within the EU. As part of the PERCEIVE Horizon2020 project, we launched a unique survey to investigate how citizens feel about economic integration within the Union, where 17,200 citizens were interviewed. In this paper, we show how we measure support for the policy, the results as well as a host of correlates. Our analysis shows the variation in citizens’ support for EU Cohesion policy between countries, how support varies between demographic groups, as well as the extent to which support is correlated with utilitarian and ideational factors as well as cue taking. Implications for future developments of this policy are discussed.
29
Kasperska-Kurzawa, Kamila. « Społeczeństwo XXI wieku wobec zagrożenia islamskim terroryzmem ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no 1 (22 juin 2018) : 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.1.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SOCIETY OF THE 21ST CENTURY AGAINST THE THREAT OF ISLAMIC TERRORISMThe subject matter includes the issue of transformation in the consciousness of the societies of European Union countries, but also communities in other areas of the world, perception of the phenomenon of migration to the territories of native countries, mainly in the European Union. The period of rapid socio-political changes in Islamic states, as well as the outbreak of civil war in 2011 in Syria, was the largest stimulator of migration movements from the Middle East, especially those covered by military operations in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of migrants continued to reach EU countries. Germany widely opened the door of its state and accepted the largest number of migrants. Some countries, such as Poland or Hungary, refused to accept migrants from countries with an Islamic origin. Migration on such a mass scale caused many social problems. The perceived sense of security of the community has deteriorated considerably in the EU countries where the most migrants came. The decline in the sense of security included areas not only of safety for life and health, but also concerns about reducing the level of social status or increasing unemployment. However, the biggest threat to the community of the EU countries, and many other countries in the world was ahuge increase in terrorist attacks, where the attackers came from orthodox Islamist groups. It should be added that the majority of migrants were Muslims. Another phenomenon also affecting the reduction of the level of perceptible security of European societies was the reactivation of political groups that in their ideologies presented the slogans of populism, nationalism, racism, or even fascism. There has been a clear polarization of Western societies, where until now they were arefuge of democracy, tolerance and values for which they fought for years. Undoubtedly, the politics of Erdogan, the president of Turkey, and the president of Russia, Putin, also influencedthestate of security of societies, and tried to influence EU decisions with their actions. Russia, let the annexation of Crimea and activities in Ukraine be left in peace, and Turkey, to force the EU to acceleratethe admission of this country to the EU. Also calling up the so-called Islamic state posed a huge threat to the security of the communities of European Union countries with attacks inspired by this terrorist group.
30
Jessurun d’Oliveira, Hans Ulrich. « Iberian Nationality Legislation and Sephardic Jews ». European Constitutional Law Review 11, no 01 (mai 2015) : 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019615000036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Proposal to grant Spanish nationality to Sephardic Jews – History of Sephardic Jews in Iberia – Sephardim and the Portuguese nationality code – The EU and the nationality laws of the member states – Impact of Union law on the acquisition of Iberian nationalities by Sephardic Jews – European Convention on Nationality – Sephardim from third countries –Micheletti – Nottebohm
31
Schmidt, Ingo. « Unmaking Neoliberal Europe : Capitalist Crisis and the Search for Alternatives ». Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no 1-2 (2013) : 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341241.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe first part of this article situates the Euro-crisis in the larger context of the world economic crisis 2008/9 and then looks at the imbalances between creditor and debtor countries within the Euro-zone. These imbalances predate the introduction of the Euro, but sharpened massively since the start of European Monetary Union. These imbalances are the economic core of the Euro-crisis. The second part of the article looks at economic policies and argues that the austerity measures prescribed by the EU Commission, European Central Bank, and International Monetary Fund (IMF) deepened the economic crisis and led to the outbreak of an already looming crisis of legitimacy in the Euro-zone and the EU at large. This latter crisis fosters economic nationalism and thus impedes any kind of EU-level response to the Euro-crisis.
