Bibliographies thématiques / Nationalism, ethnic and national identities

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Nationalism, ethnic and national identities »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Nationalism, ethnic and national identities"

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Foster, Russell. « 'Cry God for Harry, England, and Saint George' : Europe and the Limits of Integrating Identity ». Global Discourse 9, no 1 (29 janvier 2019) : 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378918x15453934505969.

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Since the early 1990s a dominant modernist narrative has assumed that European integration and the progressive march of secularism, multiculturalism and increased material prosperity would lead to the fading-away of tribal, national, racial and other parochial identities; identities ostensibly incompatible with a meta-national 'European' identity founded not in ethnosymbolic myth, but in cosmopolitanism. This has informed not only academic theory but has also guided 60 years of EU policy making, with Ernst Haas' doctrine of neofunctionalist spill-over dominating European assumptions that a pan-European identity would replace national affiliations. Brexit contradicts this in four ways. First, Brexit demonstrates the renewed appeal of ethnic nationalism on multiple levels: nationalist (British), sub-nationalist (English), and meta-nationalist (white nationalism). Second, Brexit demonstrates shifts in traditional nationalism in the form of gulfs in a neo-medieval society. Third, Brexit demonstrates the existence of multiple and incompatible 'European' identities. Finally, Brexit demonstrates how a specifically EUropean identity can be just as hostile and exclusionary as ethnic nationalism. This reappearance of social discord, ethnosymbolic identities, and the praxis of ethnic identity exemplified by the British, but seen across the EU, necessitates a fundamental reconsideration of the apparently irreversible trends of an unfalsifiable theory of modernist, neofunctionalist progressivism in the form of European integration. Using the British as a case study, this paper argues that the very processes of European integration have, by accelerating antagonistic national and EU identities, inadvertently constructed the apparatus for EUrope's potential disintegration.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, et Luisa Martín Rojo. « “Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates ». Journal of Language and Politics 2, no 1 (31 décembre 2002) : 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.

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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Markovich, Slobodan. « Patterns of national identity development among the Balkan orthodox Christians during the nineteenth century ». Balcanica, no 44 (2013) : 209–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344209m.

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The paper analyses the development of national identities among Balkan Orthodox Christians from the 1780s to 1914. It points to pre-modern political subsystems in which many Balkan Orthodox peasants lived in the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Serbian and Greek uprisings/revolutions are analyzed in the context of the intellectual climate of the Enlightenment. Various modes of penetration of the ideas of the Age of Revolution are analyzed as well as the ways in which new concepts influenced proto-national identities of Serbs and Romans/Greeks. The author accepts Hobsbawm?s concept of proto-national identities and identifies their ethno-religious identity as the main element of Balkan Christian Orthodox proto-nations. The role of the Orthodox Church in the formation of ethno-religious proto-national identity and in its development into national identity during the nineteenth century is analyzed in the cases of Serbs, Romans/ Greeks, Vlachs/Romanians and Bulgarians. Three of the four Balkan national movements fully developed their respective national identities through their own ethnic states, and the fourth (Bulgarian) developed partially through its ethnic state. All four analyzed identities reached the stage of mass nationalism by the time of the Balkan Wars. By the beginning of the twentieth century, only Macedonian Slavs kept their proto-national ethno-religious identity to a substantial degree. Various analyzed patterns indicate that nascent national identities coexisted with fluid and shifting protonational identities within the same religious background. Occasional supremacy of social over ethnic identities has also been identified. Ethnification of the Orthodox Church, in the period 1831-1872, is viewed as very important for the development of national movements of Balkan Orthodox Christians. A new three-stage model of national identity development among Balkan Orthodox Christians has been proposed. It is based on specific aspects in the development of these nations, including: the insufficient development of capitalist society, the emergence of ethnic states before nationalism developed in three out of four analyzed cases, and an inappropriate social structure with a bureaucratic class serving the same role as the middle class had in more developed European nationalisms. The three phases posed three different questions to Balkan Christian Orthodox national activists. Phase 1: Who are we?; Phase 2: What to do with our non-liberated compatriots; and Phase 3: Has the mission of national unification been fulfilled?
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Guanghao, Hou. « A Mighty River Flowing Eastward ». China Report 54, no 1 (26 décembre 2017) : 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744410.

