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1
OSICA, Olaf. « NATO enlargement and security of Central Europe : a declining security community ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10474.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 4 October 2007Examining Board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil (European University Institute) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson (European University Institute) ; Prof. Michael Cox (London School of Economics) ; Prof. Adam D. Rotfeld (Polish Institute for International Affairs)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The central argument of the study is that the NATO enlargement of 1999 failed to meet its strategic purpose. First, it has not removed the ‘eastern security dilemma’ which underpinned Polish, Czech and Hungarian quest for NATO membership. Second, it did not strengthen NATO political cohesion and military effectiveness. To support the argument the study mobilizes the concept of the ‘security community’ developed by Karl Deutsch in 'Political community and North Atlantic Area'. On the account of Deutsch’s concept the study approaches NATO as a security community. It sees therefore the NATO expansion through the prism of extending three features which characterize a security community: the meaning and nature of ‘trust’; ‘security’, and community’s capabilities (i.e. its ‘power’ and ‘responsiveness’). Because of the nature of these constructs, enlargement policy should not been seen as a one way process where candidates simply adjust to NATO practices and implement alliance’s rules and norms, but as a process of mutual learning and socialisation. For that reason NATO enlargement was a process of rebuilding the community; it challenged the community identity, its security concept, relationships among members, and also community capabilities; ‘power’ and ‘responsiveness’. Against this preposition, the study claims that the policy of NATO enlargement created a strategic ambiguity. First, a ‘trusting-relation’ developed only between candidates and community core of strength, that is the US. Second, rather than forge a new ‘concept of security’ the enlarged NATO accommodated competing visions of the alliance security. Third, new members failed to meet enlargement criteria pertaining to NATO capabilities due to the institutional and economic ineffectiveness and flaws in the NATO conditionality policy. As a result of it, NATO enlargement sharpened and multiplied alliance’s problems, weakened its political cohesion, and thus confronted the new members with politically and militarily challenges they were not prepared for. All this seems to contribute to NATO identity crisis and a growing feeling of insecurity among Central European NATO members.
2
Goryunov, Vladislav. « Russian national security and Central Europe : Russian perspectives and policies ». Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/97351.
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Gutierrez, Brad A. « Defense reform in Central Europe and the challenges of NATO membership : the case of Hungary / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3064457.
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Kron, Robert Robertson Graeme. « The impact of United States national missile defense on US - Russian relations, Central European security, and leverage ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2802.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in the Transatlantic Masters TAM Program in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
5
AKTI, Serkan. « NATO-Russian relation status and prospectives ». Thesis, Monterey, California, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1326.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has attributed great importance to the development of cooperation with Russia. This thesis, first, evaluates the main developments in NATO - Russian relations since 1991. Although Moscow and the Alliance established a NATO - Russia Council (NRC) and asserted the initiation of a qualitatively new relationship, Russia still needs to fulfill some requirements for catching up the Western standards. Russia's external relations and political, economic and security factors internal to Russia will determine the future of the relationship. This thesis examines Russia's political development and transformation of its economic system, and establishes the problems in its political and economic systems. It also examines Russia's problematic external relations in the region, and their impact on the NATO - Russian relationship. It looks into Russia's National Security Concept, explores regional conflicts such as Chechnya and Georgia, and the U.S. - NATO presence in Central Asia. Then, it examines the oil and natural gas transportation problems created by the Russian monopoly, and evaluates Russian technology transfers to Iran, particularly in the nuclear sector. Consequently, it evaluates the internal and external interactions mentioned above and offers conclusions about the prospects for security and stability in Europe.
Lieutenant, Turkish Navy
6
Wohlfeld, Monika Johanna. « Security cooperation in central Europe : Polish views ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1995. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/security-cooperation-in-central-europe--polish-views(7fd587ae-3d3f-4aff-a9f4-c4ef4447ea82).html.
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7
Ho, Ming-yan Eileen, et 何明欣. « Western Europe and security : the Chinese dimension ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B35521016.
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Ho, Ming-yan Eileen. « Western Europe and security the Chinese dimension / ». Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B35521016.
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9
Woods, Robert David. « Lessons from Central and Southeast Europe for the expanding alliances ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483585.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 26, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-87). Also available in print.
10
Walker, Duncan Hughitt. « Buffer or highway : cyclical patterns of security development in East Central Europe ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/23828.
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O'Neil, Esther Margaret. « British World War Two films 1945-65 : catharsis or national regeneration ? » Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2006. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/9730/.
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Major differences in British Second World War films produced in wartime 1939-45 (idealising the 'People's War') and post-war versions produced between 1945-65 (promoting the return of elite masculinity) suggest a degree of cultural re-conditioning concerning the memory of war, by Britain's middle-class film-makers attuned to national and international concerns. Therefore, the focus and main aim of this thesis is to identify and examine previously ignored or inadequately scrutinized themes within the post-war genre to explain how, and why, film-makers redefined the Second World War and its myths, tapping deeply into the national psyche, stimulating and satisfying a voracious, continuing, British appetite. In examining the genre, and as established by historians such as John O'Connor, Pierre Sorlin and Jeffrey Richards, this thesis employs contextual analysis, using feature film as a primary historical documentary source. This involves close reading of the films in their historical and political context and the social situation which produced them - backed-up by empirical data, analysing what film-makers were saying at textual and sub-textual levels, and exploring structure, meaning and iconography as conveyed by script, image, acting and direction. The production, content and reception of these films have been evaluated and attention directed towards dialogue and language. In support of this, a wide variety of sources have been scrutinized: articles; fan magazines; novels; biographies; autobiographies; memoirs, film histories and wider historical and political works. The BFI Library and Special Collections Archive have been extensively mined with particular emphasis on press and campaign books and cinema ephemera. Newspapers and journals such as the Times, the New Statesman, the Daily Mirror and the Daily Worker have provided a range of perspectives. A sense of British ownership of this war pervades the genre. Accordingly, this thesis identifies four over-arching themes through which to explore it: the fusion of class, masculinity and national identity; women and femininity; reconciliation with the enemy; and the process of personal and national redemption and regeneration through the war experience. The study's fundamental originality rests in its approach. In offering a "political" (in its widest sense) reading of the films and an untried level of detailed analysis, it presents the genre's first full conceptualisation, challenging criticisms and assumptions that the genre was either a nostalgic replay of the Second World War, a recruitment vehicle or a catharsis. Several key findings have emerged from this thesis: Elite masculinity was used, not to devalue the 'People's War', but as exemplar of national identity, regeneration and British leadership. Recognizable through his metamorphosis from literature's well-loved pre-1914 imperialist hero, the officer hero was now a democratised master of the technology provided by Britain's brilliant, unthreatening scientists. Through them, Britain's unrivalled experience as a world leader was promoted at a time of international tensions and challenges to national supremacy. This study offers the first in-depth analysis of the prisoner-of-war sub-genre, and recognizes film-makers' efforts to ensure that serving homosexuals were also credited with fighting the Second World War. Crucially, far from being airbrushed from the genre, women were very definitely present and active in war films post-1945. Previously unsuspected balances, continuities and cross-overs between the 193945 films and of those of 1945-65 have been identified. Received wisdom that, with Cold War political pragmatism, the genie offered only revisionist depictions of Germany is also challenged. Evidence of film-makers' Janus-faced ambivalence towards German brutality and collective guilt has emerged and, whilst the Italians were redeemed, Japanese barbarism was vehemently expressed. Through its exploration of war's dysfunctional residue, this thesis has shown that combat dysfunction acted as 'heroic reinforcement', yet another way to praise, whilst allowing modest fallibility. Further insights into reactions to war were provided by depictions of malingers, revellers and those redeemed by war. British cinema offered a rare level of social comment with the homecoming legacy, as dysfunction embraced disaffected officers, crime and the failure of the 'New Jerusalem'— although it offered little on failed repatriation. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, film-makers also showed that middle-class hegemony, always pragmatic, was elastic enough to offer critiques of officer elite heroics with the decline of deference, and to be more open in its depictions of women. These findings demonstrate that as a collection of primary documents, the genre's films reveal much about contemporaneous issues. Significantly, although its target audience was British youth, it reached global audiences.