32
Zaets, Svetlana V., et Filipp Yu Kushnarev. « Poland in the European Union : history and modernity ». Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no 3 (24 septembre 2022) : 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
33
Glăvan, Oana–Raluca, et Lucia Andrievschi- Bartkiene. « Multiculturalism versus Nationalism and the role of ethnic minorities in the public life of Lithuania ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, no 2 (15 décembre 2012) : 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Lithuania became a European Union member in 2004 and it is intensively preparing nowadays to take over the EU’s presidency in the second half of 2013. As today EU’s agenda is oriented with priority to tackle the economic crisis, the survival of EURO zone and euro-scepticism, Lithuania’s foreign policy is focused, among others, on further development of the area of freedom and security, promoting further enlargement and development of relations with Eastern countries. In this respect, Lithuania is keen to share its integration experience with candidate and potentially candidate countries and to make the further enlargement of the E. U. in the Western Balkans countries a successful story similar to the 2004 enlargement campaign, with Croatia joining the EU on 1st of July 2013 during Lithuanian presidency and planning to have an impact on the finalization of negotiations with other candidate countries. Since joining the EU, Lithuania has experienced difficulties arising from its role as a destination, source and transit country for legal and irregular international migration. As Lithuania is one of the Member States that have external borders with non-candidate countries (Byelorussia and Russia – Kaliningrad oblast), it is as well concerned about security issues, migration and integration of minorities in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Minorities account for 16% of the population of Lithuania, out of which Poles-6.1 %, Russians and Byelorussians-6% and Ukrainians-0.6 %. Other minorities such as Jews, Germans, Tartars, Latvians, Roma, Armenians etc. account together for 0.7 % of the total population. Lithuanians generally have a positive relationship with their national minorities and the integration of former may be regarded as somewhat advanced, but discrimination cannot be excluded, especially on the labour market. The juridical situation of these minorities and the issues concerning them is the focus of this article.
34
Tevdoy-Bourmouli, A. I. « "CYCLIST ON THE MARSH" : LESSONS AND PROSPECTS OF THE LAST EU ENLARGEMENT ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(31) (28 août 2013) : 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-106-112.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The latest cycle of the European Union enlargement generated a panoply of problems unknown of in the anamnesis of this organisation. Specific historic experience of the applicants pre-determined a considerable specialty of west-European fashioned democratic regimes in those countries, weakness of consensus and tolerance culture which has already rooted itself in the West-European society, and which has to a considerable degree secured stable development of Western Europe over the last decades. This constellation resulted particularly in the renaissance on the level of European establishment of the nationalist phobia and memories deeply buried decades ago. Though the scale of the eventual problems was evident to the EU leaders long before the official entry of Central and East-European (CEE) countries to the European Union, it neither blocked the admission of new members nor entailed a refusal to pursue the plans of further enlargement at the time when Brussels’ fears have panned out. The paradox is predetermined by the combination of the EU motives – common interests of the integration group with the interests both of individual members and outside actors.
35
Korneva, P. M. « Conflicting regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism : the experience of the European Union ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, no 65 (25 octobre 2021) : 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.66.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the conflict regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism in the European Union. The author analyzes the concept of «medical tourism» and other terms used to denote the phenomenon of travel of persons to foreign countries to receive medical services («cross-border healthcare», «medical tourism», «medical travel»). The article analyzes the regulation of the EU-member states and supra-national regulation of private law aspects in the field of medical tourism. In particular, the peculiarities of receiving medical care by citizens of the European Union, which are regulated with the Directive of the Euro-pean Council and the Parliament 2011/24 / EU on the application of patients’ rights in cross-border healthcare. The author concludes that the conflict regulation of medical tourism in the European Union is based on the general conflict rules on the conclusion and implementation of contracts in the field of services and insurance, as well as compensation for damage caused by improper performance of contracts or civil offenses (torts), resolving conflicts of jurisdiction, etc. Special conflict regulation of relations in the field of medical tourism in the European Union is not developed. At the same time, the author emphasizes the significant gaps in the conflict regulation of certain issues related to medical tourism, especially such debatable as cross-border surrogacy, organ transplantation, eutha-nasia and others. The author supports the view that for the countries of the European Union today in the context of medical tourism for the purpose of surrogacy in countries where such a procedure is legal, relevant today are issues of conflict regulation, such as determining the nationality of the child; recognition of paternity (origin of the child); recognition of birth certificates of a surrogate mother issued in other countries.
