Bibliographies thématiques / Nation state in Iraq

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Nation state in Iraq »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Nation state in Iraq"

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Parker, Sam. « Is Iraq Back ? » Current History 108, no 722 (1 décembre 2009) : 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.722.429.

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Al-Rawi, Ahmed. « Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’s standardized media and jihadist nation-state building efforts ». Communication and the Public 4, no 3 (10 juin 2019) : 224–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047319853323.

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In its efforts to establish order and legitimacy among the people it once controlled, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria followed standardized and systematic nation-state building policies. The terrorist group attempted to establish an imagined jihadist nation-state with the assistance of standardized media productions and practices. These media productions that are examined in this article reflect Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’s unified vision of the ultra-conservative society that it once intended to form in its different territories. I argue here that Islamic State in Iraq and Syria used standardized media productions to promote strict sharia laws including emphasis on men and women’s garments, distrust in secular rule, and calls for jihad in the different cities that it controlled. For Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, media is jihad and journalists are Mujahideen whose main purpose is to mobilize the masses and assist in creating a jihadist nation-state.
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Zubaida, Sami. « IRAQ : HISTORY, MEMORY, CULTURE ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no 2 (16 avril 2012) : 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000116.

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There is a stock argument on whether Iraq is an “artificial” creation of colonial power or a “real” entity with historical and psychological depth and identity. It is a futile question because all nation–states, in one form or another, are historical creations. The processes of their creation are diverse and lead to different outcomes in the degree of coherence and permanence. Our thinking on the subject has been highly influenced by the seminal concepts advanced by Benedict Anderson on the “imagining” of the nation, which is, in turn, underlined by the socioeconomic processes of modernity. The state, often superimposed from above, is a principal actor in this process. Educational systems, tied to qualifications and employment, for instance, are powerful means of enforcing a unified national language and, in turn, the medium of literacy, the press and media, and the means of imagining the nation. The state makes the nation, more or less successfully. The intelligentsia are the cadres of these processes. They and the state class, with which they overlap, are subject to the vagaries of political conflicts and struggles and, in the case of Middle Eastern states, to the repression and violence of the state and militant sectors of the population. In the case of Iraq these troublesome manifestations are particularly evident. The books under review are concerned with these processes and in particular with the role of the ideological cadres and institutions in their unfolding.
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Ahmad, Mumtaz. « IRAQ ». American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no 2 (1 décembre 1985) : 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i2.2774.

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At the end of 1979 when the fall of the Shah of Iran was imminent, all eyeswere set on Iraq. Iraq was then seen as the new giant of the Gulf. It had remainedcompletely aloof from all the major inter-Arab disputes and contnwersiesfor almost a decade and had exclusively focused its attention on its ownsocio-economic development. Its development performance during the 1970shad been phenomenal. Iraqi economic planning was rated by internationaldevelopment experts as the most prudent, rational and well-implemented inthe entire Middle East. Notwithstanding-or perhaps because of- its oppressivepolitical apparatus, the Ba'thist state had imposed a code of strict, puritanicalfinancial ethics on its international economic transactions. Iraqi developmentexperience was thus regarded as unique in the Third World in that it was theleast hog-tied by malpractices, pay-offs and personal empire-building by theleadership.Iraq in 1979 was thus a nation with great promise. The size of its oil reservesand potential oil revenues, its capacity for sustained economic developmentbased on a non-oil economy, and its vast water resources that offered thepossibility of an expanded economic base in both agriculture and industry,were some of the major advantages Iraq enjoyed over other Arab oil-producingstates. Its geographical position bordering Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria, Jordan,Turkey, and Iran placed it in an area of great geostrategic concern forboth regional and global ewers. Its pivotal position between Israel to thewest and the Gulf to the east, where it forms what Christine Moss Helmshas called "the eastern flank of the Arab World" was regarded as unique inthe Middle East.But then, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein took the greatest gamble of hislife-and lost. He misjudged the vulnerability of the newly installed IslamicRepublic of Iran under the leadership of Ayatullah Khomeini and, believingin his own rhetoric about the invincibility of the Iraqi armed forces, decidedto invade Iran on some filmsy pretexts. Five and a half years after the war ...
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Gurbuz, Hasan. « The Iraqi's Foreign Language Acquisition and Arabic as a Foreign Language ». International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no 7 (30 juillet 2022) : 344–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i7.423.

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Although decades have passed on language teaching techniques, foreign language teaching is still a subject that does not fall off the agenda and does not lose its originality. It is a fact that there are prejudices against foreign language learning among nation-state citizens or that they have no interest in learning a foreign language. The Iraqi state is in geography where dozens of nations live, and different languages are spoken, and although it is a nation-state, it does not have a mass of people who are closed to foreign language learning like the people of America, England or Turkey. Along with this fact, it is also true that there is a minimal audience that looks at foreign language learning with cultural prejudice. This article focuses on foreign language acquisition in Iraq, language acquisition of children and adults, and the position of Arabic as a foreign language.
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Sorensen, Alan. « The Reluctant Nation Builders ». Current History 102, no 668 (1 décembre 2003) : 407–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.668.407.