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This article attempts to interpret the narratives presented in the autobiography of Situ Hua (Szeto Wah, 1931–2011), well-known activist and leader of pressure-group movements in modern Hong Kong, in order to understand his ethnic and national identities. This exploration can illustrate the interaction between collaborative nationalism, critical nationalism and colonialism that is ongoing and constantly changing in modern Hong Kong. The article suggests that during his childhood and youth, Situ ethnically identified himself as being Chinese and, in terms of his national identity, he longed for a strong communist Chinese state. Second, it argues that Situ’s national identity was hollowed out by the Chinese Communist Party while his ethnic identity remained unchanged from his youth. Finally, Situ’s success in promoting pressure-group movements in Hong Kong led him to believe in democracy. His belief in democracy resulted in the convergence of his ethnic and national identities. He still wanted to build a strong Chinese state, but believed that this state should be democratic. It was his democratic Chinese nationalism that propelled him to embark on such a political pursuit.
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Babo, Alfred. « THE CRISIS OF PUBLIC POLICIES IN CÔTE D'IVOIRE : LAND LAW AND THE NATIONALITY TRAP IN TABOU'S RURAL COMMUNITIES ». Africa 83, no 1 (22 janvier 2013) : 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000733.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the ways in which the Ivoirian Land Code of 1998 has played into political debates around national citizenship that have divided Ivoirian society since the 1990s. The attempts to reinterpret public policies on land and immigration have played a crucial role in exacerbating the political crisis of nationalism. When land was linked to nationality and indigeneity, the land question became significant in determining the boundaries of nationality, since to gain security in property rights Ivoirian nationality had to be proved. The article traces how land policy has been transformed from an inclusive framework that encouraged the rapid expansion of the cocoa and coffee frontiers in the 1970s to an exclusionary policy rooted in concepts of nationalism and autochthony, as land became increasingly scarce in the south-west. The Land Code of 1998 endorsed this nationalism, preventing foreigners and their descendants from owning land. Through an example of a conflict in Tabou in which Burkinabé migrants were ejected from the land, the article shows how customary land values have been recreated to take on nationalistic, xenophobic values, according to which ethnic identities become conflated with distinctions between ‘indigenous’ and ‘foreign’, and land relations are defined as between ethnic groups rather than being contractual relations between individuals belonging to different groups: thus social identities become more exclusive.
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Núñez, Xosé-Manoel. « Nations and Territorial Identities in Europe : Transnational Reflections ». European History Quarterly 40, no 4 (9 septembre 2010) : 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691410375163.

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This essay aims to explore the question of the difference between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ European nationalism in historical terms, and to inquire whether it makes sense to refer to a dichotomy between ethnic and civic nationalism intrinsically related to that divide, ascribing them to certain areas of Europe according to historians’ own ‘mental maps’. Taking into account the existing links between nationalism, national history and the emergence of history as an academic discipline, an exploration of the ‘territorial entanglements’ still evident in a large part of the scholarly literature will attempt to highlight the key issue as to whether it is possible to identify a ‘European way’ of studying nationalism and territorial identities, or whether it is more convenient to proceed to a ‘reprovincialization’ of European nationalism(s).
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Brighouse, Harry. « Against Nationalism ». Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 22 (1996) : 365–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1997.10716822.