36
Kaeding, Michael, Johannes Pollak et Paul Schmidt. « Europaskeptizismus und die Zukunft Europas. Ansichten aus den Hauptstädten ». integration 43, no 2 (2020) : 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2020-2-136.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Based on a new anthology on the future of Europe in the light of Euroscepticism, this article examines how the increasing prominence of Eurosceptic and nationalist parties is affecting the thinking of mainstream parties, their representatives in the European Parliament and the future of European integration. The publication of the anthology is timed to coincide with the strategic vision of the European Council, the Council, the Commission and the Parliament as well as with the next phase of the negotiations on the future relations between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom and the Conference on the Future of Europe. It maps and analyses 39 national perspectives from all EU Member States as well as from neighbouring European countries and potential candidate countries.
37
Burdiuh, M. « POPULISM AS A CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no 1(57) (31 mai 2023) : 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2023.1(57).280788.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the problems of the cause and manifestations of modern populism in the countries of the European Union, which has intensified over the past two decades. The growth of radical ideas, the ideas of multiculturalism and globalization, and migration processes in Europe intensify the complex processes of arranging a single political, economic and cultural space. Populist activity underlines the increasing mistrust of the electorate towards classical parties, which cannot solve urgent public demands. The current populist activism results from a structural transformation that involves: the growth of undemocratic liberalism; changing relations between ruling politicians and those under control; democratization of mass media, which appear to be interconnected, which enhances their collective effect. Individual populist parties act as contenders in national elections; in some countries (Hungary, Poland), they have obtained a leadership role. The populism of parties in the European Union is often tangential to other ideological directions (liberalism, socialism, etc.). Europe is choosing between carrying out the necessary reforms, strengthening liberal democracy and human rights, supporting diversity and equality, and an economic nationalist federation of states that dismantles the concept of liberal democracy. Liberal ideology, based on undemocratic principles, gradually strengthened populist sentiments, and European society's existing problems and crises accelerated the promotion of populism among the broad electoral masses. Gender issues, antiimmigrant sentiments, anti-European rhetoric, and nationalist movements are on the agenda. The growing number of populist parties means it is necessary to rethink the characteristics of institutional structures and the role of individual players in political activity. Ignoring the above may increase the pressure on liberal democracy, which ensures the protection of human rights and freedoms, supports the rule of law, and implements pan-European progressive values.
38
Ferreira Jr., Amarilio. « The British National Union of Teachers (NUT) against the background of the Cold War : An International Peace Conference between teachers in Western and Eastern Europe ». Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no 1 (1 janvier 2019) : 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.175.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this article is to explain the political and trade union stance of the British National Union of Teachers (NUT) – representing the teachers of England and Wales – against the arms race and nuclear warheads set up in the European Continent during the Cold War (1947-1991). After adopting resolutions in support of «Education for Peace» at its Annual Conferences (Jersey, 1983 and Blackpool, 1984), the NUT held an International Peace Conference (1984) involving Western and Eastern European countries in which teachers’ unions from the following countries participated: the United States, Finland, the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic and Bulgaria. The international event was held in Stoke Rochford Hall (England) during the British miners’ national strike against the socioeconomic reforms instituted under the governments of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990). The article started from the methodological presupposition based on the principle of political connection on an international scale within the scope of the trade union movement of teachers. Indeed, despite differences in nationalities, the educational processes institutionalized by schooling have acquired a universal character. Thus, teachers, irrespective of their nationality, are workers who are politically committed to the cultural values consecrated by the knowledge accumulated by humanity throughout history, especially when it comes to peace among peoples. It should be emphasized that the topic addressed has never before been analysed on an international level, and that primary sources that fall within the historical context of the facts studied were used in the production of the article.