12
Stockhammer, Engelbert, et Özlem Onaran. « National and sectoral factors in wage formation in Central and Eastern Europe ». Inst. für Volkswirtschaftstheorie und -politik, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2006. http://epub.wu.ac.at/92/1/document.pdf.
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The paper investigates the formation of wages in the New Member States in Central and Eastern Europe, in particular the question what the relative role of national and sectoral factors is. While the labor relations in these countries are still in the process of change, some pattern and national differences have emerged. The question is thus to what extent these differences in labor relations are reflected in wage formation. The literature on Western OECD economies is unanimous that coordination of wage bargaining does reduce the wage spread, but disagrees on its effects on unemployment and inflation. The paper analyses wage formation in Slovenia, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Lithuania by means of a panel analysis for manufacturing sectors. The average wage (in the total economy) serves as a national factor and sectoral productivity serves as a sectoral factor. In variations of the basic estimation equation the role of FDI and openness and of capital intensity and skill are also discussed. The results between countries are compared with the recent index of the coordination of collective bargaining by Visser (2005) and with cross country data on union density. (author's abstract)Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series
13
Huma, Zille. « China's foreign policy towards Central Asia : expanding the concepts of national interest and national security ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/53068/.
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The present study provides an analysis of China's foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace ‘culture of China's foreign policy'. The culture of China's foreign policy approach deals with China as an identity and process rather than being static or within boundaries. The present research highlights China's multilateral and cooperative policies in Central Asia and with Russia as an outcome of evolutionary process of construction of China's identity. The complex process of building relations with Central Asian region although within a short period of time (in post-Soviet context) are analysed to make a case for China's innovative (partially) political processes of dealing with frontier security and embracing multilateralism. This is explained by studying the evolution of China's identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy towards Central Asia. The theoretical foundation of Peter Katzenstein thesis is helpful premises upon which an argument in favour of the discourse of identity and security is developed to see how culture of national security of China and ‘complementarity' of Central Asian states is at work in security cooperation seen among these states. By problematizing the notion of ‘national interest', the present study argues that interests of the states can be contextualized in a broader environment referred as civilization to trace the relationship between interests and identities of China as at play in Central Asian region. By placing the political state of ‘China' in the broader context of civilization and as evolving, helps understand how Chinese political spectrum seeks to construct and maintain a great power identity while locating ‘self' against ‘others'. It further argues that the cooperative and multilateral policies of China in form of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can be understood best by studying how the configurations of identity of China has guided the policy formation process; that constructs and reconstructs interstate normative structure in form of SCO.
14
Napolitano, Matteo Luigi. « Mussolini e la Conferenza di Locarno 1925 : il problema della sicurezza nella politica estera italiana / ». Urbino : Montefeltro, 1996. http://books.google.com/books?id=HQs9AAAAMAAJ.
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Mukhamedov, Igor. « The domestic, regional and global security stakes in Kazakhstan ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FMukhamedov.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Roger McDermott. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-60). Also available online.
16
DuMond, John D. « Changes in the security environment of Europe and their implications for Czech military force structure / ». (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader), 2001. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Conn, Matthew B. « Feeling same-sex desire : law, science, and belonging in German-speaking central Europe, 1750-1945 ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6929.
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My dissertation explains how the scientific study of sexuality became laden with emotions and the unforeseen results of this process. It begins with a scholarly tradition, forged during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, which privileged sentimental articulations of feelings. This tradition helped inspire the late nineteenth-century foundation of sexology, or sexual science.
Sexologists, as their discipline developed alongside the modern rational bureaucratic nation-state, maintained attention to emotive expressions. Sexologists also helped shape the interpretation and enforcement of laws against same-sex acts. While they built authority, however, sexologists lacked consensus. During the first third of the twentieth century, sexologists helped compile defendants' detailed sexual histories, replete with affective articulations of sexual desires, which led to calamitous consequences under National Socialism.
Nazi technocrats utilized these same sexual histories, offered by same-sex attracted persons describing their feelings and actions before 1933, to prosecute them after a 1935 legal revision, which expanded the law's reach from specific acts to general expressions of feelings. My dissertation provides a genealogy of sexual research and the unexpected uses of its findings. It also revises the biography of sexology as an interdisciplinary field, braided with a history of emotions, tracing its previously underappreciated origins, tumultuous apex, and contested legacy.
18
Vlach, Miroslav. « Democracy and security in Central Europe : a comparison of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in NATO Enlargement / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359657.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998."December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 155-162). Also available online.
19
Gannon, Richard K. « Recapturing U.S. grand strategy shaping Iraq success with post-conflict lessons from Europe and Japan / ». Norfolk : Joint Forces Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487211.
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Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2008.Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Sep 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.
20
Quillen, Brian G. « Democracy - a tree without roots on the steppes of Central Asia ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FQuillen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-90). Also available in print.
21
Stojanovits, Gabor. « The changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe : predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2001. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34382.
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In the wake of the Cold War, a complex transition process began in Central and Eastern Europe that has engendered immense change not only in the political, economic and social situations in the countries of the region, but also in their security situation. The aim of the thesis is to explore the changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on some pertinent features of traditional and new schools of thought in International Relations, it sets up an analytical framework, which is applied to an analysis of security in the Central and Eastern European region and to Hungary more particularly. The premise of the study is that the issue of security in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe requires the deployment of an analytical framework that can accommodate its multifaceted and multi-dimensional nature. This framework focuses on three main centres of interest: predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses. The thesis applies this framework to Central and Eastern Europe with a particular focus on Hungary. Conclusions are drawn both about the utility of the framework and about the nature of security itself.
22
Craig, Timothy G. « The Shanghai Cooperation Organization : origins and implications ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FCraig.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available online.