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The largely unilateral, dubiously rationalized, and defiantly prosecuted occupation of Iraq has distracted from the need to develop international consensus and capacity for nation building and other benevolent interventions. What the world needs now … is possibly a new multilateral organization or two specialized in peacekeeping and state-building operations.
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Singh, Ripu Sudan. « State-Nation Dilemma and Kurdish Issue : Crisis of Governability in West Asia ». Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no 4 (22 novembre 2017) : 672–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726845.

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Ever since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, the process of state and nation making in modern times is going on. The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and post-Cold War period saw the emergence of fifteen new states and several other sovereign states from the ruins of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia in Eastern Europe. The problems of governance and political legitimacy are directly linked with the demand for new nation-states globally. The threats unleashed by interstate Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL) in Syria and Iraq have substantially posed problems of governance and legitimacy threatening the survival of several states in the Middle East. The question of nation-state was almost accepted as resolved and settled in the region but the end of Cold War and Soviet collapse again brought the issue on the global forefront and the political structure of several states have been challenged. The state-centred, faith-centred and ethnicity-centred forces are confronting each other and the nation-state dilemma has got more pronounced and complicated, as states are not in a position to manage the nations within. This article tries to probe the issues of governance, political legitimacy and gross violation of basic human rights of the ethno-national groups, minority ethnic groups and weaker sections of society. It also makes an attempt to look for and devise certain alternatives and methods to resolve the dilemma of nation-state in the Middle East in general and drawing lessons for the rest of the globe. The Kurdish issue may be taken as a case study which has once again become a matter of deep concern and its timely resolution has drawn worldwide attention and concern. The survival of a large number of people is at stake as a result of the nation-state dilemma, and if this is not properly taken care of, it will spread globally and affect world peace and order.
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FUKURAI, Hiroshi. « The Decoupling of the Nation and the State : Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond ». Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no 1 (février 2020) : 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2019.26.

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AbstractSince the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.”1 This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “nation-state” ideology has thus masked a history of tensions and conflicts, often manifested in the form of oppression, persecution, and genocide directed at the nation and its peoples by the state and its predatory institutions. Our studies have shown that such conflicts between the nation and the state have been observed in multiple regions in Asia, including Kashmir in India; Moro and Islamic communities of Mindanao in the Philippines; Karen, Kachin, and other autonomous nations in Myanmar; West Papua, Aceh, Kalimantan, South Moluccas, Minahasa, and Riau in Indonesia; Kurds in multiple state systems of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran; and Palestine in Israel, among many other culturally autonomous nucleated communities in Asia and across the world.2 The phrase “the nation and the state” was specifically chosen to distinguish and highlight the unique conflictual histories of two geo-political entities and to provide a fundamentally differing interpretation of history, geography, the role of law, and global affairs from the perspectives of nation peoples, rather than from that of the state or international organizations, as traditional analyses do. The Westphalian “nation-state” hegemony led to the inviolability of the state’s sovereign control over the nation and peoples within a state-delimited territory. The state then began to engage in another predatory project: to strengthen and extend its international influence over other states and, thus, the nations within these states, by adopting new constitutional provisions to offer cross-border “citizenship” to diasporic “ethnic-nationals” and descendants of “ex-migrants” who now inhabit foreign states. The nations have similarly capitalized on constitutional activism by erecting their own Constitutions to explore collaboration with other nations, as well as diasporic populations of their own, in order to carve out a path toward the nations’ independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems. The “constitutional” activism sought by the state and the nation has become an important political vehicle with which to engage in possible collaboration with diasporic “ethno-nationals” and ex-migrant communities, in order to further assert political influence and strengthen trans-border politics of the state and the nation. Three articles included in this issue investigate such constitutional activism of cross-border politics and transnational collaborations in Asia, the Americas, Europe, and other regions across the globe.
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Ahmadi, Shaherzad. « Smugglers, Migrants, and Refugees : The Iran–Iraq Border, 1925–1975 ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no 4 (16 septembre 2020) : 703–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000380.

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AbstractDue to the illegal movement of goods and people, the Khuzistan-Basra frontier, like many other borderlands in the region, represented a liminal space for border dwellers and the Iranian state. Although scholars have written about the migration that was endemic to the early nation-building period, the consequences of this movement in the latter half of the 20th century require further exploration. Well into the 1970s, Iranian migrants and border dwellers complicated citizenship, evinced by the Pahlavi monarchy's failure or refusal to offer them their rights. The Iranian archives prove that, decades into the nation-building project, local dynamics continued to exert tremendous influence on Iranians and even superseded national policies.
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Mahmood, Amna, Fouzia Munir et Sharin Shajahan Naomi. « The Plight of a Nation without a State : An Analysis of the Struggle of Kurds for an Independent State ». Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.31.

