Thèses sur le sujet « National security – Netherlands – 1945- »

O emprego excessivo e abusivo da força em práticas policiais permeou grande parte dos discursos, realizados em plenário da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946. Objeto dos debates constituintes configurou-se numa lógica protagonizada entre os parlamentares da situação (PSD) e os da oposição (com destaque, para os do PCB), na qual aqueles argumentaram que o emprego de práticas policiais abusivas e arbitrárias justificava a necessidade de se manter a ordem, enquanto estes afirmaram tratar de práticas policiais contra os operários que lutavam por melhores condições de vida. A partir deste contexto os objetivos foram os de pesquisar as práticas das forças policiais em terras mato-grossenses, com especial atenção no período de 1945 a 1947 fim do Estado Novo, convocação da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e a promulgação das Constituições do Brasil e do Estado de Mato Grosso, e as contribuições dos constituintes às questões da ordem e da segurança. Duas fontes importantes e inéditas, neste tipo de tese, foram intensamente interrogadas; os Boletins Internos das Forças Policiais em Mato Grosso 1945 a 1947 - e os anais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946. Os resultados revelaram que as práticas policiais, em terras mato-grossenses, na metade do século XX, foram concentradas na realização dos serviços de construção e manutenção de estradas e pontes, na capital e no interior do Estado de Mato Grosso. Quanto as contribuições dos constituintes, estas foram conservadoras, quando defrontadas com os intensos debates e embates sobre as questões da ordem e da segurança, durante a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946. Contudo, pela primeira vez na história das constituições brasileiras ficou consignado, na Carta de 1946, as atribuições das forças policiais estaduais as Polícias Militares. Por fim, uma última consideração abordou o emprego dos termos ordem e segurança nos textos legais, durante o período republicano, a qual resultou na inexistência de definição precisa destes, fato que permaneceu com a Carta Magna de 1988.<br>During the National Constituent Assembly formed on 1946 large portion of the speeches conducted in plenary defended the employment of excessive and abusive force into policing practices. Subject of the constituent debates, this has configured a logic followed up by government party parliamentarians ( PSD ) and opposition ones (highlight given to PCB party), in which those claimed that employment of arbitrary and abusive policing practices was justified by the need of preserving order, while these professed this as policing practices against workers struggling for better living conditions. Objectives established from this portrait aimed at investigating policing practices in Mato Grosso, highlighting the period from 1945 to 1947 - the end of the Estado Novo, Constituent National Assembly summons and the promulgation of Brazilian and Mato Grosso State Constitutions, and at obtaining contributions of the constituent related to order and security issues. To fulfil this thesis the Internal Bulletin of the Police Forces in Mato Grosso - 1945 to 1947 - and the annals of the National Constituent Assembly of 1946, two important and unprecedented sources, were intensely interviewed. As the result it was clear that policing practices that took place in Mato Grosso in the middle of the twentieth century were focused on performing roads and bridges construction and maintenance services in the capital and within the Mato Grosso State. Regarding the contributions of the constituents, these were conservative when facing intense debates and discussions on order and security issues during the National Constituent Assembly of 1946. However, for the first time in Brazilian constitution history the 1946 Charter enshrined the role of the state police forces - the Military Police. Finally, one last consideration on the thesis addressed the usage of the terms order and security in legal texts during the republican period, concerning the resulting lack of their precise definition, a fact that remained unchanged in the Magna Carta of 1988.

