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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Nationalism – Europe, Western – Case studies"
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Lieberman, Victor. "Ethnic Hatred and Universal Benevolence: Ethnicity and Loyalty in Precolonial Myanmar, and Britain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 2 (2021): 310–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractInsisting on a radical divide between post-1750 ideologies in Europe and earlier political thought in both Europe and Asia, modernist scholars of nationalism have called attention, quite justifiably, to European nationalisms’ unique focus on popular sovereignty, legal equality, territorial fixity, and the primacy of secular over universal religious loyalties. Yet this essay argues that nationalism also shared basic developmental and expressive features with political thought in pre-1750 Europe as well as in rimland—that is to say outlying—sectors of Asia. Polities in Western Europe and rimland Asia were all protected against Inner Asian occupation, all enjoyed relatively cohesive local geographies, and all experienced economic and social pressures to integration that were not only sustained but surprisingly synchronized throughout the second millennium. In Western Europe and rimland Asia each major state came to identify with a named ethnicity, specific artifacts became badges of inclusion, and central ethnicity expanded and grew more standardized. Using Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain as case studies, this essay reconstructs these centuries-long similarities in process and form between “political ethnicity,” on the one hand, and modern nationalism, on the other. Finally, however, this essay explores cultural and material answers to the obvious question: if political ethnicities in Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain were indeed comparable, why did the latter realm alone generate recognizable expressions of nationalism? As such, this essay both strengthens and weakens claims for European exceptionalism.
2
Aryal, Manish. "Neo-Nationalism: A Tool for National Integrity." Unity Journal 2 (August 3, 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38821.
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An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.
3
Kojanec, Giovanni. "Part III: Prospects for and Barriers to Implementation: Case Studies: The UN Convention and the European Instruments for the Protection of the Migrants." International Migration Review 25, no. 4 (1991): 818–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839102500408.
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Two different situations concerning migration are present in Western Europe today: the EEC system and the framework of rules established independently of that system by specific treaties. The EEC regulations are based on the principle of freedom of movement, stay and work for nationals of a member state in the territory of all other member states, equality of treatment with nationals of the host country being strictly applicable. Outside the Community context, a number of multilateral treaties between member states of the Council of Europe, whose rules have been developed mainly on the basis of principles established by ILO Conventions, are in force, all inspired by the following guiding principles: safeguarding the right of each state to decide on the admission of foreign immigrants; affirming the guarantee of equal treatment to immigrants legally admitted and limiting the application of said rules to nationals of the contracting parties. Basic civil and political rights are protected, independently of nationality, with regard to every person within the jurisdiction of states parties to the European Convention on Human Rights. Consequently, the UN Convention is essentially relevant for those migrant workers present in Europe who are nationals of those states not members of the EEC or not parties to those European conventions. Particularly important are the provisions concerning irregular migrations.
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Ramdhan, Muhammad Angga. "POLITIK KETAHANAN NASIONAL." Jurnal Dinamika Global 4, no. 02 (2020): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v4i02.137.
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The rise of nationalism values among democratic election in Western Europe had brought back the trend of classical realism in current international relations. Brexit phenomena, in which Great Britain choose to withdraw from European Union membership, is not separated from the trend. The phenomena become interesting case studies when compared to Indonesian election in 2019 where national resilience becomes the political focus. Using classical realism, this article aimed to understand why populism movement based on national resilience values was accepted in Brexit referendum but insignificant in Indonesian election. From the inquiries, this article concludes that populism movement emphasizing threats and nationalistic approach works in Great Britain due to instability caused by migrant, while Indonesia was much stable due to stronger national resilience against threats.
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Piirimäe, Kaarel. "Federalism in the Baltic: Interpretations of Self-Determination and Sovereignty in Estonia in the First Half of the Twentieth Century." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 237–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903004.