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Struggle of the Kurds for an independent state can be considered to be one of the most challenging and most underestimated issue in the political analysis of Middle East. Kurd is the fourth largest ethnic group in this region with an estimated populace of 35 to 40 million who are dissipated among four states Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran separately. This study intends to examine the origin of Kurds, their political struggle, the factors that compelled Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq to conduct referendum for Independence and reaction of all the four countries who share Kurdish population. By adopting exploratory and explanatory approaches and utilizing primary as well secondary data, it has been found that Kurdish struggle and its outcome have been influenced by multiple complex factors which led their conflict to an unresolved state. Our analysis concluded that the states need to realize that suppression of ethnic identities and voices of Kurds might appear to be solution for short time, but not in the long run for promoting peace and regional stability in the Middle-East.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Nation state in Iraq"

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Al-Abadi, Ghalib. « Re-building a nation-state : Iraq's reconstruction after Saddam ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/17135.

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This is a study of the development of post-war Iraq after the downfall of former President Saddam Hussein in 2003. The thesis examines the actions and consequences of the coalition led by the United States to facilitate the re-construction of Iraq as a democratic nation-state. The thesis examines the geo-political, economic and ideological motivations behind the US actions in Iraq in order to explain why the coalition plans to reconstruct the country along the lines of a democratic nation-state have failed so profoundly. The thesis develops a typology of policies that lead to successful nation-state building in post-authoritarian and post-conflict scenarios and applies this typology to the actual policies implemented by the US-led coalition after the fall of Saddam in 2003. The thesis illustrates that many of the policies implemented by the coalition undermined successful nation-state building. These policies failed to ensure the security and stability of Iraq after the invasion and thereby hampered economic development. Rather than re-defining Iraqi nationhood in democratic terms, the implemented policies enshrined ethno-sectarian divisions in the political landscape and in the social fabric of Iraq. The new Iraqi state lacked a stable constitutional and legal foundation and a functioning judiciary to ensure the rule of law. Finally, the political order established by the US-led coalition is marred by partisan conflicts and Kurdish independence tendencies which weaken the central government and the operation of its various departments and further threaten the territorial integrity of the Iraqi state. The thesis argues - based on evidence gathered through a nation-wide survey, in-depth interviews with influential stakeholders in the public sectors and other material - that Iraq after 2003 has become a failed state.
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Osman, Khalil. « The hissing sectarian snake : sectarianism and the making of state and nation in modern Iraq ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9245.

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This thesis addresses the relationship between sectarianism and state-making and nation-building in Iraq. It argues that sectarianism has been an enduring feature of the state-making trajectory in Iraq due to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve inherent tensions between primordial sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, I set out to explain the persistence of primordial sectarian affiliations in Iraq since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1921. Looking at the primordial past showed that Sunni-Shicite interactions before the modern nation-state cultivated repositories of divergent collective memories and shaped dynamics of inclusion and exclusion favorable to the Sunni Arabs following the creation of Iraq. Drawing on primary and secondary sources and field interviews, this study proceeds to trace the accentuation of primordial sectarian solidarities despite the adoption of homogenizing policies in a deeply divided society along ethno-sectarian lines. It found that the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period, which hardened sectarian identities. The injection of hegemonic communal discourses into the educational curriculum was found to have provoked masked forms of resistance that contributed to the sharpening of sectarian consciousness. Hegemonic communal narratives embedded in the curriculum not only undermined the homogenizing utility of education but also implicated education in the accentuation of primordial sectarian identities. The study also found that, by camouflaging anti-Shicite sectarianism, the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology undermined Iraq’s national integration project. It explains that the slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period is symptomatic of the ghettoization of identity in Iraq. This investigation of the interaction between primordial sectarian attachments and the trajectory of the making of the Iraqi nation-state is ensconced in the project of expanding the range and scope of social scientific applications of the nation-building and primordialism lines of analysis.
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Bress, August H. « Mistakes, New and Old : Neoconservatives and the Consequences of Nation Building ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1390.

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The 2003 invasion of Iraq was one of the great blunders in American foreign policy. This thesis examines Neoconservative thought and policy, and its effect on the nation and state building effort in Iraq. It provides an analysis of the Iraqi Constitution and uses the faults of the Constitution to paint a picture of the larger instabilities and difficulties in Iraq today.
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Hughes, Erin Elizabeth. « An American atra ? : boundaries of diasporic nation-building amongst Assyrians and Chaldeans in the United States ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/30987.