The thesis begins with a short section on the nature of neutrality in Europe in the 1930s, and briefly introduces the political circumstances of the six nations that remained neutral throughout the war. The primary subject of the paper deals with the relationship between the belligerents and the neutral states, especially the extent to which military strength and preparedness was responsible for the latter maintaining their neutrality.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2928.pdf: 2990316 bytes, checksum: df691bb4de5c985a304ebdcb532e262b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-24<br>Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos<br>This work focuses on the State of Espírito Santo in the 30 and 40 decades in the 20th century and aims to analyze the conflicts that took place in the meeting of two relevant events of this period: the repression to the Integralism and the consequences of the Second World War. It is important to stand out that the State of Espírito Santo, as well as other Brazilian States, had its history marked by European immigration in the 19th century. At that time the state received, mainly, Pomeranian/German and Italian immigrants. Part of these immigrants and descendants, in the decade of 30, acted in Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), a right extreme party and influenced by European Nazi-fascism. Some conflicts that imbricated ethical issues and the acting of AIB, officially forbidden since the coup of the New State, became more visible and resulted in criminal proceedings. It was ascertained that AIB had strong presence in Espírito Santo, especially, in the regions of Pomeranian/German and Italian settlement. Also, it was verified that ethical conflicts did not seem to be so prominent as it was expected to. It seemed that the major conflicts were marked by a nationalistic feeling and confrontations that still had AIB as an explanation. It can also be suggested that differentiated cultural practices of the immigrants and descendants were not understood as so dangerous by the government since they were followed of economic and politic status, for instance, case of the South of Brazil. Originated criminal proceedings in the State of Espírito Santo, which were presented at the court of National Security (TSN), were used as privileged sources. Some paper was analyzed such as: documents and photographs apprehended by the Espírito Santo police from AIB nucleus, official letters from the Education and Justice department, newspaper and magazines, besides interviews with inhabitants of Domingos Martins city (ES). The historical event reported starts with AIB National Congress in Vitória (1934) and it closes up with the Second World War end (1945). Key words: Brazilian Integralist Action. Second World War. Immigrants. Criminal Proceedings. National Security Court.<br>Este trabalho focaliza o Estado do Espírito Santo nas décadas de 30 e 40 do século XX e objetiva analisar os conflitos que se situaram no encontro de dois acontecimentos marcantes desse período: a repressão ao integralismo e as consequências da Segunda Guerra Mundial. É importante ressaltar que o Estado do Espírito Santo, assim como outros Estados brasileiros, teve sua história marcada pela imigração europeia no século XIX recebendo, principalmente, imigrantes alemães/pomeranos e italianos. Parte desses imigrantes e descendentes, na década de 30, atuou na Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB), um partido de extrema direita e com influências do nazifascismo europeu. Com a entrada do Brasil na guerra, em 1942, vários conflitos que imbricaram questões étnicas e a atuação da AIB que, oficialmente, estava proibida de funcionar desde o golpe do Estado Novo, tornaramse mais visíveis e resultaram em processos criminais. Constata que a AIB teve uma forte atuação no Espírito Santo, especialmente, nas regiões de colonização italiana e alemã/pomerana. Verifica também que conflitos étnicos não se mostraram tão relevantes como se esperava, parecendo que os maiores conflitos estavam marcados por um sentimento nacionalista e por confrontos que ainda tinham a AIB como explicação. Sugere também que, para o governo, as práticas culturais diferenciadas dos imigrantes e descendentes não eram entendidas como tão perigosas do que quando acompanhadas de representatividade econômica e política, caso do Sul do País. Utiliza, como fontes privilegiadas, os processos criminais originados no Estado do Espírito Santo que chegaram ao Tribunal de Segurança Nacional (TSN). Analisa também a documentação e fotografias apreendidas pela polícia capixaba dos núcleos da AIB, os ofícios da Secretaria de Educação e Justiça, jornais e revistas, além de entrevistas com moradores do município de Domingos Martins (ES). O recorte temporal efetuado tem início com o Congresso Nacional da AIB em Vitória (1934) e encerra-se com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1945).

La prolifération contemporaine des techniques de surveillance tend à affirmer l’idée répandue que la nécessité institutionnelle de cumuler du savoir sur les populations serait un phénomène contemporain, ce que le recourt à la démarche socio-historique permet de déconstruire. La recherche menée dans les fonds préfectoraux des Archives Départementales de la Seine-Maritime, complétée par la consultation du « fonds de Moscou » a permis d’inscrire cette recherche au sein d’une étape constructiviste de l’analyse des sociétés de surveillance. Le corpus constitué majoritairement des fichiers de la police spéciale durant l’entre-deux-guerres interroge l’interdépendance entre la notion foucaldienne d’espace de sécurité et celle d’espace public, ou plutôt d’espaces publics. Résultat d’une forme de gouvernement de l’opinion, la veille proactive des espaces publics se développant en marge de l’espace public bourgeois était une nécessité afin de maintenir l’ordre républicain en cas de conflits entre ces espaces – comme ce fut le cas entre les militants des ligues d’extrême droite et de ceux qui se sont ralliés derrière la bannière de l’antifascisme. Un aspect de cette démarche est la régulation d’une parole prolétarienne, instrumentalisée par les acteurs principaux des institutions communistes et syndicales. Des individus suivis en fonction de leur influence sur les masses, de leurs actes, discours et propagandes dont la résultante en termes de jugement policier se fait en fonction de la préservation de la communauté nationale, par la désignation d’un ennemi de l’intérieur, étranger au sein du corps social et susceptible de propager une parole illégitime au sein de la population<br>The contemporary proliferation of monitoring techniques in people's everyday lives tends to assert the widespread belief that the institutional necessity of accumulating knowledge about populations is a contemporary phenomenon. This pre-notion can be quickly deconstructed by recourse of the historical study, the work carried out during this thesis in the Prefecture funds of the Archives départementales de Seine-Maritime, supplemented by the consultation of the "fonds de Moscou" enables me to register this research within a constructivist step of the analysis of the surveillance societies. The corpus, mainly composed of police spéciale files during the inter-war period, enables us to question the interdependence between the Foucaldian concept of a security space and public sphere, or rather of public spheres. As a result of a form of government of opinion, the proactive observation of public spheres which have developed on the margins of the bourgeois public sphere was a necessity in order to maintain the republican order in case of conflicts between these spheres – as was the case between the militants of the extreme right leagues and those who rallied behind the banner of anti-fascism. Another of the main aspects of this approach is the regulation of a public speech from the proletariat, instrumentalized by the main actors of the communist and trade union institutions. Individuals who are tracked according to their influence on the masses, their acts, speeches and propaganda whose resultd in terms of police judgment is to the preservation of the national community, by the designation of interior enemy, a stranger within society and likely to spread an illegitimate speech within the population