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The objective of this article is to challenge the widespread interpretation of interwar East Central Europe as a hotbed of excessive nationalism, by establishing a longue durée of federalist thinking in Estonia in the first half of the twentieth century. By focusing on personal continuities from the founding years of the Estonian Republic into the 1940s, it is possible to detect a remarkable persistence of ‘idealist’ visions about intra and interstate federalism that had been internalized by Estonian statesmen before and during the First World War and earlier. Apart from establishing the continuity of federalist thought the article analyzes the political discourse in which the concept of national self-determination was picked up. The primary framework for Estonian thinkers on nationality was the debate that developed within the all-Russian socialist movement in the context of the nationality problems of the multinational Western provinces and Congress Poland. The discourse on territorial and cultural autonomy within a federative Russia, demands that came to the fore in 1905, developed only after the idea of self-determination entered the thinking of Estonian radicals. Until late 1917, asserting the right to self-determination by no means meant separation from Russia. Even after 1917 Estonian politicians imagined the future republic as part of a regional league or union relinquishing part of its sovereignty to a supranational authority, plans that foundered on the incompatibility of national interests by 1920. Although the experience had not been encouraging, Baltic politicians resuscitated federalist concepts in the early period of the Second World War, as they tried to envisage a new structure for a cooperative and autonomous East Central Europe, within a restored Europe.
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Kazemi, Sona. "Whose Disability (Studies)?" Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 8, no. 4 (2019): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v8i4.530.
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This article is part of a larger inquiry into the production of disabled bodies due to violence. I examine processes of disablement in the global south, namely Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, by wars launched and nurtured by both the local nation-states in the Middle East as well as the global north - the United States, Russia, and Western Europe. Utilizing a dialectical and historical materialist approach, I studied the Iran-Iraq war, the longest war of the 20th century. I explore how the disablement of global southern bodies in imperialist and nationalist wars is persistently naturalized – that is, attributed to the natural state of affairs in those regions, with the inevitable consequence that they cannot be connected to the violence of ongoing global and regional imperialism. This paper briefly touches upon the theoretical framework and methodology utilized to conduct this research, as well as the “problem” of disability in Iran. Subsequently, it goes on to extensively discuss the living conditions of the surviving Iranian veterans and surviving civilians of the Iran-Iraq war told through their own resilient voices. The veterans’ narratives expose their post-war experiences, including poverty, unemployment, inadequate medical-care, lack of medication due to the U.S.-imposed economic sanctions, and the presence of a dysfunctional disability-measurement system employed by the Iranian state. As a survivor of this war myself, I invite the reader to bear witness to how the violence of imperialism and nationalism not only renders people disabled, but also fetishizes their disablement by masking/mystifying the socio-political and economic relations that mediate the violent processes that render people disabled. By focusing on the veterans’ actual living conditions, this paper seeks to defetishize disablement, shifting the narrative of disabled veterans and civilians from tales of terrorism, heroism, living martyrdom, and patriotism, towards recognition of disability of/in human beings in need of care and support.
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Sandu-Dediu, Valentina. "The Beginnings of Romanian Composition: Between Nationalism and the Obsession with Synchronizing with the West." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 14, no. 3 (2017): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409817000179.
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Romanian composition in the nineteenth century went through rapid changes, moving from a Greek-oriental sound world to a Western European one. It is interesting to examine, in this context, the musicians’ quest for a ‘national’ sound and identity. Analysis of piano miniatures or vaudeville, the favourite genre of the Romanian audience in the first half of the century, shows eclectic combinations of urban folk music with sources of inspiration borrowed from popular foreign melodies. The second half of the century seems to be marked in modern scholarship by premieres: some composers are included in Romanian history just for the merit of writing the first Romanian symphony, the first string quartet, the first opera, and so forth. Their work led towards the constitution of a ‘national language’ adapted to genres borrowed from contemporary Western European music.In addition to demonstrating these ideas in the work of a number of Romanian composers (Josef Herfner, Ioan Andrei Wachmann, Anton Pann, Alexandru Flechtenmacher, Ludwig Anton Wiest, Carol Miculi, George Stephănescu, Constantin Dimitrescu, Gavriil Musicescu, Eduard Caudella, George Dima, Ciprian Porumbescu, Iacob Mureşianu, Dumitru Georgescu Kiriac, Alfonso Castaldi, Eduard Wachmann), the present article also encompasses two case studies. The first is Franz Liszt’s tour through the Romanian Countries, which offers a clearer image of the popular ideas circulating within the musical scene of the time. Liszt’s initiative to emphasize the national spirit through folk quotations reworked in rhapsodies should have inspired Romanian musicians; we will see whether this actually happened. The second case study concerns the musical life of Bucharest around 1900, when the directions of Romanian modern music were being traced, and cautious and selective steps were made toward harmonizing with Europe began.