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Charamut, William J. « Policing the silk road : do the Central Asian states need the United States and Russia to create and maintain stability ? / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FCharamut.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, Roger N. McDermott. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-73). Also available online.
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Marian, Svetlana. « Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe : The Moldovan Question ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.
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This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.Master of Arts
25
Bardell, Geoffrey. « The role of pre-1945 national and catholic myths in transforming an illiberal Polish political culture into a liberal political culture of opposition under communism ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2002. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5105.
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The thesis, in exploring how and why illiberal pre-1945 Polish nationalism and political Catholicism were synthesised into a post-1945 liberal political culture of opposition under communism, argues that this process was much aided by universal myths. The thesis shows how these myths enable political culture to be transmitted over time and to be adapted to take on different values and yet retain legitimacy. In so doing, the research may contribute insights into how the political cultures of other Central East European countries were similarly transformed. Chapter 1 argues that the social anthropological literature on myths provides a theoretical framework to better understand the nature of political culture, its dynamics and its relationship with the process of democratisation. Chapter 2 maps the pre-1945 territory of nationalist and political Catholic illiberal and liberal discourse as reflected in the genesis and meanings of key myths. Chapter 3, in exploring how pre-1945 myths were deployed in 1945-1989 Poland, illuminates the relationship of myths with the dynamics of political culture and democratisation. Chapter 4 explores the 1970-1976 process of dialogue between liberal-leaning dissident Catholic and secular left Polish intelligentsia. The chapter sheds light upon the emergence of a liberal political culture of opposition and argues that the dialogue went beyond expediency. Chapter 5, in demonstrating how and why John Paul II deployed pre-1945 myths, argues that the Pope's preachings found practical expression in the formation of Solidarity. Chapter 6 in exploring the role of pre-1945 myths in influencing Solidarity, argues that these myths acted as vehicles for the union's liberal political culture. Finally Chapter 7 draws together the conclusions of the thesis.
26
Wolfberg, William. « The Homegrown Jihad : A Comparative Study of Youth Radicalization in the United States and Europe ». Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4421.
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Western nations continue to face potential attacks from violent extremist organizations waging a campaign of violence in the name of political Islam. Though these attacks are traditionally labeled as originating from abroad, leaders of these extremist organizations are utilizing a new tactic of radicalizing native or naturalized citizens from within Western countries in an effort to bypass the massive defensive security apparatus Western governments have put in place since the September 11 attacks.
These undistinguishable citizens turned radical jihadists, better known as homegrown terrorists, represent a clear and present danger to the security of the United States. In an effort to understand the problem, this paper seeks to identify patterns common amongst these individuals and addresses the question "How does a Muslim youth become radicalized into a homegrown terrorist?" This research will use a case study approach to identify patterns of radicalization in convicted homegrown terrorist and test the hypothesis that a failure of integration will cause some Western Muslim youth to radicalize and in some cases, commit violent crimes of terrorism.
27
Allam, Miriam Sara. « Adopting the euro in Central Europe : cross-national variations in the strategies of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1869/.
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This thesis argues that the prospect of joining the euro-zone plays a predominant role in designing monetary and fiscal policies in the so-called Visegrad countries: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Despite generally agreeing with the objective of European Monetary Union (EMU) membership and being shaped by common features, cross-national variations persist in the Visegrad countries' strategies for the adoption of the euro. The puzzle solved here is why the new EU members respond in country-specific ways to the objective of joining the euro-zone. The analytical framework applied focuses on domestic-level accounts of interests, ideas and institutions. The argument is that countries are not materially-driven generic units or unitary actors within the international system. Cross-national variations in approaching the euro-zone entry have to be understood by reference to a domestic-level analysis of interests, ideas and institutions. Evidence of this argument is provided by analysing the preferences of political parties and individuals on European integration and the euro. Opportunistic and economic interests help to understand the turns the Visegrad countries have made in their approach to adopting the euro, but interests do not explain why EMU accession acquired different meanings in the countries under review. Interests do not account for actor's ideas and therefore cannot motivate policy-makers' actions. This is not to claim that interests do not matter, but rather that ideas provide road maps for the euro-adoption strategies that fit different interests. Moreover this thesis argues that interests are constantly expressed through and mediated by institutions and demonstrates how institutional constraints arising from the electoral system, the degree of central bank independence and industrial relations affect the euro-adoption strategy. This thesis analyses the interplay of interests, ideas and institutions for each Visegrad country examined, and demonstrates their relative significance in understanding cross-national variations in their euro-adoption strategies.
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Glajar, Valentina Nicoleta. « Communism, national socialism, and imperialism : East Central Europe in German-language literature : Herta Müller, Erica Pedretti, and Gregor von Rezzori / ». Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Packard, Jerrold Michael. « The European neutrals in World War II ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3984.
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The thesis begins with a short section on the nature of neutrality in Europe in the 1930s, and briefly introduces the political circumstances of the six nations that remained neutral throughout the war. The primary subject of the paper deals with the relationship between the belligerents and the neutral states, especially the extent to which military strength and preparedness was responsible for the latter maintaining their neutrality.
30
Peterson, Michael A. « China's great game in Central Asia : implications to U.S. policy in the region / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FPeterson%5FMichael.pdf.
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Torbicka, Kinga. « Vers une nouvelle Europe ? Les systèmes de sécurité en Europe centrale après la chute du rideau de fer ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030056.
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Le changement historique de l’ordre international a lieu après la chute du Rideau de fer en 1989. Les pays de l’Europe centrale après 45 ans de régime communiste regagnent leur liberté et souveraineté. Cette région historiquement, culturellement et géographiquement homogène et en même temps hétérogène (ethniquement et religieusement) « revient en Europe ». Dans cette nouvelle architecture elle se retrouve devant des défis majeurs : les transformations politiques et économiques, la redéfinition des relations avec les plus importants voisins (l’ex-URSS, l’Allemagne unie et la CEI) et le choix d’une option pour la sécurité de leur région (la neutralité, le système collectif, le modèle européen ou la variante euro-atlantique). Les pays centre-européens décident de développer une coopération régionale (Groupe de Visegrád, ICE, ALECE), subrégionale (euro-régions) et devenir les membres des plus importantes organisations internationales de sécurité (OTAN, OSCE, ONU et UE) afin d’assurer et renforcer la sécurité dans la région. Désormais, leur système de sécurité est fondé sur l’Alliance atlantique et la Politique de sécurité et de défense commune ainsi qu’il est soutenu par une coopération régionale développée et des relations efficaces et durables avec le voisinage le plus proche. À l’aube de XXIe siècle face à une dynamique de sécurité les pays centre-européens se retrouvent devant les nouveaux défis : le bouclier anti-missile, la globalisation, le terrorisme, la sécurité énergétique et la question de Kaliningrad. « La nouvelle Europe » comme un jouer à plein droit sur l’arène internationale devient un baromètre de la sécurité du continent européenThe fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989 brought a major change in the global balance of power. After 45 years under an imposed communist regime, the countries of Central Europe regain their freedom and sovereignty. The historically, culturally and geographically homogeneous region (at the same time widely diverse in terms of ethnic and religious structure) “returns to Europe”. In this new scheme of international relations, it faces new challenges: political and economic transformation, a revision of its relations with its most important neighbors (the former USSR, unified Germany and the Commonwealth of Independent States), the choice of a security model for the region (neutrality, collective security, the European or the Euro-Atlantic option). The countries of Central Europe decide to develop cooperation within the regional (the Visegrad Group, the Central European Initiative, the Central European Free Trade Agreement) and the sub-regional (Euroregions) dimension, and to join the most important security organizations in the world (NATO, OSCE, UN, EU) in order to ensure and increase security in the region. As a consequence, their security system is currently based on the North Atlantic Treaty and the Common Security and Defense Policy, and supported by networks of regional cooperation as well as enduring and dependable relations with their neighbors. In light of the dynamics of the security process, these countries must now confront new challenges, which include the missile defense shield, terrorism, energy security and the Kaliningrad problem. The “New Europe” as an equal player on the international stage has become the gauge of security on the European continent
32
Wagner, Bettina [Verfasser]. « The Formation of Support for the European Union in Central and Eastern Europe : The Role of National Attitudes as Cognitive Heuristics / Bettina Wagner ». Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & ; Co. KG, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1160879419/34.