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A recent resurgence of interest within analytical political philosophy in the status of ethnic and national minorities coincides with the re-emergence of national identity as a primary organizing principle of political conflict, and with an increasing attentiveness to identity and recognition as organizing principles of political struggle. The recent theoretical literature within political philosophy has focused very much on recognizing the importance of national identity, and allowing attention to national sentiment to inform the design of social institutions.In this paper I shall state the case for a version of the position which Will Kymlicka has dubbed ‘benign neglect’ toward cultural identities. Benign neglect is the position that the state should, as far as possible, be neutral among the cultural (and hence national) sentiments of its citizens. The position is, I think, implicit in the theoretical work of many contemporary liberals, and also in much socialist theory and some socialist practice. But it is rarely defended explicitly. Liberal theory is generally developed on the unrealistic assumptions that the society to be regulated is closed and coincides with the membership of a single nation.
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Green, Elliott. « Ethnicity, National Identity and the State : Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa ». British Journal of Political Science 50, no 2 (25 septembre 2018) : 757–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000783.

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The process by which people transfer their allegiance from ethnic to national identities is highly topical yet somewhat opaque. This article argues that one of the key determinants of national identification is membership in a ‘core’ ethnic group, or Staatsvolk, and whether or not that group is in power. It uses the example of Uganda as well as Afrobarometer data to show that, when the core ethnic group is in power (as measured by the ethnic identity of the president), members of this group identify more with the nation, but when this group is out of power members identify more with their ethnic group. This finding has important implications for the study of nationalism, ethnicity and African politics.
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Cash, Jennifer R. « Origins, Memory, and Identity : “Villages” and the Politics of Nationalism in the Republic of Moldova ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 21, no 4 (novembre 2007) : 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407307351.

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This article reconsiders the manifestation of nationalism in the Republic of Moldova during the late Soviet period and early 1990s. Whereas dominant approaches have focused on the ethnic dimensions of the national movement, I argue that rural-urban identities also played a significant role in shaping political events and outcomes of the recent past by drawing on ethnographic research among participants in the “folkloric movement” within the arts and performance world. This movement coincided with the broader national movement of the 1980s and demonstrates the centrality of “villages” in the construction of an anti-Soviet “national” identity among ethnic Moldovans. In conclusion, the politics of nationalism must be understood in a wider framework that also accounts for the importance of non-ethnic forms of collective identity, such as villages, and that investigates how individual origins and social memory shape civic and political participation.
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Lee, Raymond L. M. « The Transformation of Race Relations in Malaysia : From Ethnic Discourse to National Imagery, 1993-2003 ». African and Asian Studies 3, no 2 (2004) : 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209041641804.

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Abstract Malaysians are under no illusion that they have shed their racial identities to embrace a single national identity. Yet the multiculturalism practiced in contemporary Malaysia seems to be compatible with a patriotic nationalism espoused by the government. This compatibility has the appearance of multiculturalism surviving the ordeal of postcolonial racial politics. The turbulence of racial politics seems to have been surpassed by a revitalized nationalism that does not blatantly erase racial heritage. The question of race relations in Malaysia is therefore a question of how multiculturalism and nationalism are successfully presented as icons of integration, overshadowing the more gritty issues of racial politics. These issues are not denied, but have become less transparent as national identity is developed in an arena of new images.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Nationalism, ethnic and national identities"

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Chi, Janine Kay Gwen. « Emergent identities and state-society interactions : transformations of national and ethnic identities in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8889.

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Ling, Hock Shen. « Negotiating Malaysian Chinese Ethnic and National Identity Across Borders ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1226957088.

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Bhambra, Manmit Kaur. « The social worlds and identities of young British Sikhs and Hindus in London ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:320867c1-95bf-4e1e-a6cd-15e456ff6347.