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Kyrchanoff, M. W. "POLITICS OF MEMORY IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AS A NON-WESTERN FORM OF HISTORICAL POLITICS (BETWEEN THE VALUES OF THE UMMAH AND THE PRINCIPLES OF NATIONALISM)." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-46-55.
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The author analyzes the main features and directions of the policy of historical memory in the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed in the 1979. Analyzing the politics of memory in Iran, the author transplants those models of explanation and interpretation to Iranian contexts, which were originally proposed for the study of ideologically mo-tivated manipulations of history in Europe. It is assumed that the politics of memory depends on the dynamics of political and socio-economic modernization in its Islamic version. Elites actively use history and the past as symbolic resources in their attempts to legitimize regime, and the politics of memory has become one of the dimensions of Iranian political imagination, integrated into the Shia political discourse. The main forms of politically and ideologi-cally motivated manipulations with history in the Islamization contexts are presented. The author states that the Irani-an elites are active in their attempts to marginalize the Zoroastrian and pre-Islamic heritage, imagined as alien cultur-ally and anti-Islamic traditions. Therefore, the early policy of memory in Iran was radical and repressive in its nature. The author analyzes the radical forms of the politics of memory, including the destruction of historical and cultural monuments. It is assumed that political Islam and the values of the Ummah in the historical imagination of Iran be-came more important factors than Iranian ethnic nationalism. In general, the article shows the interdependence of the memorial politics of the non-secular Shia regime and Iranian nationalism, despite its marginalization. The author presumes that the politics of memory belongs to the few spheres of social and cultural life of Islamic Republic of Iran, where Iranian secular intellectuals can visualize their identity and nationalist preferences. The historical politics in Iran actualizes the peculiarities of ideological struggle of the Shia regime against the Iranian political emigration, which criticizes Islamization. The results of the politics of memory also demonstrate the significant potential of the historical experience (Iranian-Iraqi war) as a stimulus for consolidation and promotion of loyalty. Therefore, the au-thor analyzes the politics of memory as a constantly revising project, declaring the need for its further interdiscipli-nary analysis.
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Rausch, Helke. "Staging Realms of the Past in 19th-Century Western Europe: Comparing Monumental Strategies of Middle-Class Nationalists." East Central Europe 36, no. 1 (2009): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411467.
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AbstractIn large parts of late 19th-century Europe, monumental landscapes in the metropoles appear as public platforms where national realms of the pasts were invented. Public statues installed in Paris, Berlin and London would hardly express coherent national mentalities. They rather symbolize their initiator's propagandist attempts at defining the nation while they could be perceived quite controversially. Beyond state-dominated images of the nation in Berlin, there were attempts at referring to more liberal demands in the German national movement. In London, the seemingly consensual recourse to British Monarchy testifies to the fact that monument committees transformed the concept of monarchy into a common reference point of civic patriotism while public reference to the highly non-egalitarian social order was ignored. In Paris, the placement of national cult figures was even more part of a controversial process and hardly exemplified a constantly assured French nation. A comparative analysis of rhetorical strategies and their repercussions upon the public could add to a pluralistic European history of resilient nationalistic rhetorics and their questionable success in each case.
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Abăseacă, Raluca. "Collective memory and social movements in times of crisis: the case of Romania." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (2018): 671–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1379007.
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Social movements are not completely spontaneous. On the contrary, they depend on past events and experiences and are rooted in specific contexts. By focusing on three case studies – the student mobilizations of 2011 and 2013, the anti-government mobilizations of 2012, and the protests against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation project of 2013 – this article aims to investigate the role of collective memory in post-2011 movements in Romania. The legacy of the past is reflected not only in a return to the symbols and frames of the anti-Communist mobilizations of 1989 and 1990, but also in the difficulties of the protesters to delimit themselves from nationalist actors, to develop global claims, and to target austerity and neoliberalism. Therefore, even in difficult economic conditions, Romanian movements found it hard to align their efforts with those of the Indignados/Occupy movements. More generally, the case of Romania proves that activism remains rooted in the local and national context, reflecting the memories, experiences, and fears of the mobilized actors, in spite of the spread of a repertoire of action from Western and southern Europe.