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Voluntary and forced migrations over the past century have given rise to the number of displaced peoples and nations who consider themselves diasporas. The resiliency of these extra-territorial nations after displacement is something of a paradox in nationalism studies. For diaspora, the nation is simultaneously local and transnational, divided and caged by the confines of state borders, often intermixed with other ethnic groups, nations, and cultures, and yet, undeniably, a singular community. Through a comparative examination of the Assyrian and Chaldean diaspora in the United States, this dissertation uses boundary theory to explore the role of diasporic elites in making and sustaining a diasporic nation, and the events, identities, and ideologies that shape diasporic action. It draws from twenty-nine interviews held with Assyrian and Chaldean leaders in Michigan, Illinois, and California, and with policy-makers, as well as research into congressional documents, policy papers, and press reports. The multi-ethnic fabric of American society is formative to boundary-creation, and yet challenges its retention, providing an open society for ethnic expression and civic and political engagement, whilst at the same time facilitating assimilation and loss of diasporic culture and identity. Diasporic elites pursue institutional completeness to sustain diasporic presence in local societies, and cultivate national ideologies that in turn engender activism on behalf of the greater diasporic nation. The Iraq War served as a catalyst to nation-building, providing the first political opening in decades for diasporic actors to mobilize on behalf of Assyrians and Chaldeans in the homeland, seeking constitutional recognition as equal members of the Iraq state. However, the impermeable, exclusionary Iraqi national boundary wrought in conflict instead posed an existential crisis, forcing Assyrians and Chaldeans from Iraq and forcing diasporic leaders to confront questions of what will become of their nation if the homeland is lost. Revealed in the resulting political demands are two distinct strains of nationalism: that for resettlement into diaspora and continued integration into Iraq; and that for territorial autonomy within Iraq’s Nineveh Plain. This dissertation argues diaspora is a continuous, evolving product of boundary-making, often the result of diasporic elite mobilization. Diaspora is a nation not simply born of displacement, but formed through social boundaries encountered and made upon resettlement outside the homeland. Nationalism is a significant component of diasporic nation-building, offering insight into political goals, ideologies, and the dedication of diasporic elites to sustaining an Assyrian and Chaldean homeland, an atra, in diaspora.
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Akin, Piril. « The Formation Of Iraqi Nationalism Under The British Mandate (1920- 1932) ». Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611380/index.pdf.

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This thesis examines the development of a national identity and the ideology of nationalism, and the formation of nation-state in Iraq under the British Mandate from 1920 to 1932. The study focuses on the influences of the early Arab nationalist movements during the last decades of the Ottoman Empire and under the British Mandate over Iraqi nationalism and nation-state process. The study specifically examines the Mosul question and its effects on the formation of the territorial unity of the state in Iraq. The study also explores the successive civil administration during Mandate period while making Iraq a &ldquo
nation-state&rdquo
by taking actions concerning the politics, social structure, the government, army and economy. The British Mandate period in Iraq witnessed many important developments such as the drawing of Iraq&rsquo
s boundaries and the shaping of the foundations of the state structure. These developments continue to affect the country in a variety of ways even today. In the final part of the thesis, it is pointed out that understanding some of the policies and strategies implemented in Iraq by the British can help to make meaningful interpretations of current affairs in this country.
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Hedayat, Hirbohd. « The Development of the Modern Iranian Nation-State : From Qajar Origins to Early Pahlavi Modernization ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77956.

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This thesis focuses on the development of the Iranian nation and state from 1811 to 1941. Both of these developments occurred in response to Iran's encounter with the European powers, specifically Russia and Great Britain. Government-led reforms opened the possibility for the development of Iranian nationalism, as Iranian students were in England and brought back the first printing press with them to Iran in 1815. The introduction of the printing press was significant to the development of the Iranian nation-state, as an increase in journals and periodicals introduced contemporary European political ideas to Iranians. This increased the calls to replicate the customs and norms of European society in Iran, ultimately leading to the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. The Constitutional Revolution established a Parliament in Iran that was politically weak and held little power in the provinces outside of Tehran. Tribal authority increased throughout Iran, and the Russians and British eventually occupied Iran from 1911 to 1917. The establishment of Reza Shah's rule in 1921 introduced a new centralized Iranian state that was legitimated by the nation and established its rule over the tribes. It is also during Reza Shah's rule that the conception of the Iranian nation begins to change.
Master of Arts
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Zarei, Semire. « Varför uppkom och upphörde Irakiska Kurdistan ? : En teoriutvecklande kvalitativ fallstudie ». Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1621.

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The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö’s and Pegg’s theories. It’s an interesting case as it’s included in one of the most sensitive geo political areas in the world. The Kuwait war 1990 and the Second Gulf war 1991 were the incentive to Iraqi Kurdistan as a quasi state and the US invasion of Iraq 2003 was the incentive to the end of it. In conclusion the case verify the theories and the theories promote the understanding of Iraqi Kurdistan’s period as a quasi state. The goal of the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan was to become a federal state in a federal Iraq and it succeeded.

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Kirchhoff, Christopher. « Fixing the national security state : commissions and the politics of disaster and reform ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226849.