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This thesis is centred on exploring the identity options and orientations of young British Indians, from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds, who are British born and living in the London area. Recent socio-political debates have assumed a lack of Britishness amongst these young people, an assumption that is rooted in the belief that high bonding capital within ethnic minorities has led to a lack of bridging capital. This thesis argues that such statements are an essentialisation of the reality of these young people. In fact, their sources of belonging are far more complex, and far less threatening than we may be led to believe. Through the utilisation of eighty in-depth interviews, this thesis presents the intricate social worlds of these young people and the range of orientations (positive and negative) they feel towards component parts of their social worlds, as well as examining the strength and permeability of boundaries that demarcate these social worlds. The final substantive chapter deals with Britishness, and uncovers and presents the different perceptions and understandings that these young people have about British national identity and the ways in which it is accommodated (or not) alongside other important sources of belonging. It is found that a multi-dimensional approach to identity and belonging is best suited to understand the diverse and highly individualistic trajectories of these young people and that 'diverse-dual identities' are the most common pattern of belonging in this particular empirical case. This thesis make a significant contribution to the existing theoretical frameworks on identity and assimilation as well as the current socio-political debates on Britishness and the cultural integration of ethnic minorities in Britain, by presenting data on an under-researched group, British Indians, and highlighting the range of experiences within this group and the sources of this diversity.
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Licata, Laurent. « Identités représentées et représentations identitaires : effets des contextes comparatif et sociopolitique sur la signification psychologique des appartenances géopolitiques ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211740.

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Etude des relations entre représentations sociales et identités sociales dans le domaine des appartenances géopolitiques (régions, nations, Europe). L'introduction explore les liens conceptuels entre la théorie des Représentations Sociales (Moscovici, 1961) et les théories de l'Identité Sociale (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) et de l'Auto-catégorisation (Turner et al. 1987). Ces liens sont ensuite étudiés au travers de trois séries d'études empiriques. La première porte sur les effets du contexte de comparaison intergroupes sur les auto-stéréotypes des Belges francophones et néerlandophones. La seconde est consacrée à l'étude des relations entre identités nationale et européenne et les représentations sociales du processus d'intégration européenne. Enfin, la troisième étude empirique concerne les relations entre représentations sociales et processus identitaires en période de crise à travers une étude des explications profanes de l'affaire Dutroux (kidnapping et meurtre d'enfants)./Doctoral thesis on the relation between social representations and social identities in the framework of geopolitical memberships (regions, nations, Europe). The introduction explores the conceptual links between Social Representations Theory (Moscovici, 1961), and Social Identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and Self-categorisation (Turner et al. 1987) theories. These links are then studied from different perspectives through three series of empirical studies. The first series addresses the effects of the context of inter-group comparison on self-stereotypes held by French-speaking and Dutch-speaking Belgians. The second is devoted to the study of the relations between national and European identities and social representations of the European integration process. Finally, a third empirical study examines the relations between social representations and identity processes in a period of crisis through a study of naïve explanations of the Dutroux affair (kidnapping and murder of children).
Doctorat en sciences psychologiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Batterton, Jessica. « Contextual Identities : Ethnic, National, and Cosmopolitan Identities in International and American Student Roommates ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1428683632.

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Barker, David. « The transnational identities and ethnocultural capital of Zainichi residing in Vancouver, Canada / ». Burnaby, BC : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/661.

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Bozeva-Abazi, Katrin. « The shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian national identities, 1800s-1900s ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19473.

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The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. The historical data examined demonstrate that before the establishment of their sovereign states ordinary Serbs and Bulgarians had only a vague idea, if any, of their national identity. The peasantry was accustomed to defining itself in terms of religion, locality and occupation, not in terms of nationality. Once the nation state was established peasants had to be indoctrinated in nationalism. The inculcation was executed through the schooling system, military conscription, the Christian Orthodox Church, and the press. It was through the channels of these state institutions that a national identity came into existence.
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Howard, Natalia V. « Kazakh and Russian identities in transition : the case of Kazakhstan ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1907.