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Procházka, Václav. « Potential role of LNG imports for the Central European region ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-360179.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The goal of this master thesis is to analyse the potential of LNG for the Central European region with the emphasis on the strategic role of LNG imports in strengthening the energy security of the region and its possible role in replacing the traditional fuels in the transport sector of the Visegrad Group countries. The increasing availability of LNG, together with the predictions of its rapidly growing global supply in the following years, offers a window of opportunity for the Central European states. Particularly when it comes to their energy security, as the growing access to LNG supplies translates into a growing competition for the existing pipeline supplies from Russia. Furthermore, the thesis also focuses on the potential of LNG as an alternative fuel in the inland waterway and heavy duty road transportation of the Visegrad Group countries and the steps that these countries take to integrate LNG fuel in their transport sector.
34
Adam, Robert. « National-populisme en Roumanie. Tradition et renouveau post-communiste ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/225813.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le thème que nous nous proposons d’aborder dans la présente thèse est celui du populisme comme idéologie avec ses manifestations dans le monde, en Europe et surtout en Roumanie, où ses amples développements ont été à notre avis insuffisamment explorés jusqu’ici. L’hypothèse que nous avançons et que nous essaierons de valider par notre étude est celle que le populisme roumain n’est pas récent ou de fraiche importation, mais qu’il est solidement enraciné dans l’histoire et que ses évolutions ont un intérêt académique certain. L’interrogation méthodique, approfondie de la bibliographie spécialisée nous a révélé l’existence d’un intérêt minimum pour les variantes roumaines du populisme. La bibliographie internationale sur le populisme roumain est restreinte (Ghiţă Ionescu, Aurel Braun, Vladimir Tismăneanu, tous d’origine roumaine, sont actuellement les références citables). En Roumanie, quelques recherches isolées, surtout des dix dernières années, ont abordé des aspects ponctuels.Notre démarche tient sur trois piliers. Un premier chapitre théorique vise à interroger et clarifier la notion de populisme. Nous sommes partis à la recherche du populisme en utilisant la méthodologie de Margaret Canovan et Guy Hermet. Nous avons donc entrepris de refaire l’histoire du concept (narodniki russes, populistes américains, agrariens est-européens de l’entre-deux guerres, populismes latino-américains et d’Europe occidentale d’après guerre. L’étude taxonomique s’est accompagnée d’un passage en revue des conditions locales ayant généré les avatars du populisme sur quatre continents. Nous avons par la suite procédé à un état de la recherche sur la notion de populisme pour aboutir à une définition propre qui intègre des éléments dus à Jaguaribe, Hermet, Albertazzi et Mc Donnel, Laclau.Forts de la définition, nous avons passé en revue les rapports entre populisme et les diverses variantes du nationalisme, en insistant sur le national-populisme théorisé en première par Gino Germani, fort présent en Europe centrale et orientale et sans doute en Roumanie. Nous avons insisté sur les spécificités et les variables (temps, existence d’un leader charismatique) du populisme dans cette région, en retraçant, à la manière de Hermet, l’histoire politique de ces pays (Bulgarie, Hongrie, Pologne, République Tchèque, Roumanie, Slovaquie) avec un accent sur les mouvements considérés (à raison ou à tort) comme populistes.Le premier chapitre constitue la trame de fond du second, qui fait un panorama des avatars du populisme roumain des origines et jusqu’au début de la seconde guerre mondiale. Nous y avons surtout utilisé des sources roumaines (monographies de courants idéologiques, biographies, études et synthèses historiques, collections de revues et journaux, documents d’archives). En Roumanie, le populisme s’est manifesté depuis les débuts de la modernité politique, au XIXe. Le problème paysan a représenté la matrice du populisme roumain et l’examen des solutions pour y répondre constitue le fil conducteur de ce chapitre. Nous en avons dressé l’inventaire :populisme d’État modernisateur à la Peron (prince Cuza), socialisme de Gherea avec la paysannerie en arrière-garde du prolétariat, radicalisme bourgeois de gauche (le poporanism de Stere), populisme romantique et passéiste (le semeurisme de Iorga), boulangisme tardif (général Averescu), paysannisme avec sa doctrine coopératiste (PNP de Maniu et Mihalache), mais aussi le fascisme déviant de la Garde de Fer, qui a ciblé elle aussi les campagnes. Tous ces projets politiques ont illustré l’échec du populisme face aux problèmes de la société roumaine en voie de modernisation.Le troisième chapitre est consacré à la récrudescence populiste après la longue parenthèse communiste. Une analyse du national-communisme de Ceauşescu nous permet d’identifier bien des facteurs ayant façonné la société roumaine de 1989. Le national-populisme a connu un important essor en Roumanie post-communiste. Nous avons mis à profit des recherches internationales (De Waele, Tismăneanu), mais aussi locales comme des discours, articles de presse, sondages, archives électroniques. Nous avons accordé une attention particulière au Parti de la Grande Roumanie de Corneliu Vadim Tudor, le cas typique auquel nous avons consacré une étude. D’autres formations (PUNR, PNG de George Becali, Parti du Peuple – Dan Diaconescu, les anémiques héritiers du Mouvement Légionnaire) ont été passées en revue, pour constater leur inconsistance doctrinaire et leur faible impact électoral. De même, nous avons conclu que le national-populisme roumain post-communiste s’inscrit dans la continuité du national-communisme et très marginalement dans celle de ‘entre-deux-guerres. S’adressant aux perdants de la transition, ces partis ont failli à laisser leur marque. Deux leaders ayant fini en prison, un autre mort, la voie populiste semble momentanément fermée, bien qu’elle ait réussi une percée récente dans le discours des partis mainstream. Notre thèse retient une fin qui saurait aussi bien s’avérer un nouveau commencement.The theme we intend to investigate in this dissertation is populism as an ideology with its embodiments throughout the world, in Europe and most of all in Romania, where its vast developments have been in our view insufficiently explored until now. The hypothesis we submit and which we shall try to validate by our research is that Romanian populism is not recent or freshly imported, but it is deeply rooted in history and its evolutions are of undoubted academic interest. The deep, thorough examination of specialized bibliography revealed us a limited interest for the Romanian variants of populism. The international bibliography on Romanian populism is far from extensive (Ghiţă Ionescu, Aurel Braun, Vladimir Tismăneanu, all of Romanian origin, are now the quotable references). In Romania, the research is not abundant either, but over the ten last years some individual aspects of the topic have been investigated. Our approach is threefold. A first theoretical chapter aims to questioning and clarifying the notion of populism itself. We set off in search of populism making use of Margaret Canovan and Guy Hermet’s methodology. We have thus ventured to trace back the concept’s history (Russian narodniki, American populists, East-European agrarianisms in-between the world wars, Latin-American and Western European populisms after WWII. The taxonomic