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In the U.S. federal system, 'crisis commissions' are powerful instruments of social learning that actively mediate the politics of disaster and reform. Typically endowed with the legal authority to establish causes of dramatic policy failures and make recommendations to prevent their recurrence, commissions can prompt major governmental reorganizations. Yet commissions are also frequently accused of being influenced by dominant interests and faulted for articulating incomplete or politically expedient narratives of failure. Even when commission conclusions are accepted, the reforms they propose are not always adopted. Using the 9/11 Commission as a conceptual backdrop, this dissertation explores the relationship between disaster, public investigation, and reform by undertaking a detailed study of the Space Shuttle Columbia Accident Investigation Board and Iraq Study Group. Together, the cases constitute a study of the national security state seeking to correct failures across different domains of state power: border security, war-making capability, and dominance in space. I argue that commissions, as one-shot diagnostic and therapeutic instruments, are more effective than standing political institutions at confronting entrenched ways of seeing and knowing in complex systems of the national security state, which are defined by the interaction of ideology, large bureaucracies, and advanced technologies. The ability of commissions to see critically for society itself is not given but rather constructed through investigative and deliberative processes that must overcome the action of political interests. Commission credibility is therefore not an essential trait that derives a priori from the inherent stature of its members, but is rather the output of the investigative phase as commissions identify, compile, and publicize errors made by the state. In this adversarial process, an aggressive professional staff emerges as a determinant of commission success, leading to an important distinction between investigative commissions with 'super staffs' and advisory commissions that lack them. Process tracing recommendations over a multi-year period nevertheless reveals dynamics of agency and resistance at play between commissions and the institutions they attempt to reform, highlighting the partial success commissions are likely to achieve at coercing entrenched institutions to implement their recommendations.
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Aziz, Mahir Abdulwahid. « Ethno-nationalism in a de facto state : An investigation of national identity among university students in the Kurdistan region of Iraq ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532016.

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Moeller, David K. « A model for future military operations : the effect of state security and human security on strategy / ». Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=9c267789-85b9-4963-9298-936e82991d13&rs=PublishedSearch.

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Livres sur le sujet "Nation state in Iraq"

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Ṣāliḥ, Khālid. State-making, nation-building and the military : Iraq, 1941-1958. Göteborg, Sweden : Göteborg University, 1996.

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The Iraq War : Strategy, tactics, and military lessons. Westport, Conn : Praeger published in cooperation with Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2003.

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Cordesman, Anthony H. The Iraq War : Strategy, tactics, and military lessons. Washington, D.C : CSIS Press, 2003.

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Inventing Iraq : The failure of nation building and a history denied. New York, NY : Columbia University Press, 2004.

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Zhongguo ren min jie fang jun jun shi ke xue yuan. Shi jie jun shi yan jiu bu., dir. Yilake zhan zheng : Zhan lüe, zhan shu ji jun shi shang de jing yan jiao xun. Beijing Shi : Jun shi ke xue chu ban she, 2005.

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What we owe Iraq : War and the ethics of nation building. Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2004.

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Zhongguo ren min jie fang jun jun shi ke xue yuan. Shi jie jun shi yan jiu bu., dir. Yilake zhan zheng : Zhan lüe, zhan shu ji jun shi shang de jing yan jiao xun. Beijing Shi : Jun shi ke xue chu ban she, 2005.

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The Kurds and the state : Evolving national identity in Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. Syracuse, N.Y : Syracuse University Press, 2005.

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Natali, Denise. The Kurds and the state : Evolving national identity in Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. Syracuse, NY : Syracuse University Press, 2006.

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Rogue nation : Why America is the most dangerous state on earth. Barnstaple : Blue Books, 2003.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Nation state in Iraq"

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Bengio, Ofra. « On the Brink : State and Nation in Iraqi Kurdistan ». Dans Iraq Between Occupations, 61–77. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230115491_4.

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O’Leary, Brendan. « Iraq as a New Multinational State : A Cautious Defence ». Dans After the Nation ?, 60–83. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230293175_4.

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Afshar, Haleh. « Women and Reproduction in Iran ». Dans Woman-Nation-State, 110–25. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19865-8_7.

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Gershoni, Israel. « From state to nation and from nation to state in Egypt ». Dans Constructing Nationalism in Iran, 263–78. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2017. | Series : Routledge studies in modern history ; 25 : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315448800-19.

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Ibrahim Seyder, Ferhad. « The Iraqi Kurds : Historical Backgrounds of a Nonstate Nation ». Dans Between State and Non-State, 25–41. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60181-0_2.

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Alinejad, Mahmoud. « The Rivalry Between Secular and Religious Nationalisms : On the Split in Iranian National Identity ». Dans The Nation Form in the Global Age, 273–300. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85580-2_11.