Defence date: 1 February 1988<br>Examining Board: Prof. A. S. Milward (supervisor), London School of Economics and Political Science ; Prof. R.T. Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Prof. A. Kersten, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden ; Prof. Dr. W. Loth, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster ; Prof. R. Poidevin, Université de Strasbourg III<br>First made available online 21 March 2019

This study demonstrates how debates in the United States over the supervision of the nation’s youth population from World War I to World War II among political, military, and educational leaders paved the way for the establishment of the disproportionate draft of young men in their late teens and early twenties as a democratic, American way of conscripting civilians for World War II. In 1918, when World War I necessitated the induction of men under age twenty-one, U.S. Congress decided that these young soldiers should be endowed with special educational benefits available only to them and not to older soldiers. In short, a clear distinction between “children” and “adults” that age twenty-one signified and a co-relation between legal majority and the obligation to serve had existed. In World War II, by contrast, the debate over whether to induct minors centered on the physical and mental maturity of minors rather than what legal obligation the minors owed to the state. This shift in focus from majority to maturity was no mere accident but reflected the changes in the social conceptions of youth and the youth’s relationship to the state that took place in American society in the years between the two world wars. This study illuminates the changes by incorporating the military mobilization of civilians, a topic that historians have largely treated as a short-term deviation in U.S. history, into U.S. political and cultural history, and by weaving together wide-ranging materials including federal government documents, pacifist statements, educational associations’ studies of youth, court cases, and periodicals. The debates over youth in the years from World War I to World War II revolved around the issues of national security, access to higher education, and the jurisdiction of the federal state, all of which were going through substantial conceptual transformations: the spread of the idea that schooling beyond grammar school helped youth land a better job; the institutionalization of military training programs such as ROTC in civilian colleges and universities; the problematization of youth as an economic, educational, and ideological problem in the Great Depression and the broadening of the age range of “youth” to include men and women in their twenties as well as teens; the rise of the federal government as a custodian of youth as symbolized by the establishment of the New Deal programs such as the Civilian Conservation Corps and the National Youth Administration; and the need to redefine the meaning of military service in a democracy vis-à-vis the rise of dictatorships elsewhere in the world. By the time World War II necessitated the disproportionate draft of youth, the stage had been set for many Americans to accept the idea that the federal government was in a position to determine youth’s educational and career paths in war and peace; that drafting youth indicated drafting men who were single, less stable in the labor market, less mentally mature, and less skilled; and that serving the national good was among higher education’s primary goals. The perceived “democratic” mobilization of American civilians for World War II had thus internalized the interwar stratification of youth according to the individual youth’s potential to serve the collective good by way of prioritizing the nation over the individual.

“National security” is one of the most powerful terms in the American vocabulary. It commands wide deference and almost unlimited resources, and what counts as a national security matter determines many of the government’s priorities and responsibilities. It is surprising, therefore, that we know so little about how national security came to be defined in the way Americans have understood it for the last 75 years. The problem is one of perspective. Almost everything written about the history of national security approaches the topic with a present-day understanding of the term’s meaning in mind and uses the term instrumentally to explain something else—most often some aspect of American foreign policy. Most of these works assume that national security refers principally to physical security, that national security policymaking is a foreign policy matter, and that it has always been thus. This dissertation historicizes the term national security. Rather than tracing the present-day conception of national security backwards in time, as has been the norm, it looks forward from the past. This shift in perspective reveals a history of national security that challenges the prevailing assumption that national security has always been a matter of physical security and foreign policy. When Franklin Roosevelt first put national security at the center of American political discourse in the 1930s, he equated it with individual economic security and considered domestic policy the primary domain for national security policymaking. Roosevelt also articulated a broad vision for the government’s national security responsibilities in the final years of his presidency that included economic, social, and physical security to be delivered through a mix of domestic and foreign policy. These findings raise a big question about American political development: why did the United States end up with separate “national security” and “welfare” states rather than the comprehensive national security state Roosevelt envisioned? To answer that question, this dissertation focuses on the interactions between political language, public opinion, and the institutional development of the American state. Combining traditional historical research methods with text mining, network analysis, and data visualization, this dissertation charts the movement of policy areas into and out of the national security frame. Franklin Roosevelt succeeded in placing domestic policy into the national security frame in the mid-1930s, thereby justifying the expansion of the government’s domestic responsibilities. But this success catalyzed the nascent conservative movement, which launched a public persuasion campaign to limit the further expansion of the government’s domestic responsibilities by removing domestic policy from the national security frame. Roosevelt’s subsequent success putting foreign policy into the national security frame at the end of the 1930s created a powerful foreign policy establishment that claimed the mantle of national security exclusively for its work. The exclusion of domestic policy from the purview of national security policymaking was therefore largely an ironic result of Roosevelt’s two successes using the language of security to expand the government’s responsibilities.