study was accompanied by a review of local contexts having generated the avatars of populism on four continents. We have subsequently drawn a state-of-play of the research on populism as a concept in order to come up with our own definition which integrates elements owed to Jaguaribe, Hermet, Albertazzi & Mc Donnel, Laclau.On the solid ground of the definition, we have reviewed the relationships between populism and the diverse variants of nationalism, focusing on the national-populism first theorized by Gino Germani. National-populism is to be widely encountered in Central and Eastern Europe and undoubtedly in Romania. We have insisted on the specificities and variables (time, existence of a charismatic leader) of populism in this region, by recounting in the manner of Hermet the political history of these countries (Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia) with special regard to movements rightly or wrongly considered as populist. The first chapter sets the framework of the second one, which brings about a panorama of the Romanian populist avatars from its origins to the start of WWIII. We have mostly made use of Romanian sources (monographs of ideological trends, biographies, historical studies, collections of magazines and newspapers, documents from the archives).Populism has been a constant presence in Romania, since the beginnings of the country’s political modernity in the 19th century. The peasant problem represents the matrix of Romanian populism and the review of the foreseen solutions to solve it represents the unifying thread of this chapter. We have proceeded to an inventory :modernizing state populism à la Peron (prince Cuza), Gherea’s socialism with the peasantry seen as the rearguard of the proletariat, left bourgeois radicalism (Stere and his poporanism), Romanticist & revivalist populism (Iorga and his sămănătorism), late boulangisme (General Averescu), agrarianism with the underlying cooperatist doctrine (National Peasant Party of Maniu and Mihalache), but also the Iron Guard’s deviant fascism, which targeted rural areas as well. All these political projects illustrated the failure of populism to address the problems of Romanian society on its way to modernity. The third chapter deals with the populist revival in Romania after the fall of communism in 1989. An analysis of Nicolae Ceauşescu’s national-communism enables us to identify many factors having shaped the Romanian society of 1989. National-populism enjoyed massive success in post-communist Romania. We took advantage of international (De Waele, Tismăneanu), but also local research and explored speeches, press items, polls, electronic archives.Particular attention was paid to Corneliu Vadim Tudor’s Greater Romania, the typical case which we studied. Other parties (PNUR, George Becali’s NGP, Dan Diaconescu’s People’s Party, the feeble heirs to the Legionary Movement) were reviewed, only to conclude to their doctrinal shallowness and weak electoral impact. We have come to the conclusion that Romania’s post-communist national-populism is based on the legacy of national-communism and only marginally on the heritage of Romania’s interwar populisms. Targeting the losers of transition, these parties failed to achieve major success. Two of their leaders ended up in prison, a third one is dead, so the populist path seems momentarily shut, though it has managed a recent breakthrough into the discourse of mainstream parties. Our dissertation closes on an end note which may well prove a new beginning.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
35
Heinbecker, Yasemin. « Canadian foreign policy and NATO expansion, a study of the implications of NATO enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe for Canadian foreign and security policy ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0005/MQ36037.pdf.
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Schimmelfennig, Frank. « The EU, NATO and the integration of Europe : rules and rhetoric / ». Cambridge [u.a.] : Cambridge Univ. Press, 2003. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/cam032/2003046173.html.
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Guerrero, Richard. « The implications of the changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe on NATO-Warsaw Pact relationship and the U.S. Department of Defense budget ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237098.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Jones, L.R. Second Reader: McCaffery, Jerry L. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 24, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Department Of Defense, Military Budgets, National Security, Theses, USSR, Eastern Europe, Military Forces (United States), NATO, Perestroika, Post Cold War Era. Author(s) subject terms: NATO, U.S. DOD Budget, Perestroika, Glasnost, Eastern Europe. Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-126). Also available in print.
38
Eckler, Susanne. « Didaktisch-methodische Zugänge zum Themenfeld 'Nationalsozialismus' aus konstruktivistischer Perspektive ». Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5768/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Die Arbeit gibt einen kurzen Abriss über die Grundlagen systemisch-konstruktivistischer Lerntheorie mit der anschließenden Fragestellung, was die aktuellen Forschungsergebnisse aus Neurobiologie, Philosophie, Psychologie und Erziehungswissenschaften zur didaktischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nationalsozialismus beitragen können. In der bisherigen Forschung zur didaktischen „Aufbereitung“ des Themas 'Nationalsozialismus' gibt es eine Fülle von Unterrichtskonzepten, Sequenzplanungen und Unterrichtsmaterialien. Mein Anspruch war es nicht, universal gültige Unterrichtspläne vorzulegen, sondern Unterricht bewusst offen, selbstorganisiert und systemisch zu gestalten. Dafür werden die Rahmenbedingungen von Unterricht zum Thema Nationalsozialismus näher beleuchtet, um anschließend didaktische Prinzipien und methodische Ansätze für die Beschäftigung mit dem Nationalsozialismus vorzustellen.
Grundlage für diese Überlegungen waren vor allem Theodor W. Adornos Vortrag „Erziehung nach Auschwitz“, die konstruktivistischen Lernansätze von Rolf Arnold, Kersten Reich und Horst Siebert und aktuelle Projekte und Schriften aus der gedenkstättenpädagogischen Forschung von Matthias Heyl, Imke Scheurich, Verena Haug u.a. Eine explizit konstruktivistische Betrachtung von Geschichtsdidaktik und Gedenkstättenpädagogik steht noch aus, diese Arbeit versucht, einen Ansatz zur Schließung dieser Forschungslücke zu entwickeln.This paper gives a short view into the basics of systemic-constructivist theory of learning with the question, what current research findings from neurobiology, philosophy, psychology and education can account for teaching confrontation with National Socialism. In the previous research on educational examination on this subject, there is a wealth of teaching concepts, sequence plannings and teaching materials. The claim is not to give universally valid lesson plans, but to develope deliberately open, self-organized and systemic arranged education. For this I analysed the basic conditions of teaching about National Socialism to present didactic principles and methodological approaches to the study of Nazism. Foundations of these considerations were Theodor W. Adorno's "Erziehung nach Auschwitz", constructivist theories of learning from Kersten Reich, Rolf Arnold and Horst Siebert and current projects and writings from memorial pedagogy by Matthias Heyl, Imke Scheurich, Verena Haug et al. An explicicitly constructivist view on history didactics and memorial pedagogy is still missing, so this work is an attempt to develop an approach to close that gap.