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AbstractNationalism remains a compelling ideological force and is the most important marker of collective identity in modern times. It inspires the idea of the nation by forging strong bonds of solidarity through the invocation of pre-existing ethnic, cultural or religious loyalties. Recurrent political conflicts in Iran have often been driven by nationalist ideologies. This chapter demonstrates the central role of the rivalry between secular and religious nationalisms in shaping Iran’s national identity. The interplay of these two nationalisms in the country has left national identity torn between modernity and tradition for more than a century. Rather than a clear break, however, what distinguishes the two nationalist persuasions are differences in the degree of religious or secular overtones respectively: secular nationalists have drawn on underlying religious support, while blatantly religious stances have had to adjust themselves to the demands of a modern secular state. Both of these nationalisms have tended to conceal the real diversity of political interests, but thus far they have failed to build an inclusive and secure national identity for Iran, leading to political instability and crisis.
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Flibbert, Andrew J. « State Formation, 1914–1958 ». Dans Iraq, 11–46. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056447-2.

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Stork, Joe. « State Power and Economic Structure : Class Determination and State Formation in Contemporary Iraq ». Dans Iraq, 27–46. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003252719-3.

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Mojab, Shahrzad, et Budd Hall. « Education of a Non-State Nation : Reconstructing a University in the War Zone of Iraqi Kurdistan ». Dans Comparative Education, Terrorism and Human Security, 159–73. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403982391_11.

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Steiner, Frederick. « Nation, State, and Nation-State ». Dans Human Ecology, 125–42. Washington, DC : Island Press/Center for Resource Economics, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5822/978-1-61091-778-0_7.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Nation state in Iraq"

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Muhsin Hani Aljaburi, Zahr. « A culture of tolerance and peaceful coexistence in the Iraqi society Components and constraints ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/13.

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"Today, Iraq is experiencing a cycle of destabilization of trust among the people, because terrorist movements are trying to sow discord among Iraqi communities, strata and categories of society and hinder the construction of a new Iraq .Iraq believes in dialogue and recognition of the other. however, the construction of a new Iraq can only take place after there is a culture of tolerance and peaceful coexistence. The dissemination of concepts of humanity also has a direct role in striking the concepts of authoritarianism and exclusivity in the management of societies, especially Iraqi society. As autocracy disappears from society and begins to move towards democracy, it will need political, social, religious and cultural elites with good intentions who are keen to allay the fears expected of other parties in order to move from the stage of suspicion and suspicion to the stage of trust, tolerance and peaceful coexistence. Here we have the right to wonder: if social, religious and National Diversity has been an inescapable reality since time 3 immemorial , and if we are all willing to live together in a single civil state, what is the best way to achieve this? How can we ensure that the diamonds we suffered decades ago are not repeated and that a sense of reassurance and security is restored to all Iraqis without exception? How can we involve different citizens, regardless of their ethnic, national or sectarian differences, in managing our country's Affairs and enjoying its wealth fairly"
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Kakarash, Tareq, et Alnasir Doraid. « The Role of National Diversity in Political Reform A Comparative Study between the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the British Northern Ireland Region ». Dans REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp246-262.

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The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.
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Saeed, Kurdistan. « The impact of Political Parties Law no. 36 of 2015 on requlatinq political parties pluralism in Iraq ». Dans REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp48-60.

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This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.
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حسين عبد الجبوري, احمد. « Forced displacement from the outskirts of Kirkuk in 2014 challenges and hopes for return ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/9.