39
Doiciara, Claudia, et Remus Creţana. « Pandemic populism : COVID-19 and the rise of the Nationalist AUR party in Romania ». Geographica Pannonica 25, no 4 (2021) : 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gp25-33782.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Many Central and Eastern European countries elected nationalist parties after the collapse of communism: a phenomenon often attributed to a combination of socioeconomic crisis and political instability. In 2010s, after the decay of other nationalist parties, Romania was seen as an exception to this rule, but the Covid-19 pandemic times have witnessed the rapid rise of a new nationalist party: the AUR (the Alliance for the Union of Romanians). Parliamentary elections in December 2020 saw this new political force gain 9.1% of the vote. Whereas previous nationalist parties in post-Communist Romania tended to appeal to more senior/elderly voters, there is evidence that the AUR vote is strong amongst men under the age of 35 who are educated to an elementary or high school level. This paper uses national electoral data, media analysis, and in-depth interviews with young, educated people to explore the spatial distribution of AUR support, the ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic has assisted the party's rise to prominence, and attitudes amongst university students to both the style and content of their politics. The paper concludes that the AUR offer a potent mix of old nationalism, religious faith, traditional family values and new ideological elements, such as environmentalism, anti-globalization, and anti-government critique to create a self-consciously 'alternative' political rhetoric. This is presented via new channels (especially social media) in a deliberately opportunistic, controversial, and spectacular manner. However, our investigation suggests that neither the content nor the style of this politics has widespread appeal among the more educated younger participants to the interview.
40
Zhmurenko, V. « CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL INSTITUTION OF CITIZENSHIP (NATIONALITY) IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». International Law Almanac, no 24 (2020) : 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/ila.2020.24.14.
Texte intégral
41
FRANK, MATTHEW, PIERS LUDLOW et JESSICA REINISCH. « Anniversary Issue Editorial ». Contemporary European History 25, no 1 (13 janvier 2016) : 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000557.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This issue opens the twenty-fifth volume of Contemporary European History. In the journal's inaugural editorial in 1992, Kathleen Burk and Dick Geary noted that they were standing ‘on the brink of a new Europe’ – and what exciting times those were. Just two and a half years after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, and barely months after the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union, CEH came into existence at a time of radical change in Europe and beyond. With the treaties signed at Maastricht in 1992 and in Amsterdam in 1997 European integration accelerated apace. The European Community became a Union. The twelve became fifteen. From March 1995 the Schengen Agreement let people of any nationality travel freely between the seven participating countries without any passport controls at the borders. By the end of the decade, the Single Market was a reality, the Euro was about to be introduced and negotiations for EU membership of ten central and eastern European countries were well underway. The themes of the decade were (re)integration, federation, ever greater union. As Burk and Geary wrote in their 1992 editorial, ‘year by year, the concept of Europe as both a geographical and an historical entity becomes more credible’.
42
Chovancová, Katarína. « Enforcement of Arbitral Awards in the New Countries of the European Union ». European Review of Private Law 16, Issue 6 (1 décembre 2008) : 995–1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2008073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract: In a five–part, broad legal study, the author has analyzed the enforcement of foreign and domestic arbitral awards in three European countries – the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Croatia – two of which have already entered the European Union successfully. The goal of the study has been to familiarize the professional legal public as well as independent readers not only with the legal regulation of enforcement of arbitral awards in the aforementioned countries, but with the real practice of national enforcement courts as well. Furthermore, the author has focused on providing the reader with a comparative insight into the enforcement of arbitral awards in all three European states in its entire complexity. Finally, evaluating the current specifi c position of Croatia as a country that still has not acceded to the European Union, the author introduced an explanation of various reasons for including Croatia in the submitted study. Résumé: L’auteur a analysé, dans une étude en 5 parties au spectre juridique large, l’exécution des sentences arbitrales étrangères et nationales dans trois pays européens – la République Tchèque, la Slovaquie et la Croatie – deux d’entre eux ayant déjà rejoint avec succès l’Union Européenne. L’objet de cette étude a été de familiariser autant les juristes professionnels que les lecteurs indépendants non seulement avec la règlementation de l’exécution des sentences arbitrales dans les pays susmentionnés mais aussi avec la pratique effective des tribunaux nationaux d’exécution. De plus, l’auteur s’est concentré à donner au lecteur dans toute sa complexité le point de vue comparatif vis–à–vis de l’exécution de sentences arbitrales dans les trois pays européens. Enfi n, évaluant la situation actuelle spécifi que de la Croatie en tant que pays n’ayant pas encore approché l’Union Européenne, l’auteur a présenté une explication des différentes raisons l’ayant amené à inclure la Croatie dans l’étude soumise. Zusammenfassung: In einer in fünf Teilen aufgebauten rechtswissenschaftlichen Untersuchung hat der Autor die Vollstreckung von ausländischen und nationalen Schiedsentscheidungen in drei europäischen Ländern (Tschechien, Slowakei und Kroatien), von denen zwei als Mitglieder der Europäischen Union aufgenommen sind, untersucht. Das Ziel dieser Untersuchung ist, die professionale juristische Öffentlichkeit sowie auch andere Interessierte nicht nur mit den Regelung der Vollstreckung von Schiedsentscheidungen in den genannten Ländern vertraut zu machen, sondern auch mit der Praxis der nationalen Vollstreckungsgerichte in diesen Ländern. Darüber hinaus beabsichtigt der Autor, den Lesern einen rechtsvergleichenden Überblick über die gesamte Komplexität der Vollstreckung von Schiedsentscheidungen in diesen drei europäischen Ländern zu geben. Abschließend begründet der Autor, warum es angemessen ist, die Rechtslage in Kroatien in dieser Untersuchung darzustellen, trotz der derzeitigen besondern Stellung Kroatiens als nicht Mitgliedstaat der Europäischen Union.