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This dissertation concerns the development and interaction of Kazakh and Russian identities in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. My research questions were: (1) what was the character of these identities in 2003/04 (the time of my research); (2) how have these identities interacted to form dominant and subordinate identities, and (3) how can the character of these identities and their interaction be explained? In order to research these questions I used a general questionnaire followed up by open ended interviews of a representative sample of Kazakhstani citizens. While my research findings show continued uncertainty and provisionality in both Kazakh and Russian identities, which confirms the broad trend of previous surveys, they also indicate signs of change in the emergence of more consolidated dominant and subordinate identities in the less Russianised areas like Chimkent and among the younger generation, while by contrast the older generations of Russians, particularly in the more Russianised areas, find it difficult to accept the delegitimation of their dominant status as reflected in the nationalizing policies pursued by the new state. In theoretical terms these findings confirm the importance of the study of ethnic stratification, which has not received sufficient attention in previous research in this area. In explaining these developments I found that the character of the transition and also of the ‘prior regime type’ in Kazakhstan has had a significant effect on ethnic relationships, but also that international factors, such as those presented in Brubaker’s triadic model, and internal factors, elaborated by Schermerhorn and Horowitz, were also important.
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Johnson, Nadia Indra. « Modernizing Nationalism : Masculinity and the Performance of Anglophone Caribbean Identities ». Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/350.

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This study examines Anglophone Caribbean national identities to interrogate multiple and varied economies that manage citizens in the interest of economic and social production and/or the policing of national identities. It is particularly concerned with the gendered character of these economies. The formation and preservation of these national identities rely heavily on gender and sexual difference as Anglophone Caribbean national identities are inextricably linked to expressions of Afro-Caribbean masculinity. Thus I analyze novels and cultural representations of Afro-Caribbean masculinity in cricket, calypso and chutney-soca music in Trinidad's carnival. I also examine Afro-Caribbean religions, Revivalism and Rastafarianism, as well as Afro-Caribbean practices of masking. I examine these practices in order to interrogate the reproduction of colonial practices of marginalization and exclusion. These colonial practices, I argue, are inherent in the cultural politics that inform these cultural performances while denying modes of national belonging that refuse dictated performances of national identities. The literary and cultural performances in this project span three epochs in Caribbean history: post emancipation, independence, and post independence to assess the shifting cultural landscapes that shape postcolonial subjectivities. In Sylvia Wynter's The Hills of Hebron and Orlando Patterson's The Children of Sisyphus, I examine sexual economies in which power is negotiated and contested in a struggle to chart the gendered borders of citizenship and production. I then turn to Lakshmi Persaud's For the Love of My Name to analyze violence exacted against ethnically marked national collectives as an instrument of political and economic aggression that disproportionately affects women. My critique of Earl Lovelace's The Dragon Can't Dance and contemporary performances in calypso and chutney-soca carnival competitions, considers how operative traditions seek to govern post-independent cultural politics. By drawing parallels between the formation of Afro and Indo-Trinidadian nationalisms, I argue that these identity formations establish cultural difference while also dictating cultural performances to advance and police national identities. Lastly, I engage Lovelace's Salt, Garfield Ellis' Such as I Have and contemporary discourses concerning cricket performance, remuneration, and women's limited access to cricket. I argue that cricket becomes a cultural commodity in the perpetuation of a regional national identity that is dependent on gender constructs. Thus this study demonstrates how representations of culture can be mobilized to challenge ideologies and political practices of exclusion, marginalize women in the formation and performance of national identities and govern cultural politics.
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O'Kane, D. J. P. « Peasant nationalism in Embaderho : land and national identities in an Eritrean village ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421014.

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Livres sur le sujet "Nationalism, ethnic and national identities"

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Jaroslav, Hroch, Hollan David et McLean George F, dir. National, cultural, and ethnic identities : Harmony beyond conflict. Washington, D.C : Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 1998.

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Højbjerg, Christian Kordt. National, ethnic, and Creole identities in contemporary upper Guinea coast societies. Halle/Saale : Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, 2012.

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Window on the East : National and imperial identities in late tsarist Russia. Ithaca, N.Y : Cornell University Press, 2001.