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"Introduction: Military and political crises and conflicts have been part of the reality of many countries of the world, which are witnessing political, economic, social, intellectual, cultural and sectarian changes that have made violence and terrorism an essential material for expressing the content of the conflict and its extensions, then turning to other societies. In mid-2014, Iraq was subjected to a fierce attack by the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) on the governorates of Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar, which led to the occupation of some of them by the organization's forces, and thus led to the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of people to the safe provinces. Stable, the extension of this crisis and its various effects made it a strategic challenge for Iraq that requires exceptional national efforts to achieve stability and ensure the return of the displaced to their areas of residence within a legal framework of a humanitarian nature. The problem of the study: The problem of the research lies in answering several questions that were raised in the study, which are what are the reasons that led to this forced migration and mass displacement, and what are the challenges facing the displaced and displaced in Kirkuk, and how to coexist amid the charged atmosphere in the city of Kirkuk, which is threatened by invasion from Before the forces of the organization, and how to reach solutions that satisfy all parties and end this crisis and ensure the dignified return of the displaced families to their homes after the liberation of the region and the restoration of security to it. Study hypothesis: The hypothesis that the researcher starts from in order to answer the questions raised by the problematic, confirmed or denied by the data of the study. Therefore, the absence of a unified national strategy that addresses the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement in Iraq in general and in Kirkuk in particular and responds to the requirements of their relief and return to their areas would reduce the The quality of the humanitarian response policy and achieve social justice befitting the life of the Iraqi citizen. The importance of the study: The importance of this research comes since the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement began in mid-2014, after ISIS took control of the northern and central regions of Iraq, the humanitarian emergency in Iraq became more severe, according to United Nations estimates, as the number of displaced people in Iraq exceeded Nearly three million displaced people, while more than eight million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and with the lack of funding by the United Nations, and the presence of the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government also under economic pressure as a result of the war on ISIS, the protection of human rights and the provision of assistance are at risk Also at great risk. Objectives of the study: 1- Getting to know the international evidence for the displaced. 2- The impact of the characteristics of the displaced in Kirkuk and the effects of the crisis. 3- Knowing the national efforts to curb the effects of the crisis. 4- Defining the general framework for the sustainable solutions required to ensure the success of return or resettlement cases. Study methodology: The study adopted the analytical method of an inductive nature based on reality, as a method in proving the hypothesis in order to reach the research objectives. Structure of the study: The study was divided into two sections. The first section included the challenges facing the displaced in Kirkuk, which included three main axes: first the political and security challenges, secondly the economic challenges, and thirdly the social challenges. The second topic dealt with the procedures used to deal with the crisis, which was divided into the situation The government from the crisis, the position of local associations and international organizations from the crisis, and finally the proposed solutions to end the crisis of forced displacement and displacement in Iraq in general and Kirkuk in particular. Results of the study: The study reached several results, including 1- The relief programs and the humanitarian response policy were unable to mitigate the economic, social and psychological impact of the displaced, which deepened the severity of the crisis and its repercussions. 2- Doubling the national and international effort is a necessity to limit the spillover effects of the crisis, provided that these efforts are linked and encapsulated by legal frameworks. 3- Returning to the liberated areas is among the most sustainable solutions. Therefore, the return of the displaced must be accompanied by achieving stability, providing services and security. Sources study: The sources of the study varied from the reports of the High Commission for Human Rights in Iraq, UNICEF, Amnesty International of the United Nations, and the reports of the International Organization for Migration and other organizations that used to issue their periodic reports and in numbers on the tragic conditions experienced by the Iraqi diaspora, including the book The Displacement Crisis in Safe Iraq. And protection issued by the Cisfire Center for Civilian Rights in London, the national report on human development in Iraq, the reports of the World Food Program, and other sources in the course of the study. "
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Saeed Ghafoor Ahmad, Kosar, et Amanj nasih qadir omer. « Prosecuting the perpetrators of the Camp Speicher crime according to Iraqi laws or the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/45.

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"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."
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Savitri, Karen. « The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria & ; the Worldwide Web : A Threat to the National Security of Indonesia ». Dans Proceedings of 3rd International Conference on Strategic and Global Studies, ICSGS 2019, 6-7 November 2019, Sari Pacific, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.6-11-2019.2297283.

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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. « The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.

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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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Hadi Abdulla Al-Lahaibi, Zakir, et Saeed Ali Muhammad Al-Obedi. « The impact of good governance indicators on the average per capita GDP in Iraq for the period 2004-2020 ». Dans 11th International Conference of Economic and Administrative Reform : Necessities and Challenges. University of Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicearnc/37.

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Iraq suffers from deteriorating economic conditions, and the spread of corruption in the joints of the state and its institutions, which indicates that the availability of capabilities and resources alone in any country is not capable of advancing the economic reality. Rather, it needs political will and rational economic management that establishes controls and laws to create a sound environment for the economy and the exploitation of its resources in a way Optimal, as the research assumed that the indicators of good governance exercise a direct significant effect on the average per capita GDP, and the research found, through the application of the co-integration test using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model (ARDL) to the presence of a direct significant effect of the indicators of good governance on Average per capita GDP, and the research recommended the need to diversify sources of income by adopting a strategy for economic diversification and creating various productive sectors that work to increase and diversify sources of national income, reduce dependence on the oil sector in the formation of GDP, and use the revenues gained from the oil sector in Creating economic development based on diversification and investing in other sectors Reliance on it to be a means to bring about economic diversification, and stimulate growth in other sectors such as agriculture, industry, trade and services, as well as mineral sectors such as gas, minerals and phosphates, which contribute to the production and diversification of more goods and services and increase the output and average per capita share.
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Hadi Abdulla Al-Lahaibi, Zakir, et Saeed Ali Muhammad Al-Obedi. « The impact of good governance indicators on the average per capita GDP in Iraq for the period 2004-2020 ». Dans 11th International Conference of Economic and Administrative Reform : Necessities and Challenges. University of Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/icearnc/37.