Thèses sur le sujet "Nationalism – Europe, Western – Case studies"
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Carstens, T. H. M. "Aspekte van nasionale en kulturele identiteit van 'n verenigende Europa sedert 1958 : enkele gevallestudies." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53294.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In a globalizing world it follows that the identity of individuals will come under scrutiny
as borders between states fade. It is exactly for this reason that so many people feel
uncomfortable within themselves and become involved in a desperate search for new
terms of reference and value systems.
By virtue of this, history is utilized to explore the problem by tracing circumstances on
a continent where the issue is currently very topical. Certain facets of Europe, which
was the axis of the catastrophic Second World War but simultaneously the cradle of an
Eurocentrism which has evolved gradually over centuries, is carefully scrutinized in
order to determine what tendencies are becoming noticeable. This investigation cannot
ignore the demise of the Soviet Empire and the burgeoning nation states of Eastern
Europe since it represents an important divide in the European history of the twentieth
century.
A unifying Europe is embodied in various institutions which have sprung up since the
Second World War, partially due to efforts of Europeans to organise themselves or
alternatively, as a consequence of the Atlantic allies' attempts to present a united front
to Soviet Russia. With the demise of the Soviet Republic in 1989, the concept
underwent a further change when the Eastern European countries joined the
institutional structures of a unifying nature such as the Council of Europe. It is exactly
because of this that the identity issue came to the fore. The only realistic and pragmatic
yardstick to measure national and cultural identity within the defined period is by
employing the sovereignty of the nation state. Concurrently with this yardstick is the
realisation that the protection or loss of sovereignty occurs within the upper
constitutional or political levels where the public is seldom involved, but ultimately as
a consequence affected. This reflects a democratic deficit.
Seen from the angle of the early protagonists of Eurocentrism as well as the USA, there
were conflicting views on the protection or loss of sovereignty, but an admission that
greater unity could lead to the loss of some sovereignty. Britain, without publicly acknowledging it, had indeed surrendered some of its sovereignty during the 1970's
when it became a member of the European Economic Community, by subjecting itself
to the ruling that European Union legislation would be superior to that of Britain in the
event of a conflict. Britain had thus, with regard to national and cultural identity, already
proceeded to a new relationship. This new relationship was reinforced by Britain's
under-writing of the principle of subsidiarity which ultimately promotes a dual identity of
being British and European.
The same tendency was noticeable in the institutional arrangements and programmes
of the Council of Europe and the European Union.
On investigating the viewpoints and role which Belgium, as one of the founder members
of the European Economic Community, and simultaneously a small nation, this
tendency also becomes very apparent, but possibly with greater emphasis of the
regional role as a result of strong identity forming influences.
In conclusion, it is thus apparent that being a European, and British or Flemish
simultaneously, is currently becoming the vogue. However, being European is currently
of a consumer-goods nature. It does not embrace a vibrant European identity
particularly as a consequence of the language difference which limit the
Europeanisation of national and cultural identities. Attempts to resolve the problem
through adages such as "unity in diversity" has not produced the expected results.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 'n globaliserende wêreld volg dit dat die identiteit van individue onder druk sal kom
omdat die grense tussen state neig om te vervaag. Dit is juis as gevolg hiervan dat
soveel mense ongemaklik voel met hulself en betrokke raak by 'n desperate soeke na
nuwe punte van verwysing en nuwe waardestelsels.
Gedagtig hieraan word die geskiedenis ingespan om die problematiek te verken deur
ondersoek in te stel na die verloop van omstandighede op 'n kontinent waar die kwessie
inderdaad tans uiters aktueel is. Sekere aspekte van Europa, wat die spilpunt van die
katastrofale Tweede Wêreld Oorlog was, maar terselfdertyd ook die bakermat van 'n
Eurosentrisme wat geleidelik oor eeue ontluik het, word onder die vergrootglas geplaas
ten einde te bepaal watter neigings te bespeur is. Hierdie ondersoek kon ook nie die
val van die Sowjet-ryk en die opkomende nasiestate in Oos-Europa ignoreer nie, omdat
dit 'n belangrike breuklyn in die Europese geskiedenis van die twintigste eeu
verteenwoord ig.