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The space between us : Negotiating gender and national identities in conflict. London : Zed Books, 1998.

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1973-, Trencsényi Balázs, dir. Nation-building and contested identities : Romanian and Hungarian case studies. Budapest : Regio Books, 2001.

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National imaginings and ethnic tourism in Lhasa, Tibet : Postcolonial identities amongst contemporary Tibetans. Kathmandu : Vajra Publications, 2011.

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J, Chulos Chris, et Piirainen Timo, dir. The fall of an empire, the birth of a nation : National identities in Russia. Aldershot, England : Ashgate, 2000.

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Russian identities : A historical survey. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Threatening others : Nicaraguans and the formation of national identities in Costa Rica. Athens : Ohio University Press, 2004.

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1953-, Smith Graham, dir. Nation-building in the post-Soviet borderlands : The politics of national identities. Cambridge, [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Nationalism, ethnic and national identities"

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Jocelyn, Ed. « Nationalism, Identity and the Belarusian State ». Dans National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe, 73–83. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26553-4_4.

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Kula, Marcin, et Marcin Zaremba. « Nationalism as an Expression of Social Conflicts in Contemporary Poland ». Dans National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe, 151–58. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26553-4_10.

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Kulczycki, J. J. « Working-Class Nationalism among Polish Migrants in the Ruhr Region ». Dans National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe, 122–30. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26553-4_7.

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Mann, Robin, et Steve Fenton. « English Nationalism and Britishness : Class and the ‘Sub-state’ National Identities ». Dans The Politics of Ethnic Diversity in the British Isles, 151–73. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137351548_9.

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Thiesse, Anne-Marie. « National Identities ». Dans Revisiting Nationalism, 122–43. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10326-0_6.

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Lambru, Steliu. « Hybrid identity into ethnic nationalism ». Dans Identities In-Between in East-Central Europe, 45–69. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429282614-3.

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Dahbour, Omar. « National Rights, Minority Rights, and Ethnic Cleansing ». Dans Nationalism and Human Rights, 97–122. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137012029_5.

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Urrastabaso Ruiz, Unai. « A Legal Presumption in Modernist Interpretations of Nationalism ». Dans Modern Societies and National Identities, 35–61. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60077-2_3.

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Dihidar, Abhijit. « Ethnic Identities and the “Contested” Idea of a Nepal State ». Dans Global Perspectives on Nationalism, 73–85. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250425-7.

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Hearn, Jonathan. « Small Fortunes : Nationalism, Capitalism and Changing Identities ». Dans National Identity, Nationalism and Constitutional Change, 144–62. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230234147_7.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Nationalism, ethnic and national identities"

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ÖZTUNÇ, Müge, et Umur BEDİR. « NEW MEDIA AND NATIONAL IDENTITY : THE REPRESENTATION OF ATATURK ON NGO’s NOVEMBER 10th INSTAGRAM POSTS ». Dans COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctc.2021/ctc21.049.

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National symbols, traditions, and rituals emerge as the most influential signifiers of national identity and nationalism. These symbols and images that embody the basic concepts of nationalism, make them visible to other members of society, help to make abstract ideologies more socially concrete, strengthen the sense of national loyalty and strengthen the awareness of the members of the community that they belong to the same nation. On the other hand, Atatürk appears as a symbol of both Turkey’s modernization process and Turkish unity and solidarity. Focusing on the representations of Atatürk as one of the national symbols on the internet and social media, this research examines symbolic construction of national identity of NGOs that represent different social groups in Turkey through the “November 10, Atatürk Commemoration Day”. In this context, the 10 November 2019 posts of 38 Non-Governmental Organizations, which operate in different fields, are the most followed and have social, cultural, and economic activity on the society, were analyzed on Instagram. Shared visuals were used to categorize with the help of various codes assigned to them. Thematization method was used to characterize the types of photos posted on Instagram with embedded coding. Then, by combining very close codes, they were also subjected to clustering analysis in order to see which symbols are frequently used together and which meaning patterns they form. The findings of the study show that social media, which is often depicted as the space of global identities and flows, is a space where national identities are eclectically reconstructed by subjects and social groups that make up the nation and circulated through symbols.
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Öztunç, Müge, et Umur Bedir. « New Media and National Identity : The Representatıon of Atatürk on Ngo’s November 10th Instagram Posts ». Dans COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.018.