43
Lakić, Danijela. « The drawback of liberal nationalism as a condition for positive peace in the Balkans ». Srpska politička misao 86, no 4 (2024) : 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm86-51337.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of the paper is liberal nationalism as the only acceptable form of nationalism for the Balkans, which has been imposed and allowed by the so-called great forces (the EU and the USA) after the end of the Cold War for this, from a political and ethnic aspect, unstable region. Liberal nationalism is an integral part of liberal peacebuilding, a dominant matrix on a global level, and it has been established as one of its strategies for building and maintaining positive peace, the conditions of normal functioning and the path of the Balkan countries towards the European Union. The paper first explains the concept of positive peace and provides an overview of the state in our region, and then it points to the central ideas of liberalism and nationalism as the foundations of liberal nationalism, whose features are stated thereafter. The focus of the paper is on the analysis of the shortcomings of liberal nationalism since political and ethnic crises in the Balkan countries in the last decade indicate that, in the imposed basis of peace in these societies, "something is not right". As the most obvious drawback of the application of liberal nationalism in the Balkans, favoring political nation model has been identified, which is contrary to the history and specificities of Balkan peoples (it resulted in the projects such as the building of the so-called Bosnian and Montenegrin nation, which has deepened ethnic-identity conflicts as the basis of political crises endangering the functioning of these states). In the concluding remarks, as a basic way to solve this drawback, or rather the illogicality, of liberal nationalism as a condition for positive peace in our region, focusing and returning to the cultural model of the nation is proposed because, firstly, this is the authentic feature of this type of nationalism, which is in accordance with its origin and characteristics, and secondly, the cultural-ethnic determination of the nation is the prevailing and authentic model of the nation in the Balkans. This idea about emphasizing the primary status of a cultural version of a nation refers to the aspect of liberal nationalism on the necessity of including national belonging, as an integral part of cultural belonging, in primary goods that the state ensures for its citizens, which means that liberal state cannot be fully ethnically neutral either. Furthermore, the cultural nation model, as an autochthonous feature of Balkan peoples, needs to be included more intensively in all the segments of liberal peacebuilding, whereby its adverse effects would be mitigated in the Balkans at least in part.
44
Bruno, Valerio A., et Giacomo Finzi. « Leading through a Decade of Crisis—Not Bad, After All ». German Politics and Society 36, no 4 (1 décembre 2018) : 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360403.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The decade following the great economic and financial crisis of 2008 saw the European Union demanding regional leadership. The EU has also suffered a number of other existential crises, such as the ongoing refugee crisis, the Ukraine-Russia military confrontation, the revival of nationalism and radical right-wing populism, alongside the “trade war” between the United States and the EU. The article develops a novel theoretical framework structuring leadership as a peculiar typology of power, characterized by the capacity of both including “followership” countries’ interests and providing crisis management. Our central argument is that Germany responded strategically to leadership demand in Europe through a positive power role, exhibiting the inclusion of followership and multilateral leadership rather than hegemonic, together with crisis management skills based on solid influence over regional outcomes. Conclusions are drawn from five key case studies drawn from different policy areas.
45
Kornai, János. « Hungary’S U-Turn ». Society and Economy 37, no 3 (septembre 2015) : 279–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2015.37.3.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.