'n Verenigende Europa word vergestalt in verskeie organisasies wat sedert die Tweede
Wêreld Oorlog ontstaan het enersyds vanweë pogings van Europeërs om hulself te
orden, of andersyds, vanweë pogings van die Atlantiese bondgenote om 'n verenigende
front jeens Sowjet-Rusland te vorm. Met die val van die Sowjet-Republiek in 1989, het
die begrip 'n verdere verandering ondergaan toe Oos-Europese lande aangesluit het
by institusionele strukture van 'n verenigende aard soos die Raad van Europa. Juis as
gevolg hiervan het die identiteitskwessie sterker na vore getree. Die enigste realistiese
en pragmatiese norm om dit te meet binne die gegewe tydsgewrig was aan die hand
van die soewereiniteit van die nasiestate. Die meting gaan egter gepaard met die wete
dat soewereiniteitsbeskerming of -verlies plaasvind op hoë politieke of konstitusionele
vlakke waarby die algemene publiek selde betrek, maar inderdaad as uitvloeisel, geaffekteer
word. Dit lei dus tot 'n gebrekkige demokratiseringsproses.
Gesien vanuit die oogpunt van die vroeër denkers van Europeanisering asook die VSA,
was daar botsende menings oor die verlies of beskerming van soewereiniteit, maar 'n erkenning dat groter eenheid tog tot "n mate van soewereiniteitsverlies kon lei. Brittanje
het inderdaad, sonder om dit openlik te erken, reeds met sy aansluiting in die 1970's
afstand gedoen van "n gedeelte van haar soewereiniteit deur die aanvaarding van die
toetredingsvoorwaarde dat, waar Britse en Europese Ekonomiese Gemeenskap
wetgewing bots, laasgenoemde sou oorheers. Gedagtig hieraan, is dit dus duidelik dat
wat nasionale en kulturele identiteit betref, Brittanje reeds haarself begeef het in "n
nuwe verhouding. Die nuwe verhouding versterk deur Brittanje se onderskrywing van
die beginsel van subsidiariteit, kom eintlik daarop neer dat "n persoon terselfdertyd Brits
en Europeër kan wees.
Dieselfde tendens is te bespeur in die institusionele reëlings en programme van die
Raad van Europa asook die Europese Unie.
Wanneer die standpunte en rol van België as een van die stigterlande van die
Europese Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, maar terselfdertyd "n kleinstaat, ondersoek word,
kom die verskynselook sterk na vore, moontlik egter met nog meer beklemtoning van
die streeksrolle van gebiede as gevolg van sterk identiteitsvormende invloede.
Ten laaste word dit dus duidelik dat "n gelyktydige Europees-wees asook Brits-wees,
of Vlaams-wees, nou aan die orde van die dag begin kom. Die Europees-wees is egter
nog van "n verbruikersgoedere aard. Dit omvat nog nie "n lewenskragtige Europese
identiteit nie veral as gevolg van die taalverskille wat belemmerend inwerk op die
Europeanisering van nasionale en kulturele identiteite. Pogings om die probleem op
te los deur slagspreuke soos "eenheid in diversiteit" werp nog nie die nodige vrugte af
nie.
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Yan, Mei Ning. "Protection of free flow of information and regulation of transfrontier television : case studies of Western Europe and China." Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243359.
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Obrocki, Lea Marit [Verfasser]. "Advances in geoarchaeological site formation research by integrating geophysical methods, direct push sensing techniques and stratigraphic borehole data - case studies from central Europe and the western Peloponnese around ancient Olympia - / Lea Marit Obrocki." Mainz : Universitätsbibliothek Mainz, 2019. http://d-nb.info/118923730X/34.
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ZOLNER, Mette. "Reconstructing national boundaries : debates on national identities and immigration in France and in Denmark." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5441.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 June 1998<br>Supervisor: Prof. Bernhard Giesen, Universität Giessen ; Co-Supervisor: Prof. Laurence Fontaine, European University Institute<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>Why are national identities imagined in one way rather than in another? The book analyses national imaginations as an on-going reconstruction process in a political and social context in which several imaginations of the nation struggle to impose their conception. Focusing on a fundamental element of any collective identity, namely the «Other», the book looks at the reconstruction of national identities by actors in political debates on immigration in the late 1980s and 1990s, particularly associations and political clubs which were in favour of and against the presence of immigrant minorities in their respective countries. Thus, the book investigates different ways of imagining the same nation in two old European nation-states, namely France and Denmark, which differ with regard to their nation-building processes, their Second World War history, their memory of colonialism and their experience of immigration. It is thus possible to illustrate that existing ideas of the nation and memories of historical events shape the way in which the nation could be re-imagined in the 1980s and 1990s.