39
Le, Voguer Gildas. « Secret et démocratie dans l'Amérique de l'après-guerre : le contrôle parlementaire de l'activité des services de renseignement, 1947-1987 ». Orléans, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1995ORLE1012.
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Yakusheva, Natalya. « Parks, Policies and People : Nature Conservation Governance in Post-Socialist EU Countries ». Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Miljövetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-32400.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The national parks in the Carpathian Mountains along the Polish and Slovak border represent encompassing policy agendas that strive to balance biodiversity conservation and social welfare tasks. These countries have, during the last 25 years, undergone rapid transformation from socialist regimes to liberal democracies, and this transformation has affected the political, social and economic spheres. The accession to the European Union (EU) introduced demands for further changes, such as closer integration of conservation and socioeconomic development and inclusive, transparent and accountable decision-making that are based on participatory mechanisms. This thesis explores key challenges and opportunities for nature conservation policy and practice at the local level in a context of post-socialist legacies and Europeanization. Multi-level governance, Europeanization, and post-socialist studies are used as theoretical vehicles for the analysis of four transboundary national parks: Pieninsky national parks (NP) in both Poland and Slovakia and Bieszczady NP [Poland] and Poloniny NP [Slovakia]. The results of this study show that the early designation of the studied parks as protected areas prevented their exploitation and enabled preservation of important landscapes, which currently are highly valued at the European level. These nature conservation regimes have created tangible restrictions on the possible economic uses of these areas. However, rural development alternatives depend on a broader set of local, national and global factors such as the structure of the local economy and employment, the prioritization of nature conservation in national policies, investors’ interest, and increasing urbanization. Europeanization provided opportunities for local actors to benefit from additional funding made available for nature conservation and rural development. At the same time, demands for participatory decision-making posed significant procedural and conceptual challenges to achieving transparent, inclusive and accountable governance. The prevalence of informal practices in local policy-making and the lack of trust in state authorities pose further challenges to formal participatory processes. The opportunities of local actors to reach out across levels to express their interests remain scarce and are not institutionalized, whereas the multi-level characteristics of modern governance indirectly shape local processes by defining common legal and policy frameworks.Förvaltningen av nationalparkerna in vid gränsen mellan Polen och Slovakien i Karpaterna är framför allt inriktad mot att uppnå balans mellan bevarande av biologisk mångfald och social välfärd. Polen och Slovakien har under de senaste 25 åren genomgått en snabb förändring från socialistiska regimer till liberala demokratier, vilket har inneburit genomgripande politiska, sociala och ekonomiska förändringar. Medlemskapet i EU innebar ytterligare förändringar, som till exempel integrering av naturvårdsarbete och socioekonomisk utveckling, liksom främjande av inkluderande, transparent och deltagarinriktat beslutsfattande. Därmed bygger den moderna beslutsprocessen inte längre på den tidigare hierarkiska strukturen, utan har nu fått en aningen diffus karaktär, innefattande mängd olika aktörer som interagerar i såväl horisontella som vertikala beslutsprocesser. I denna avhandling utforskas nyckelutmaningar och möjligheter för beslutsfattande och implementering av naturvårdsarbete på lokal nivå, relaterade till de post-socialistiska arven och medlemskapet i EU. Multi-level governance (politiskt beslutsfattande på flera nivåer), Europeanization (europeisering) och post-socialistiska studier används som teoretiska verktyg för analysen av fyra gränsöverskridande nationalparker: Pieninsky, som innefattar såväl polska som slovakiska områden, Bieszczady (Polen) och Poloniny (Slovakien). Studien visar att det tidiga inrättandet av naturskydd i nationalparkerna hindrade exploatering och möjliggjorde bevarandet av värdefulla naturområden, vilka idag är högt värderade utifrån ett europeiskt perspektiv. Reglerna för detta naturskydd har dock skapat begränsningar för hur områdena kan användas för, till exempel, agrara verksamheter och turism. De mer övergripande landsbygdsutvecklingsmöjligheterna beror av lokala, nationella och globala faktorer som exempelvis den lokala ekonomins struktur, tillgång på arbetstillfällen, hur naturskydd prioriteras i nationellt beslutsfattande, intresse för investeringar i området och urbaniseringsprocesser. Medlemskapet i EU har medfört utökade möjligheter för finansiering av naturskydd och landsbygdsutveckling. Samtidigt har medlemskapet för dessa länder lett till ökade förväntningar på politiskt deltagande och nya utmaningar vad gäller transparens i beslutsfattande och inkluderande beslutsprocesser. Vidare har informella beslutsvägar i lokalt beslutsfattande och lågt förtroende för statliga myndigheter lett till ytterligare utmaningar i deltagandeprocesser. Möjligheter för lokala aktörer att kunna kommunicera och påverka beslut på högre nivåer har förblivit begränsade och är ännu inte tydligt institutionaliserade, samtidigt som det moderna, interaktiva beslutsfattandet på flera nivåer indirekt formar lokala processer genom att definiera legala och politiska ramverk inom vilka förvaltningsbeslut fattas.
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Kuzum, Sinan. « The Making Of The Visegrad Initiative : Crises And Survivals, Dilemmas And Prospects ». Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605707/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to scrutinize the Visegrad Quadruple Initiative as a device of the Central European countries in the process of involving into the re-negotiations in Europe and in world politics. The thesis argues that the Visegrad group was built in order to respond the demands of changing Europe and Euro-Atlantic structures, and thus to overcome the double process of transition and integration. However that was not the only reason to launch the Visegrad regional cooperation. The group produced an affirmative discourse that its members are distinguished from the other countries in transition, so that they are constantly one step forward to &lsquoreturn to Europe&rsquo
. In the aftermath of the eastern enlargements of NATO and the EU alike, the original mission of the group, integration with the West, was achieved. That created a profound discussion about the survival of the group. As it is argued in this thesis, the group, as a prosperous and substantial regional cooperation, should rather continue to work in order to have more words to say in the re-negotiations processes. Another argument of the thesis is that the Visegrad group, taking Benelux group as a model in its continuity, is beneficial to produce a common foreign policy tendency among its members as long as the interests of its members are overlapping, otherwise the group is just being a political platform in which its members can share their views in such areas as regional regulations.