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Iraq suffers from deteriorating economic conditions, and the spread of corruption in the joints of the state and its institutions, which indicates that the availability of capabilities and resources alone in any country is not capable of advancing the economic reality. Rather, it needs political will and rational economic management that establishes controls and laws to create a sound environment for the economy and the exploitation of its resources in a way Optimal, as the research assumed that the indicators of good governance exercise a direct significant effect on the average per capita GDP, and the research found, through the application of the co-integration test using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model (ARDL) to the presence of a direct significant effect of the indicators of good governance on Average per capita GDP, and the research recommended the need to diversify sources of income by adopting a strategy for economic diversification and creating various productive sectors that work to increase and diversify sources of national income, reduce dependence on the oil sector in the formation of GDP, and use the revenues gained from the oil sector in Creating economic development based on diversification and investing in other sectors Reliance on it to be a means to bring about economic diversification, and stimulate growth in other sectors such as agriculture, industry, trade and services, as well as mineral sectors such as gas, minerals and phosphates, which contribute to the production and diversification of more goods and services and increase the output and average per capita share.
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Yang, Yinghui. « Nation-State and Chinese Practice ». Dans Proceedings of the 2019 2nd International Conference on Education, Economics and Social Science (ICEESS 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iceess-19.2019.8.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Nation state in Iraq"

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Burniske, Jessica, Dustin Lewis et Naz Modirzadeh. Suppressing Foreign Terrorist Fighters and Supporting Principled Humanitarian Action : A Provisional Framework for Analyzing State Practice. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, octobre 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/nrmd2833.

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In 2014, reports suggested that a surge of foreign jihadists were participating in armed conflicts in Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere. The United Nations Security Council responded by imposing in Resolution 2178 (2014) an array of obligations on member states to counter the threat posed by “foreign terrorist fighters” (FTFs). In the intervening year, those states have taken a range of actions — though at various speeds and with varying levels of commitment — to implement the FTF obligations imposed by the Council. Meanwhile, many states continue to fund and otherwise throw their support behind life-saving humanitarian relief for civilians in armed conflicts around the world — including conflicts involving terrorists. Yet, in recent years, members of the humanitarian community have been increasingly aware of the real, perceived, and potential impacts of counterterrorism laws on humanitarian action. Part of their interest stems from the fact that certain counterterrorism laws may, intentionally or unintentionally, adversely affect principled humanitarian action, especially in regions where terrorist groups control territory (and thus access to civilians, too). The effects of these laws may be widespread — ranging from heightened due diligence requirements on humanitarian organizations to restrictions on travel, from greater government scrutiny of national and regional staff of humanitarian organizations to decreased access to financial services and funding. Against that backdrop, this briefing report has two aims: first, to provide a primer on the most salient issues at the intersection of counterterrorism measures and humanitarian aid and assistance, with a focus on the ascendant FTF framing. And second, to put forward, for critical feedback and assessment, a provisional methodology for evaluating the following question: is it feasible to subject two key contemporary wartime concerns — the fight against FTFs and supporting humanitarian aid and assistance for civilians in terrorist-controlled territories — to meaningful empirical analysis?
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Jenkins, Darrell L. Phase Four : Applying History's Successful Nation Building Lessons in Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mars 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada469093.

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Ballard, John R. Multinational Force and Host-Nation Administration in Wartime Iraq : An Inter-Ministerial Approach. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juin 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada463733.

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Petery, Jody L. Iraq 2011 - An End State Worth the Cost ? Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mars 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada498807.

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Giuliano, Paola, et Nathan Nunn. The Transmission of Democracy : From the Village to the Nation-State. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, janvier 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18722.

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Warren, David R., Arthur Granger, W. D. Haigler et Nancee Needham. Department of State Contract to Study the Iraq Reconstruction Management System. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, janvier 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada545428.

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Bole, Bruce. Finding the Right Measures of Effectiveness for Rebuilding the State of Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mai 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada463246.

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Boesten, Jan. Violence and Democracy in Colombia The Conviviality of Citizenship Defects in Colombia’s Nation-State. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/boesten.2021.33.

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This essay aims to utilize the concept of conviviality for connecting the coexistence of seemingly contradictory phenomena in Colombia. It argues that while conviviality implies a normative content – a society in which members do not slaughter each other is better than one in which members resort to violence – the meekness of that normative claim suggests that it is better used as an analytical tool that seeks to connect the contradictions that coexist in the real lifeworld. Colombia’s history of violence and democracy is such a contradictory case. Comparativists have situated Colombia’s deficits on the “extra-institutional playing field”, lamenting that it is a “besieged” or “threatened democracy”. Conviviality helps us to specify these “extra-institutional” defects by suggesting impediments exogenous and endogenous to the state-building logic of the Colombian nation-state.
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Gaston, Erica, Andras Derzsi-Horvath, Christine van den Toorn et Sarah Mathieu-Comtois. Backgrounder : Literature Review of Local, Regional or Sub-State Defense Forces in Iraq. American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, janvier 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_iris_2017_01_01.

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Gaston, Erica, et András Derzsi-Horváth. Iraq after ISIL : An Analysis of Local, Hybrid, and Sub-State Security Forces. Institute of Regional and International Studies, août 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_iris_2017_08_21.

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