Livres sur le sujet "Nationalism – Europe, Western – Case studies"
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Vincent, Wright, ed. Privatization in Western Europe: Pressures, problems, and paradoxes. Pinter Publishers, 1994.
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1949-, Laver Michael, and Mair Peter, eds. Representative government in Western Europe. McGraw-Hill, 1992.
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J, Boelhouwer P., ed. Financing the social rented sector in Western Europe. Delft University Press, 1997.
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National Research Council (U.S.). Transportation Research Board. Committee for an International Comparison of National Policies and Expectations Affecting Public Transit., ed. Making transit work: Insight from Western Europe, Canada, and the United States. National Academy Press, 2001.
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Group, Minority Rights, ed. Minorities and autonomy in Western Europe. The Group, 1991.
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Kenneth, Hanf, and Jansen Alf-Inge, eds. Governance and environment in Western Europe: Politics, policy and administration. Addison Wesley Longman, 1998.
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1955-, Compston Hugh, ed. The new politics of unemployment: Radical policy initiatives in Western Europe. Routledge, 1997.
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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development., ed. Convergence between communications technologies: Case studies from North America and Western Europe. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 1992.
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Institute, European Trade Union, ed. Bargaining in recession: Trends in collective bargaining in Western Europe, 1993-94. European Trade Union Institute, 1994.
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Guus, Extra, and Maartens Jeanne, eds. Multilingualism in a multicultural context: Case studies on South Africa and Western Europe. Tilburg University Press, 1998.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Nationalism – Europe, Western – Case studies"
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Lochocki, Timo. "Research Design: Ensuring High Validity and High Reliability Under the Auspices of Comparative Case Studies." In The Rise of Populism in Western Europe. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62855-4_4.
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Leonova, Anna B., Michail I. Maryin, and Marina Yu Shirokaya. "The Activity Regulation Approach in Case Studies of Human Reliability." In Error Prevention and Well-Being at Work in Western Europe and Russia. Springer Netherlands, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-0784-9_7.
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Konrad-Schineller, Angelika. "Angels as Agents of Transfer Between Hebrew Origins, Byzantium, and Western Europe: Marienberg in South Tyrol as a Case Study." In Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-11632-7_3.
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Cronqvist, Marie, Rosanna Farbøl, and Casper Sylvest. "Conclusion: Civil Defence Futures (Re)imagined." In Cold War Civil Defence in Western Europe. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84281-9_10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractReflecting on the individual studies of civil defence during the Cold War provided in this volume, this brief, concluding chapter performs three tasks. First, against the backdrop of the empirical analyses and the collective exploration of the concept of sociotechnical imaginaries, we reflect on the potential and limitations of this concept in historical scholarship. Second, we sum up the findings of the book by drawing attention to some of the most striking similarities and differences that emerge from the empirical chapters. Finally, we briefly make a case for the value and relevance of civil defence history for current imaginaries of security for civil society in Europe in the face of a highly diverse range of potential threats.
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Stear, Charles A. "Typical Formulation and Process Schedules (Including Case Studies) for Wheat and Rye Breads Employed in Western and Eastern Europe and North America." In Handbook of Breadmaking Technology. Springer US, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-2375-8_7.
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Merivirta, Raita, Leila Koivunen, and Timo Särkkä. "Finns in the Colonial World." In Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80610-1_1.
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AbstractUtilizing such concepts as “colonial complicity” and “colonialism without colonies”, this chapter examines the case of Finns and Finland as a nation that was once oppressed but also itself complicit in colonialism. It argues that although the Finnish nation has historically been positioned in Europe between western and eastern empires, Finns were not only passive victims of (Russian) imperial rule but also active participants in the creation of imperial vocabulary in various colonial contexts, including Sápmi in the North.This chapter argues that although Finns never had overseas colonies, they were involved in the colonial world, sending out colonizers and producing images of colonial “others”, when they, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, felt the need to project themselves as white and European (not Russian or non-white, such as Mongols). Finns adopted, adapted, and created common European knowledge about colonized areas, cultures, and people and participated in constructing racial hierarchies. These racialized notions were also applied to the Sámi. Furthermore, Finns benefitted economically from colonialism, sent out missionaries to Owambo in present-day Namibia to spread the ideas of Western/White/Christian superiority and instruct the Owambo in European ways. Finns were also involved in several colonial enterprises of other European colonizing powers, such as in the Belgian Congo or aboard Captain Cook’s vessel on his journey to the Antipodes.