42
Sinan, Kuzum. « The making of the visegrad initiative : crises and survivals, dilemmas and prospects ». Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605719/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to scrutinize the Visegrad Quadruple Initiative as a device of the Central European countries in the process of involving into the re-negotiations in Europe and in world politics. The thesis argues that the Visegrad group was built in order to respond the demands of changing Europe and Euro-Atlantic structures, and thus to overcome the double process of transition and integration. However that was not the only reason to launch the Visegrad regional cooperation. The group produced an affirmative discourse that its members are distinguished from the other countries in transition, so that they are constantly one step forward to &lsquoreturn to Europe&rsquo
. In the aftermath of the eastern enlargements of NATO and the EU alike, the original mission of the group, integration with the West, was achieved. That created a profound discussion about the survival of the group. As it is argued in this thesis, the group, as a prosperous and substantial regional cooperation, should rather continue to work in order to have more words to say in the re-negotiations processes. Another argument of the thesis is that the Visegrad group, taking Benelux group as a model in its continuity, is beneficial to produce a common foreign policy tendency among its members as long as the interests of its members are overlapping, otherwise the group is just being a political platform in which its members can share their views in such areas as regional regulations.
43
Ottosson, Björn. « A Cacophony of Voices : A Neoclassical Realist study of United States Strategy toward Central Asia and Southern Caucasus 1991–2006 ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-137026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
U.S. strategy toward Southern Caucasus and Central Asia has not been studied sufficiently. The present study, which takes the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the states of CASC (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) as its starting point, is probably the most detailed tracing of the evolution of U.S. strategy toward this specific region hitherto available. The study is methodologically committed to process-tracing and covers U.S. strategy toward CASC over a 15-year period covering three separate presidential administrations. A vast material has been collected and studied, and the primary contribution of the study is empirical. The study also sets out develop a neoclassical realist framework for analysing U.S. strategy, which introduces strategic culture as an intervening variable between the external actions of the U.S and the international environment. The theory in this study is based on three pillars. The first is structural realism. With its focus on the international environment and the pressure that is exerts, the study accepts the systemic imperative described by structural realists. The second pillar is cultural/constructivist theory. The study presupposes the notion of malleable norms and identities promoted by such theories. The third and most important pillar is neoclassical realism, which aims at finding intervening variables between a state´s external actions and the international environment. The definition of U.S. strategic culture relies heavily on American political and diplomatic history, the main argument being that U.S. policymakers constantly draw on U.S. strategic culture and have strong incentives to frame their policies so as to be culturally acceptable. The strategic culture thus both constrains and enables actions. The framework contributes to the ongoing effort to bridge the gap between realist and constructivist perspectives. This study will demonstrate that U.S. strategy toward CASC was shaped by specific U.S. strategic culture to a considerable extent. Throughout the entire period studied, the declared goal of the U.S. was the integration of CASC into the community of liberal market democracies. One very important theoretical finding of this study is that U.S. strategic culture had a powerful impact on U.S. strategy, independently of international pressures. This study will also demonstrate that U.S. strategy was incoherent, inconsistent, bureaucratically uncoordinated, susceptible to domestic pressure, and frequently subordinated to more important strategic goals outside of the region.
44
Erik, Lejdemyr. « Immigrant integration politics in the East-EU : Contested national models or policy convergence ? » Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3559.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Some researchers argue that the immigrant integration approaches in liberal (and “Western-“) states are becoming more and more alike. Some claim that the previous philosophises of integration (i.e. multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism) no longer exists in liberal states. This study assesses the robustness of this “convergence claim” within an East-EU context. The purpose of the study is to analyse the policy trends of immigrant integration in the East-EU and assess the robustness of the convergence claim. The analysis and methodological approach is based on a theoretical framework of ideal-types (multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism). The study objects are Estonia and Poland, and the analysis is primarily based on national legislation and policy documents. The study describes the immigrant integration trends in Poland and Estonia in the “post-Soviet era”, looking at the policy trends between 1991-2008. During this period both countries have shown tendencies of segregationism and cultural monism. It is clear that Estonia and Poland (i.e. parts of East-EU) have not adopted a more “Western-style” approach regarding immigrant integration, i.e. there is no evidence of such convergence. In fact, the ethnic component of their immigrant integration approaches stands in contrast to the “convergence thesis”.
45
JÃnior, Tadeu de Almeida Alves. « Agricultura Familiar e AlimentaÃÃo Escolar : o PNAE no SertÃo Central ». Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2012. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=9196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorA pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo o Programa Nacional de AlimentaÃÃo â PNAE. O programa tem garantido a participaÃÃo dos estados e municÃpios na gestÃo e controle dos recursos destinados à alimentaÃÃo escolar. PorÃm, a burocracia ainda marca alguns procedimentos, sobretudo para os pequenos produtores rurais, como a dificuldade de cadastro nos programas de governo por parte dos trabalhadores devido à intensa burocracia. Levando-se em conta este panorama, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo geral analisar o PNAE sob a Ãtica de fortalecimento e de desenvolvimento da agricultura familiar e comunitÃria e de seguranÃa alimentar e nutricional. Como objetivos especÃficos, pretendeu-se identificar no universo da produÃÃo agrÃcola familiar do municÃpio de CanindÃ, os alimentos que podem integrar os cardÃpios da alimentaÃÃo escolar; explicitar formas de inclusÃo dos pequenos produtores rurais como fornecedores do PNAE no municÃpio de Quixadà e discutir o conceito de SeguranÃa Alimentar e Nutricional - SAN e o Direito Humano à AlimentaÃÃo adequada - DHAA no SertÃo Cearense. Foram entrevistados os representantes das entidades pÃblicas diretamente envolvidas com a agricultura familiar de QuixadÃ, alÃm do gestor da merenda em uma escola do municÃpio e a merendeira responsÃvel. Foi escolhido como procedimento metodolÃgico o Estudo de Caso, ancorado nos pressupostos de Nisbett e Watt (1978), que define a metodologia do estudo de caso de forma eclÃtica, incluindo, via de regra, observaÃÃo, entrevistas, fotografias, gravaÃÃes, anÃlise de documentos e anotaÃÃes de campo. Com este estudo, conclui-se que o Programa Nacional de AlimentaÃÃo Escolar tem fortalecido a agricultura familiar na regiÃo, por propiciar maior renda e estÃmulo ao plantio. Dessa maneira, fortalecendo a SAN e resgatando a possibilidade de novas reflexÃes acerca da alimentaÃÃo mais adequada. Por fim, o Biodiesel trouxe um cenÃrio diversificado à agricultura familiar, jà que o cultivo de oleoginosas estÃ, cada vez mais, fazendo parte da dinÃmica das pequenas e grandes propriedades rurais, levantando o debate sobre atà que ponto o programa irà fortalecer a longo prazo à sustentabilidade das terras e da produÃÃo alimentar.