46
Kornai, János. « Shifting Away from Democracy – Hungary's U-Turn ». Public Finance and Management 15, no 3 (septembre 2015) : 171–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/152397211501500301.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn's implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.
47
Bravo Torres, Carmen Clara. « The role of the European Union on immigration. An anthropological approach to the treaties that have been carried out in Europe in order to manage diversity ». REGION 6, no 1 (12 août 2019) : 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18335/region.v6i1.262.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Migrations are a global phenomenon that has prevailed throughout history. In the last decades there is a need to control every person who enters and leaves the borders of a country. This fact can be observed in the European Union where in the last years the migratory phenomenon is appreciated as a problem. This institution carries out different measures in order to manage this diversity within its borders. However, these agreements are not adapted to the different contexts and are not carried out by all the countries that compose this institution. In spite of all this, the discourse used by the European Union promotes the European identity in front of the rest, differentiating those considered others. These others are differentiated primarily by their nationality although from the discourse analysis can be observed as the economic factor is essential. These themes will be studied in this paper, which will allow us to understand what treaties have been established in the European Union regarding migration and how diversity is managed from them.
48
Bocková, Lucia, et Rudolf Kucharčík. « Citizenship by Investment - Latest Development in the European Union ». Politické vedy 25, no 4 (10 janvier 2023) : 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.69-108.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper covers citizenship by investment (CBI) schemes in the European Union (EU) context which allow to acquire nationality of the EU member state through targeted investments. We were verifying whether the negative attitude of the EU towards the CBI schemes of member states and the ongoing war in Ukraine threaten their very existence. In order to achieve the objective, we analysed the rules on the acquisition of citizenship by naturalization as well as the relationship between nationality of the EU member states, which is still their exclusive competence and the EU citizenship status. Subsequently, we compared CBI schemes of three EU member states (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta). The results show that the EU has put pressure on member states to cancel their CBI programs because of the complex relationship between the national citizenship on the one hand and the EU citizenship and related rights enforceable across the whole EU on the other hand. This EU pressure has been further intensified following the war in Ukraine. The reason is that Russian nationals made up a significant number of CBI applicants and also because some Russian or Belarusian nationals who are supporting the war in Ukraine might have acquired EU citizenship under CBI schemes. Of the three countries we analysed, only Malta currently has a valid CBI program. Bulgaria and Cyprus abolished their CBI programs. This development indicates that the EU has gradually succeeded in eliminating the existence of CBI in the EU member states. However, it is not yet clear whether this practice of member states is contrary to the EU law. We assume that the Court of Justice of the EU will resolve this question in the ongoing infringement procedure initiated by the European Commission against Malta.
49
Martynov, A. « The Populist Party in the Countries of the European Union : the Ideological Profile and Activities at the Beginning of XXI Century ». Problems of World History, no 4 (8 juin 2017) : 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.
50
Svoboda, Ondrej. « EU Reform Agenda in Defence of the Judicialization of International Economic Law ». European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 2 (1 août 2020) : 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A widely-recognized ‘backlash against globalization’ has taken many forms in recent years, particularly in the resurgence of nationalism and protectionism. Following the rise of a legitimacy crisis in the international regime for the protection of investments, the Trumpanian attack on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body undermines a crucial function of this organization. In this context, the European Union has traditionally been seen as an advocate of the rule of law at an international level. Currently, it leads the way to maintain rules-based global economic governance by submitting detailed proposals to reform international trade and investment adjudication bodies and galvanizing broad support for them amongst other countries. Specifically, the European Union (EU) proposes the establishment of a multilateral investment court (MIC), which it considers to be the best option to address the concerns with the existing system of investor-State dispute resolution (ISDS). At the WTO, the EU has tabled two sets of proposals to answer concerns from the US and modify the relevant parts of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). After the collapse of the WTO Appellate Body, the EU led an initiative to create an interim appeal arbitration arrangement. This article argues that, in the absence of leadership by the US, the EU plays an essential role in maintaining trade and investment governance built on international law. This article identifies two different EU approaches in its attempt to (1) modernize an existing adjudication body at the WTO and (2) promote establishment of a new judicial institution for the resolution of investment disputes. In both ways, the EU acts as an innovator in terms of international governance. European Union, reform, judicialization, WTO, Appellate Body, UNCITRAL, investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), multilateral investment court