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Balisacan, Arsenio M. "Competition, Antitrust, and Agricultural Development in Asia." In Emerging-Economy State and International Policy Studies. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5542-6_26.
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AbstractCompetition law—also known as antitrust in some jurisdictions—has become part of governments’ policy arsenal to achieve efficient and welfare-improving market outcomes. From only a handful of economies in North America and Europe, the adoption of competition law and policy has spread rapidly to Asian economies since 1990. Like their Western counterparts several decades earlier, most Asian jurisdictions have exempted agriculture, albeit in varying degrees, from the prohibitions of competition law, such as those involving the exercise of market power by farmers’ associations. Public choice considerations suggest that the exemption serves as a countervailing force for the farmers’ comparatively weak position in the balance of political influence for agricultural policy and in bargaining power over the more concentrated wholesale-retail segments of the agri-food value chain. Farm heterogeneity and farm-operation consolidation, induced in part by the economy’s structural transformation, weaken the case for broad exemption.
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Lecours, André. "Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy." In Nationalism, Secessionism, and Autonomy. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846754.003.0007.
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This chapter examines three additional cases: the Basque Country, Puerto Rico, and Québec. The objective behind these supplemental case studies is twofold. First, for the Basque Country, the goal is to understand why there has not been a strengthening of secessionism like in Catalonia. The chapter explains that Basque nationalism is exceptional for its history of political violence, which renders extremely difficult the type of alliance between nationalist forces that has occurred in Catalonia. Next, the chapter looks at Puerto Rico and Québec to assess how a focus on the nature of autonomy to explain the strength of secessionism travels beyond Western Europe. The case of Puerto Rico, where secessionism has always been marginal, helps to tease out the potential importance of perceptions on autonomy. Although Puerto Rican autonomy has not been adjusted, political debates over the constitutional future of the island, namely through multiple referendums on status, have likely fed perceptions that Puerto Ricans can change their autonomy, either through an enhancement of the current status or by becoming a state of the American federation. In Québec, the weakening of secessionism in the last decades has corresponded with a switch from constitutional reform to intergovernmental agreements as instruments for managing the position of the province within the federation. Constitutional change is difficult in Canada; consequently, Québec’s autonomy has been static constitutionally. As a result, when the focus for managing autonomy is placed on constitutional negotiations, secessionism in the province strengthens. When autonomy is managed through intergovernmental agreements, secessionism weakens.
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Kalmar, Ivan. "The Last of the White Men: Central Europe’s White Innocence." In White But Not Quite. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529213591.003.0006.
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Although illiberal Central Europeans are passionately critical of what they see as the liberal establishment of the West, they in fact see themselves the true guardians of the West’s real heritage: they are the real Europeans. This view of Central Europe is espoused enthusiastically by white nationalists and illiberals in the West also, who see Central and Eastern Europe as the last bastion of the White Man. But, more subtly, Western liberals, too, may project pure whiteness onto the East of Europe, to avoid uncomfortable questions of race and racism in the West. The case studies included in the chapter are drawn from fantasy cinema.
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"Case Studies on Economic Nationalism." In The Business of Europe is Politics. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315614250-10.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Nationalism – Europe, Western – Case studies"
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Schneider-Skalska, Grażyna, and Paweł Tor. "Residential areas in the structure of the city: case studies from west europe and Krakow." In Virtual City and Territory. Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8079.
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Once they adopted the sedentary lifestyle, humans set to building settlements which were to protect groups of families and give them the sense of belonging to a material and social community. The settlement unit which could be called a housing complex goes back thousands of years BC. The scale of problems related to housing environment grew considerably with the emergence and development of cities, yet truly distinctive quantitative and qualitative changes occurred in the early 20th century.