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Šleivytė, J. « Russia's European agenda and the Baltic states ». Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3611.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is
impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This
thesis seeks to bridge the gap.
Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of
the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and
challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations.
To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three
levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of
international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which
addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis.
When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis
focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also
examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region.
The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in
countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the
tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic
influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and
Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.
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Tallis, Benjamin Caradoc. « A moveable east : identities, borders and orders in the enlarged EU and its eastern neighbourhood ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/a-moveable-east-identities-borders-and-orders-in-the-enlarged-eu-and-its-eastern-neighbourhood(f9fc2304-54a1-4750-b4e8-dae84c65e07f).html.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores EU borders and bordering in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in the context of the 2004 EU enlargement, the 2007 extension of the Schengen zone and the 2004 Eastern Dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) that, in 2009, was upgraded to the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The thesis links borders with identities and governing orders to argue that while the EU has successfully included, inter alia, Czechs and Poles, it has excluded Ukrainians sufficiently to impact negatively on their lives and on the achievement of EU goals in the neighbourhood. The de-bordering and re-bordering inherent to enlargement, Schengen, ENP and EaP have (partially) displaced CEE borders from traditional locations at state frontiers. Bordering activities still take place within the supposedly borderless Schengen zone as well as at external frontiers with neighbouring states, but the EU has also exported border practices onto the territories of its neighbours. These processes prompted the questions addressed in this thesis: where, how, why and with what effects the EU makes its borders in CEE. An analytical framework – the ‘Borderscape’ – is developed to explore the complex manifestations of post-frontier bordering and to understand its socio-political, spatial and temporal underpinnings, and the consequences that EU bordering has for identities and subjectivities, order and governance in CEE. The borderscape encompasses border features, bordering discourses and bordering practices, which are constituted by EU and national governmental actors, border security and law enforcement agencies, by civil society actors and the people who move and dwell in the region. The borderscape is tailored to the regional particularities of CEE, with specific reference to processes of post-communist transition, EU accession and the EU’s engagement with its neighbours, specifically Ukraine. The findings of the research are based on extensive, interpretive fieldwork conducted in the Czech Republic, Poland and Ukraine. The thesis shows the various sites, forms and functions of contemporary EU bordering that comprise a diverse yet connected border archipelago stretching from the Schengen interior into the Eastern neighbourhood. The EU’s bordering discourses are shown to be plural and often contradictory: notions of freedom, security and justice and the desire to benefit from sharing these with Central and Eastern Europeans are juxtaposed with narratives of fear, suspicion and narrow-minded self-interest. The EU’s Europeanised bordering practices, including Risk Analysis and the protection of both borders and migrants, have enhanced mobility for EU-Europeans (such as Czechs and Poles) who now share in the highly desirable form of order that it has created. However, the EU has also restricted mobility for Ukrainians, who are still seen as ‘Eastern-Europeans’. The borderscape betrays the EU’s internal crises of identity and confidence, which has had psycho-social exclusionary effects on Ukrainians and contributed to the politico-strategic crisis in the Eastern Neighbourhood. However this analysis also points to ways that the EU can address these issues.
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Burger, Karen Lizelle. « A comparative analysis of intelligence coordination after the 9/11 attack and the Second Gulf War : selected case studies ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23091.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissertation aims to examine the intelligence coordination mechanisms in the US and UK with a view to comparing them and identifying similarities and differences between them. To achieve this aim, the study provides a conceptual framework of intelligence as a system and explains the rationale for coordination between the respective intelligence services. The study analyses the coordination mechanisms which existed in the US and UK prior to the 11 September 2001 attacks and the Second Gulf War. The study examines the findings and recommendations of inquiries in both the UK and US that followed these events. This is followed by an analysis of the measures that were introduced after these events in order to strengthen and improve intelligence coordinating mechanisms in the US and UK. The study highlights the need for centralised intelligence coordination systems, and illustrates that coordination is required to ensure that intelligence services function as a unified intelligence community. The study concludes that the nature of twenty-first century threats demands that intelligence communities improve coordination, which entails a shift from decentralised services toward a centralised, unified intelligence community. CopyrightDissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Ferreira, Kelly de Souza 1987. « China e a Ásia Central : petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos ». [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279377.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e CruzDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T21:50:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_KellydeSouza_M.pdf: 993965 bytes, checksum: 3ef539284f8c3b0704d3e65c6c8c217e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
Abstract: In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
Mestrado
Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Mvé, ebang Bruno. « Politique étrangère et sécurité nationale d'un petit État : analyse de l'action du Gabon pour la paix et la sécurité en Afrique Centrale, une politique extérieure au service de la construction et de la préservation de l'intérieur ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’Afrique est la région du monde, dans laquelle, existe le plus grand nombre de crises armées sanglantes. Depuis les indépendances, cette région n’a jamais véritablement connu de paix et de sécurité dans toutes ses entités régionales. Dans ce sombre tableau africain, l’Afrique centrale occupe une place peu enviable. Abandonnée à son triste sort à la fin de la Guerre Froide, des pays, tel que le Gabon, décidèrent de particulièrement orienter leur politique étrangère dans le but d’aider les États en crises, de son environnement immédiat, à recouvrir une certaine stabilité mais surtout dans une logique de sécurisation nationale. Petit pays d’Afrique centrale, le Gabon ressent les effets de l’instabilité régionale persistante. Cet engagement gabonais pour la paix n’est pas né avec son accession à la souveraineté. Il s’est construit au fil des années. Son action pour sa construction et sa sécurité nationale n’a jamais eu pour but de reproduire, exactement, le même modèle de stabilité qu’il connait mais, uniquement, d’arriver aux silences des armes. Il est évident que comme tout engagement politique, l’action r gabonaise présente certaines limites et l’État devrait prendre des mesures pour que l’objectif de sécurité nationale soit atteint sans ambages. Néanmoins, l’action de tel pays est importante car en priorisant le dialogue, ils fournissent un travail de fourmis qui arrive, tout de même, à mettre un terme aux effusions de sang et à leur tendance au débordementAfrica is the region of the world, in which, exists the largest number of bloody armed crises. Since the independences, this region has never really known peace and security in all its regional entities. In this somber african board, Central Africa occupies an unenviable place. Abandoned in its sad fate at the end of the Cold War, countries, such as the Gabon, decided to direct particularly their foreign policy with the aim of helping states in crises, of its immediate environment, to cover a certain stability But especially in a logic of national reassurance. Small country of Central Africa, the Gabon feels the effects of the persistent regional instability. This Gabonese commitment for the peace was not born with its entry in the sovereignty. It built itself over the years. Its action for its building and national security has never aimed at reproducing exactly the same model of stability which it can but only arrive at the silence of weapons. It is obvious that as any political commitment, the gabonese regional action presents certain limits and the state should take measures aiming at a better international assertion. Nevertheless, the action of such country is important because by prioritizing the dialogue, they supply a painstaking job which manages, all the same, to put an end to the bloodsheds and to their tendency to the overflowing