(English): The Cold War is a major milestone in world history and the general history of mankind. He created a world order that confirmed Western hegemony over the world for decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the Cold War did not emerge from nothing. It was created by people after World War II (Americans, Russians, British etc.). Since the defeat of Germany was inevitable, the Allies, together with their disputes on individual issues (Iran, Turkey and Greece), began to create a spawn for the next conflict, which we call the Cold War. This struggle for domination over the world lasted for decades and cost many lives in the name of dubious ideas about social engineering, where it is possible to ,,revolutionize" society from above or manage life according to abstract economic calculations. Behind the phrases of progress was the great power desires of people and politicians, emphasized by the individual ideologies of liberal democracy and Stalinist communism.

碩士<br>國防大學<br>戰略研究所<br>103<br>Abstract Since the Cold War, national security has become a vital issue in the process of developing the global system in 21st century. As the international environment has changed from one generation to another, the concept of security becomes various. The phenomenon of the integration and interdependence between nations is becoming more and more obvious. Since globalization brings new threats and challenges about security issues, the relation between intelligence and national security is getting closer. For every nation in the world, it is crucial to protect national security through the exchange of intelligence under mutual trust and the means of interdependence and cooperation. This thesis aims to analyze the intelligence sharing mechanism on the aerial reconnaissance between the R.O.C. and the U.S.A. and what implications it has for us from 1945 to 1978, reflecting on its influence on national security during the period between World War II and the termination of U.S.-R.O.C. official diplomatic relation. Through the literature reviews and the examination of Interdependence Theory, this thesis generated four analytical assumptions in the chapter 4. Through the case studies, textual analysis, and interviews, the thesis ultimately suggests the possibility and the development tendency of intelligence exchange between the U.S.A. and the R.O.C. under the interdependence mechanism.

Throughout Australia’s history xenophobic immigration policies and security measures have appeared in times of uncertainty. The implementation of the Anti‐Terror laws in 2005 inspired me to carry out research on important security measures introduced at the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939. Migrants living in Australia became subject to the National Security (Aliens Control) Regulations 1939 (Cth) introduced by the Commonwealth government. ‘Non‐British’ persons living in Australia were required to register as ‘aliens’; nationals from countries with which Australia was at war were classified as ‘enemy aliens’. This included all German Italian and Japanese nationals. In addition, Australian women married to enemy aliens lost their British nationality under the Nationality Act 1920 (Cth) and were required to register as enemy aliens. This study focuses on five groups of women affected by the legislation: Australian born women of German descent, Italian born women, Australian born women of Japanese descent, German Jewish refugee women, and Australian born women married to Italian nationals. These groups were chosen not only to highlight the various ways in which the Regulations were applied to women of different nationalities, but also to address a gap in the literature on the control and internment of ‘alien’ women, despite the vast amount of material that was available at the National Archives of Australia (NAA). This thesis is in large part based on archival research. Files on over 700 women were examined, many of which had never before been consulted. I also conducted five interviews, including three women who were registered as enemy aliens during the war. This dissertation has 3 parts. Part I provides an analysis of the Aliens Control Regulations and those who helped administer the laws. It also provides context on the operation of these laws by detailing the experience of Italian women who were detained under the Regulation just moments after Italy entered the war. Part II provides case studies illustrating the diverse ways in which these Regulations were applied. Part III shows women who fell victim to circumstance – German‐Jewish refugee women who were wrongly categorized as ‘enemy aliens’ and Australian born women married to Italian nationals, unaware that they had lost their British status. The case studies presented in this thesis show that ‘war hysteria’, discrimination, isolation, racism and victimization were all part of the wartime experience of these women who were caught in the net of the Aliens Control Regulations.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.