 Implementation of the programmatic assumptions of the Athens Charter resulted in the emergence of spatial and functional structures based on hierarchic dependence of components. The initial projects reflected the pursuit of a human-scale environment and the structural division into neighbourhood units. Undoubtedly, the second part of the 20th century brought about a change in the trends of development in cities. Large housing estates were abandoned in favour of a much greater diversity of housing complex forms – the revived form of city street, urban block or the classic form of a residential complex with clearly delineated structure, services and – most frequently –some recreational areas. The 21st century draws from well-known patterns, complementing them with new elements and solutions imposed by the requirements of the principles of sustainable development. Due to the limited availability of land in highly urbanized central city parts, contemporary housing development occupies more peripheral areas, often at the border between urban and rural neighbourhoods. The development process involves numerous participants, often with opposing interests – public authorities, whose concern should be sustainable growth of the whole city, and developer firms and investors, whose motivation is to maximize profit. This situation has led in most Polish cities to the emergence of disconnected fenced-away residential ghettos with no spatial order.
 Meanwhile, housing development in Western Europe continues to be built as planned urban complexes drawing from the experience of the past and satisfying the needs of the contemporary city dwellers.
 The article presents several urban complexes with dominant housing development (Orestad in Copenhagen, Monte Laa and Nordbahnhof-Area in Vienna, Ijburg in Amsterdam and Riem in Munich) built relatively recently.It discusses their functional, spatial and social characteristics, which make them examples of good practice in contemporary urban planning. They demonstrate clearly that only comprehensive planning in a broader scale guarantees creation of high-quality urban spaces, where the welfare of resident communities is a priority.
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Wolvert, Geoffray, Mure`s Zarea, Didier Rousseau, and Ce´cile Andrieux. "Probabilistic Assessment of Pipeline Resistance to Third Party Damage: Use of Surveys to Generate Necessary Input Data." In 2004 International Pipeline Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2004-0656.
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A complete risk assessment procedure for pipelines relies, among other things, on the evaluation of failure probabilities. Incident reviews in western countries have identified third party damage as the main cause of failures with leaks. While some approaches already exist in order to evaluate the failure probability of transmission pipelines subject to third party damage, the issues of feeding the models with appropriate statistical data is a key factor for the success of the evaluation. We present here briefly the outline of the tool developed by Gaz de France R&D Davison to evaluate failure probabilities in the event of third party damage. Then we discuss the issue of available data, and particularly the most critical one, i.e. the population of ground working machinery, a majority of which are excavators. In order to assess as well as possible the exposure of pipelines to the threat of interference with excavators, we conducted a large scale survey in rural, semi-urban and urban areas in Western Europe in order to determine important parameter distributions of the excavators population: mass, digging depth, tool types and dimensions, soil type, type of ground works, etc. Random variables are used to describe these parameters and their influence on the failure probability is illustrated in a series of illustrative case studies. The importance of access to reliable information about the loads to which a pipeline is exposed is clearly shown in this paper, particularly due to the fact that the dispersion is a lot larger for the parameters linked with third parties working around the pipeline than for parameters of the pipeline: geometry and material properties.
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Beria, Paolo, and Rasa Ušpalytė-Vitkūnienė. "Transport Modelling During Preparation of General Plans in Big Cities: Reasons and Challenges." In Environmental Engineering. VGTU Technika, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/enviro.2017.099.
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Rapidly growing mobility of people in European cities attaches greater importance to the sustainable development concept. The dynamics of European cities are however different. Cites such as Lithuanian, Slovakian and Polish ones will rapidly increase traffic flows and car ownership at fast pace. Also in most of Western Europe, even if at lower rates, private mobility is increasing. In some cities, however, car use and car ownership are finally decreasing, also thanks to policies implemented. Of course, an increase of traffic flows poses problems in terms of street space, pollution and liveability of cities. Sustainable integration of all kinds of transport into the urban development process is one of the most effective actions in the hands of city planners. The coordination between the planning of residential and business development areas and the expansion of public transport and its hierarchical integration is however a difficult but necessary exercise. Transport modelling tools, in particular, need important advancements to integrate transport and land use in simulations. This article analyses the main challenges in the use of transport models to support the construction of city plans by means of two case studies of Milan and Vilnius. The analysis deals both with traditional aspects, such as the proper simulation of multimodal choices, the level of detail of zoning, the issues associated to the simulation of traffic management policies. Then, we will focus on two aspects still open: the integration of transport modelling and economic assessment or ranking of actions, and the inclusion of land use changes in the modelling.