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National symbols, traditions, and rituals emerge as the most influential signifiers of national identity and nationalism. These symbols and images that embody the basic concepts of nationalism, make them visible to the members of society, help to make abstract ideologies more socially concrete, strengthen the sense of national loyalty and strengthen the awareness of the community members that belong to the same nation. On the other hand, Atatürk appears as a symbol of both Turkey's modernization process and Turkish unity and solidarity. Focusing on the representations of Atatürk as one of the national symbols on the internet and social media, this research examines the symbolic construction of the national identity of NGOs that represent different social groups in Turkey through the "November 10th, Atatürk Commemoration Day”. In this context, the November 10, 2019, posts of 38 Non-Governmental Organizations, which operate in different fields, are the most followed and have social, cultural, and economic activity on the society, were analyzed on Instagram. Shared visuals were used to categorize with the help of various codes assigned to them. The thematization method was used to characterize the types of photos posted on Instagram with embedded coding. Then, by combining very close codes, they were also subjected to clustering analysis to see which symbols are frequently used together and which meaning patterns they form. The findings of the study show that social media, which is often depicted as the space of global identities and flows, is a space where national identities are eclectically reconstructed by subjects and social groups that make up the nation and circulated through symbols.
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Covaliov, Eugenia, Olga Gutium, Coralia Babcenco et Viorica Cazac-Scobioala. « Traditional and technological aspects of sour borscht, element of the gastronomic heritage of the romanian area ». Dans Ethnology Symposium "Ethnic traditions and processes", Edition II. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975333788.26.

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Gastronomy and traditional cuisine play an important role in building national and personal identities. In an era of food systems globalization (production, processing and retail) and dietary models in which transnational food companies are expanding rapidly in the Republic of Moldova, there is a risk that the national gastronomic specificity will be blurred and the strong and confident feeling of national identity and culture will disappear. During a study on traditional gastronomy, the housewives mentioned a traditional dish known as sour borscht obtained from the fermentation of wheat bran, cornmeal and other ingredients that are meant to give the borscht its special aroma, color and taste. In order to document the culinary heritage associated with this traditional dish, a field study was conducted on the characteristics of the preparation process, ingredients and terms used in various regions of the Republic of Moldova as well as superstitions and traditions related to sour borscht.
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Eryücel, Ertuğrul. « A Comparative Analysis on Policy Making in Western Countries and Turkey in the Context of Eugenics ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01847.

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The word eugenics was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, who took the word from a Greek root meaning “good in birth” or “noble in heredity”. Eugenics aimed to assist states in implementing negative or positive policies which would improve the quality of the national breed. The intensive applications of eugenic policies coincide between two World Wars. İn the decades between 1905 and 1945, eugenics politics implemented in more than thirty countries. The method of this study is based on a literature survey on the sources of the eugenic subject. The sources of the data are documents such as books, articles, journals, theses, projects, research reports about the politics and legal regulations of the countries on the family, population, sport, health and body. This study comparatively examines eugenic policy-making in Turkey and in Western countries: Britain, United States, France, Germany (1905-1945). This study aims to discuss the relation of eugenic politics in countries with nation building process, ethnic nationalism, and racism. This is a basic claim that the eugenic practices in Turkey contain more positive measures and that there is no racial-ethnic content of eugenics in Turkey.
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, et محمد إسماعيل جمعه. « "Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model" ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.

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"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Nationalism, ethnic and national identities"

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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions : Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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